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ngos
1.
Electronic Publications from
the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ The Changing Orientation and Practice of Northern NGOs: Implications for African Development Chrispin Radoka Matenga Development Studies Department, University of Zambia P.O Box 32379, Lusaka. E-mail: mmatenga @yahoo.com Paper presented at the Southern African Universities Social Science Conference (SAUSSC) 22nd Biannual Conference, “Debt Relief Initiatives and Poverty Alleviation: Lessons from Africa”, 1 - 5 December, 2001, Windhoek, Namibia. © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
2.
Electronic Publications from
the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ Introduction Although the history of NGOs goes back to the 1940s, it is largely since the 1980s that they began receiving a high profile as development role-players offering an alternative development approach to poverty alleviation and long-term sustainable development to poor communities in developing countries (Drabek: 1987). The present emphasis on the development role of NGOs is firstly related to the difficulties experienced by government development interventions in rural and peri-urban areas in initiation of income generation activities and provision of services such as health, water and sanitation. There are also perceived problems with large, donor funded rural development projects, which are said to lack the desired level of ‘participation’ of the intended beneficiaries (Dennis: 1994). More recently, the institution of structural adjustment programmes in many developing countries has contributed to the emphasis on NGOs. The effect of structural adjustment programmes on particular social groups has led to the identification and growing involvement of NGOs in the development process on the understanding that the latter contribute to social requirements of structural adjustment programmes because it is believed they have the qualities to deliver services effectively and have greater ability to target the poor or the vulnerable groups (Fowler: 1991). Another significant factor that has catalysed the expansion of NGO involvement in development is the anti-state intervention nature of structural adjustment policy measures whereby governments of developing countries are forced to withdraw from some socio-economic spheres of involvement due to governmental budget constraints, and the ideological views that development programmes should not be totally controlled by donor and recipient governmental agencies (Schneider: 1998). The greater role of, and support for NGOs in the developing countries is also largely due to their own capacity in contrast with the limitations of the now discredited official agencies. NGOs have a comparative advantage over governments and official aid agencies. Their interventions are largely as a result of requests for collaboration with communities, thereby making development a community-based activity and getting the community to define their needs and empowering them to achieve these. Since their interventions are usually on a small scale it is also possible to adapt them to the requirements of communities (Fowler: 1988). This flexibility, such as the ability to change in the light of changing circumstances or community needs, the ability to involve beneficiary participation, and their relative cost- effectiveness have made NGOs an attractive alternative to donors who perceive them as effective instruments of development. Since the 1980 decade, there has been a considerable growth in numbers and influence of NGOs, particularly northern NGOs engaged in poverty-alleviation and development in Africa (Riddell, 1992, 17). The worldwide growth in numbers, influence and importance of these NGOs in the 1980s led one author, Alan Fowler, to suggest that the 1980s be termed the 'development decade of NGOs' (Fowler, 1988, 1). Obviously, the entrance by NGOs into the development debate and practice is as a result of a particular development approach demonstrated by their activities. In their more traditional activities i.e. emergency relief and welfare, it is said that NGOs demonstrated their value in their capacity to respond rapidly, 1 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
3.
Electronic Publications from
the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ flexibly and efficiently to emergency relief needs. It is generally assumed that NGOs respond quickly because they are perceived to be unencumbered by bureaucratic formalities that characterise official agencies (Robinson: 1991: 171-72; Browne: 1990: 84). Thus, as NGOs move from relief and welfare activities to long-term development, they are said to be able to demonstrate the same approach. As a result of their successes (actual or claimed) in development activities and their placement at the grassroots, it is claimed that they are able to respond to the needs of the poor. Because of the comparative advantages NGOs are thought to have, some individuals and institutions began advocating that more development aid be channelled through NGOs. Instrumental in this direction has been the World Bank since the early 1980s (Hellinger: 1987: 136). Individuals like Desmond McNeill, for example, writing more than two decades ago alleged that NGOs: "offer the opportunity of alleviating the problem of absorptive capacity which is the most serious in the poorest countries" (McNeill: 1981: 94). Goran Hyden, one of the most ardent early advocates for greater NGO role (Hyden: 1983: 186) had this to say: The advantage that NGOs have, is that they can help to warm up the funds, thus giving it a final temperature that is likely to ensure greater success than if passed through the cold governmental channels (italics mine). Northern NGOs are believed to be the fifth largest donor when their resources are considered collectively (ActionAid/ICVA/EUROSTEP/: 1994:21). NGOs are also now participating in implementing official donor programmes/projects (Clark: 1991) in most African countries because they are thought to embody an approach that makes it easier to deliver community development programmes that the large-scale bureaucratic donor official agencies cannot easily handle. Northern NGOs, particularly those concerned with poverty alleviation and development in the Third World, conduct their operations in a number of ways. These organisations undertake their activities in developing countries either directly or indirectly. Direct intervention involves the actual execution of a development activity in the South by the Northern NGO. Examples of those agencies involved directly are CARE, World Vision and Plan International in the USA, and ActionAid, and Save the Children Fund in the U.K. Other organisations involved indirectly in the South do so by assisting in funding local organisations often referred to as 'partner organisations' (UNDP, op.cit., 88-89; Fowler, 1991b, 10). Christian Aid, CAFOD and SCIAF are just a few such examples. It is also common, however, to find organisations that do not maintain a strict demarcation between the two methods. These often involve a mix of both methods. A notable example of such organisations is OXFAM (UK), which is, however, moving in the direction of shedding its direct involvement in the South. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role performed by Northern NGOs in sub- saharan Africa in the context of emerging wider international trends. A critical analysis of the 2 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
4.
Electronic Publications from
the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ implications for these NGOs' orientation and practice is presented. This study is largely a literature review. This paper is divided into four sections. This section is an introduction. Section two examines the magnitude of the resources they disburse to the South. In this section, particular attention is drawn to the magnitude of the financial resources channelled to Africa. Section three analyses the wider international trends and shows how the evolving relationship between official donors and Northern NGOs are influencing the orientation and practice of these agencies. This section is divided into two parts. The first one looks at trends in increasing official donor resources to the NGO sector and the implications. The second part examines the emergence of a donor/NGO two-tier welfare system as a Northern policy towards Africa. It is argued in this section that Northern NGOs are now taking a public service contracting role on behalf of official donors both bilateral and multilateral. The section concludes that these organisations are are more or less replacing the African state, as they become the main providers of essential social services. Section four is a conclusion. The section draws on the findings and makes recommendations. How Much Do They Give? Owing to the significance and authority Northern NGOs have gained in the development debate and practice, it is pertinent to find out how much financial resources they command and disburse to the South. Figures on exactly how much these organisations transfer to the South are not precise. This difficulty is largely because there exists no up-to-date inventory of these agencies. Further, the amount they transfer to the South is not at all static as it is often increasing. John Clark states that in 1989 Northern NGOs transferred $6.4 billion to the South accounting for about 12 percent of the entire Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development - Development Assistance Committee (OECD DAC) aid inclusive of both public and private (Clark, 1991, 47). On the other hand, it is indicated in the report by an independent group of NGOs The reality of Aid that Northern NGOs in 1991 transferred $5.2 billion and accounts for 13 percent of official Western aid which stand at $60 billion (ActionAid/ICVA/EUROSTEP, 1994, 2, 21). Similarly, the Human Development Report puts the figure at $7.2 billion as the amount transferred to the South in 1991. Further, ActionAid's report already referred to above states that other estimates put the figure on the amount currently transferred by Northern NGOs at between $9 and $10 billion. With all the differences in figures provided in the literature, it is therefore safe to state that, collectively, Northern NGOs channel at least above $5 billion to the Third World countries annually accounting to between 2.5 and 3 percent of total resource flows to the developing countries. In monetary terms NGOs have obviously expanded substantially in recent years. When private and government contributions are put together, Northern NGO transfers to the South have increased from just $1 billion in 1970 to about $7 billion in 1990 (UNDP: op.cit.: 88). Nonetheless, the rapid increase in the amount handled by these agencies is not necessarily a result of growth in Northern donor publics' donations, but is due to increased official funding to them (Clark: op.cit: 47). 3 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ In order to provide a clear picture on the amounts handled as well as transferred by Northern NGOs to the South, we provide a few individual case examples. Oxfam (UK), now Britain's largest overseas aid charity, in 1981-82 financial year had income of £16.2 million (Whitaker: 1983: 40). This figure rose to £48 million in the financial 1985-86 (Oxfam:1986: 2). During the financial year 1992-93, the agency handled a record sum of £78.9 million (Oxfam: 1992-93a: 16). Oxfam operates in more than 70 countries around the globe mostly but not only in the Third World. Of the £78.9 million income handled by the agency in the financial year 1992-93, Oxfam disbursed just over £48 million to its overseas programme (Oxfam: 1992-93b: 2). Africa was the main beneficiary of all the regions of the Third World. The region alone received £24.5 million just over half Oxfam's total overseas disbursement for that financial year. This larger share of grants to Africa is a testimony of the scale of poverty and human suffering in that part of the Third World because of the conflict and civil wars, drought, famine, and economic deterioration and the impact of IMF and World Bank Structural adjustment programmes. Oxfam diverted £10.4 million out the total £24.5 million transferred to the region during that financial year towards emergency relief (ibid.). In its Annual Review 1992-93 ActionAid states that it raised total income of £32.9 million for the financial year 1992. Just over £23 million of that amount was transferred to ActionAid's overseas programmes in 19 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America (ActionAid, 1992-93). There are several scores of other much smaller Northern NGOs, which also transfer development aid to the South. The Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund (SCIAF) is one such example. In 1993, SCIAF handled a total income of £2.1 million. About £1.5 million of that amount was channelled towards the agency's overseas support for long-term development and emergency activities (SCIAF: 1993). Similar to Oxfam's disbursements to overseas programmes in 1993, Africa received £880,000, more than 50 percent of SCIAF's total overseas disbursements for the year 1993. SCIAF also attributes this lion's share for Africa to the scale of poverty and suffering due to drought, civil wars, and the social impact of IMF and the World Bank structural adjustment programmes imposed on many countries (ibid.). Having illustrated with a few examlpes the overall and individual quantities of funds disbursed by Northern NGOs, the question that now begs an answer is: how significant are these transfers to the South? Perceptions about the significance in terms of quantities and impact of the NGO aid transfers vary. In quantitative terms, even though total NGO aid transfers to the South are dwarfed by official development assistance (official western aid stands at over $60 billion per annum), as already pointed out, collectively, they constitute the fifth largest donor (italics mine) above all donors except the United States, Japan, France and Germany (ActionAid et al: 1994: 21; Clark: op.cit: 45-47). When viewed from the quantitative viewpoint, then few would deny the fact that these NGOs transfer quite substantial amounts of funds to the South. Other commentators, however, hold contrary views. For example, Paul Mosley (1987) argues that despite their alleged advantages, the amount NGOs currently transfer (about 3 percent of the total resource flows to the South) is insignificant in scale. Accordingly, Mosley 4 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ (1987: 6) sees little prospect in these agencies handling larger resources since, according to him, NGOs do not have the capacity to handle resources of the magnitude of official aid flows. But is it only the magnitude of funds that counts? Ben Whitaker (1983) does not believe so. He argues that the budgets of NGOs individually or collectively may seem small given the scale of world poverty, but the impact of the ideas of such organisations is what matters. Whitaker maintains that NGOs play a vital role in pioneering innovative methods that larger official agencies quickly copy. Not only that, NGOs give quick and flexible assistance to many communities, which they would not have hoped to get anywhere. Whitaker (ibid) further argues that: Several million people feel the effects of voluntary organisations like Oxfam. Besides those who benefit directly from their programmes...the work does something to alter the nature of society...in the relations between nations... In the 1980s it is estimated that the number of people assisted in the developing countries by Northern NGO aid transfers in the South was 100 million, distributed as follows: 60 million in Asia, 25 million in Latin America and 12 million in Africa (UNDP, op.cit.: 6; Clark, op.cit: 51). Taking into account that NGOs are scaling-up their activities in part due to increasing official funding, it was visualised that about 250 million around the Third World were assisted. Authors of the Human Development Report 1993, however, stated that even though 250 million were currently reached by NGO transfers, that figure only represent a fifth of the 1.3 billion people living in poverty in the Third world. Northern NGOs: emerging wider international trends Since the 1980s, the neo-liberal economic ideology of adjustment and the emphasis on the need to promote enterprise has dominated the Third World (Fowler: 1991b, op.cit.: 5). This also coincided with the end of the cold war when the Eastern bloc collapsed in the later part of the 1980s and early 1990s. The emergence of the ‘new world order’ in which the market and private organisations are expected to play a greater role in economic activities has led to significant increase of official aid to the NGO sector. In this system, NGOs represent a new private sector initiative in which governments are being removed from certain spheres of involvement while at the same time NGOs are getting official funds to fill in the gaps (Twose: 1987: 9). These trends and the effects thereof, take on a special dimension in sub-Saharan African countries. Because of the scale of poverty and the economic decline, many African countries have been prodded to institute neo-liberal economic reforms by the IMF and World Bank institutions and also the international donor community as a condition to receiving more development aid in order to achieve stabilisation. The effect of the new wisdom of structural adjustment on particular social groups has led to the identification and involvement of NGOs on the understanding that the latter contribute to the social requirements of SAPs. It is believed these organisations have the qualities to deliver effectively services and have greater 5 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ ability to target the poor or the vulnerable groups (Fowler: 1991a, op.cit.: 56). At the same time, the scale of emergency requirements in Africa due to the numerous and recurrent disasters of drought, famine and war has led to the interventions of relief and rehabilitation efforts in which Northern NGOs are playing a major part (ActionAid et.al: op.cit: 13). Northern intervention in Africa through SAP-type system and emergency relief has resulted in the emergence of what Mark Duffield (1992, op.cit: 140) has called donor/NGO two-tier system of public welfare. The Northern NGO role in development programmes in this system does affect the state in Africa. Trends in increased official funding for NGOs In section three we discussed the magnitude of funds Northern NGOs handle and expend in the Third World. We noted that the amounts these NGOs disbur se have increased substantially since 1970, from a figure of $1 billion to over $7 billion in the 1990s. It was also pointed out that the increase in NGO funds comes about, principally, because of increasing funding from their governments. It is this trend and its implications that this paper examines in this section. The rate of growth of official aid to NGOs has far outstripped the rate of growth of the official development assistance (ODA) itself (Fowler: 1992, op.cit : 15). From 1975 - 85, official aid of member countries of the OECD's DAC to NGOs is said to have increased by 1400 percent (Fowler: 1991a: op.cit: 55). It is also indicated in the Human Development Report 1993 that from 1970-1990 government funds channelled through Northern NGOs increased from $200 million to $2.2 billion (UNDP: op.cit: 88). However, it is important to note that different donor governments have different policies towards funding NGOs. So do their agendas differ too. Some donor governments commit substantial sums of funds to NGOs in their countries while others extend only a small percentage of their aid budgets to these agencies. For example, the US known to be the largest NGO funder with its total disbursements to US-based NGOs accounting for almost half of the total official funding of the NGO sector. The actual cash contributions to projects submitted by NGOs is, however, believed to be relatively small while the bulk of this aid is in form of food aid and NGOs playing a subcontracting role within that country's own aid programme (Clark: op.cit.: 47-49). In the financial year 1993 for example, US based NGOs implemented projects in developing countries that accounted for 16 percent of US's official bilateral aid (ActionAid et.al: op.cit.: 126). Britain's official aid to NGOs in 1980 stood at 2.8 percent and rose to 4.1 percent in 1988. Belgium's NGOs are 88.7 percent funded by their government. In Ireland on the other hand, NGOs' dependence on official funds is said to be only 1.4 percent (Fowler: 1992: op.cit.: 15). It i also important that we look at individual examples of NGO official aid receipts. Oxfam s for example has more than doubled receipts from official sources during 1985-1993. In 1985, official contribution to Oxfam from the British government and the EC amounted to £5.5 million out of a total income of £51.1 million. In 1993, official contribution rose to £13.1 million out of a total income of £78.9 million (Oxfam, 1986, 4; Oxfam, 1992-93c, 6). ActionAid in 1992 received £5.9 million from the British government and other official 6 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ sources out of an income of £32 million (ActionAid, 1992-93, op.cit.). Similar trends are discernible from many other NGOs. Donor governments channel official funds to Northern NGOs through a number of methods. The most common method is the various versions of co-financing schemes in which the government and the NGO contribute in a ratio of 50:50 towards an NGO proposed project (ODA: 1990: 48; Mustard: op.cit: 115-16). Other methods include direct funding . An example are the bilateral contracts involving Canadian NGOs and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) (Brodhead, Herbert-Copley, and Lambert: 1988: 57). It is common for donor direct funding to NGOs during emergencies. It has also become common, particularly in the US, for NGOs to participate in implementing official bilateral aid programmes (Clark, op.cit.: 49). The British government through its official aid agency Department for International Develpoment (DFID) formerly the Overseas Development Administration (ODA) has been contemplating to increase collaboration with NGOs in the implementation of DFID aid programme (Fowler: 1992: 16). Rising from a marginal situation just over two decades ago, NGOs have taken the centre stage on the development arena. Some NGOs and their supporters have argued that it is necessary to keep abreast with the changing needs of the time if they were to effectively contribute to development. The development approaches followed by many NGOs have generally been taken as workable and appreciated by governments and conventional development agencies. Therefore, NGOs are being urged to assume a wider role by linking up with official structures in order to make a wider impact and also not to remain marginalised. In that vein, official funding to the NGO sector has greatly increased as noted above. Further, NGOs have been co-opted into official donor programmes in which they implement particular components of the projects. These trends have brought both opportunities and problems for the sector. To understand the balance between the opportunities and the problems that may arise or have already arisen depends on one's interpretation of what opportunities and problems are, in the first instance. The opportunities that arise out of these trends, according to Heijden (1987: 104) are: ...the possibility for NGOs to make a more significant contribution to development and poverty alleviation in the Third World through the enlarged availability of de- velopment resources. The degree to which this resource increase can be regarded as a significant contribution to development and poverty alleviation is, however, debatable. First and foremost, the raison d'être of NGOs is poverty alleviation, and it is hoped, the eventual elimination of poverty in developing countries. The focus of NGO aid is, thus, on the poor sections of societies. There are some incompatibilities with poverty alleviation objective of NGOs that arise out of these organisations’ reliance on official funds and their participation in official programmes. Whereas the concern of NGOs is with broad objectives such as social and political mobilisation that empower the poor (UNDP: op.cit.: 83), donor governments are concerned with concrete programmes that have identifiable socio -economic benefits. These 7 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ projects/programme are, nonetheless, the type found within the conventional development model that NGOs desire to offer an alternative to. As Charles Elliott (op.cit., 59) observes: ...the greater the dependence of Northern NGOs on government funding through co-financing, the greater institutional weight is likely to be given to modernisation- type projects- and the more difficult the organisation is likely to find the rest of the spectrum. Alan Fowler, notes that most community-oriented projects in Africa funded by the World Bank as well as bilateral aid agencies emphasise modernisation-type projects such as primary (preventive) health care, family planning, credit etc. (Fowler, 1991a, op.cit., 70). It is observed that in such a scenerio, NGOs are steered away from activities of social and political mobilisation of the poor towards activities of service delivery (Fowler, ibid; Robinson: 1991: 169). It is also argued that these modernisation-type projects whose concern is with economic material improvement do benefit not so much the very poor but the relatively wealthier elements of the Third World communities (Clark: op.cit.: 49). Increased availability of official resources to NGOs has also encouraged the proliferation of a kind of NGO that is 'supply-driven' i.e. created in response to greater and easier availability of official funding (Robinson: op.cit.: 166). These emerging NGOs, which are created in response to little more than the opportunity to pursue the available resources, have a questionable agenda and integrity. Since they largely depend on funds from official sources, their programmes do not conform to the needs of the poor as they mainly subscribe to the interests of the donors. Further, greater competition for funds among these NGOs has arisen thereby encouraging secrecy and even hostilities instead of co-operation. It is correct to argue, therefore, that these 'supply-driven' NGOs are eroding the reputation of the NGO sector (Fowler: 1991b: 9; Clark: op.cit.: 64). Generally NGOs are regarded as small-scale operators, which allows them to be flexible. As they grow in size, due to handling of more funds made possible by official donors, there is a risk of NGOs becoming more bureaucratic and rigid- the characteristics they once criticised in governments and other official agencies. While individual projects may remain relatively small-scale, however, the sizes of the budgets of some larger NGOs are comparable with those of certain bilateral aid donors. As Clark (ibid, 50-51) instructively notes: ...aid from Catholic Relief Services (of USA) was $439 M in 1985 compared with $426 M of Belgian government aid), that of CARE was $274 M (compared with Austria's $258 M], and in 1989 the budget for Oxfam (UK) was $119 M, higher than that of the New Zealand government's aid budget ($104 M). 8 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ As NGOs grow in size partly as a result of increased availability of official funds, they are moving towards the use of conventional management procedures thereby developing the same bureaucratic characteristics (UNDP, op.cit., 90) found in official structures. An increase in official funding through NGOs has provoked an interest in greater accountability of spending public funds from the taxpayer. Thus, NGOs are increasingly becoming subject to same financial controls and reporting requirements of official donors. A demand made on NGOs for accountability naturally distances them from their main constituency towards institutional donors (Edwards: 1994: 120; Heidjen: op.cit.: 106). Another problem that arise from greater NGO reliance on official funds is the tying of aid to projects. The project mode of funding is bemoaned on grounds that it inhibits participation, an essential tenet for the realisation of sustainable development. It is argued that the project mode of intervention treats participation by beneficiaries as a mere cost-reduction input (Fowler, 1992, op.cit., 17). Since there is a propensity for NGOs to satisfy donor requirements, there is a danger that NGOs will take a 'top-down' approach to development projects thereby denying the beneficiaries effective participation. For example, John de Coninck's Ugandan study of poverty alleviation projects implemented or funded by Northern NGOs found that although NGOs attached importance to beneficiary participation in the implementation of activities, in practice, however, the opposite was the case. He (De Coninck, 1992, 111) observes that: Accountability to donors is in practice often of greater importance than accountab- ility to beneficiaries often because of the need to continue to increase the flow of funds In addition to the problems of increased official funding of NGOs is the tendency of identifying official aid with government foreign policy and economic interest (Heidjen, op.cit., 106). The case of the US is instructive on this point. The US government through its official aid agency, USAID, has put in place collaborative mechanisms between itself and many large US based NGOs in which NGOs are more or less enhancing the US's foreign and economic policy and official aid objectives (Clark, op.cit., 49). Donor/NGO system The paper has earlier alluded to the prevalence of SAPs and relief needs in sub-Saharan Africa. This section carries the discussion further by arguing that the North's large-scale aid intervention in Africa since the 1980s has coalesced into the North's regional policy for the sub-region (Duffield: 1993). Mark Duffield, through his study of the North's intervention in Africa and especially in the conflict prone areas, has formulated a theory of the former's internationalisation of public welfare. This theory is referred to as the 'two-tier system of public welfare'. Northern NGOs play a major role in this system. The participation of NGOs in this system has transformed these agencies from autonomous organisations striving to bring a 'new vision' of development, into public service contractors (PSCs). PSCs are 9 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ market driven non-government and non-profit organisations that serve public purposes and mainly implement components of official aid programmes. Brett (1993) maintains that a number of concerns arise out of this public service contracting role many NGOs are now performing. It is felt that Northern NGOs cannot properly identify local needs and that their direct 'developmental' interventions often marginalizes the local state. Duffield traces the development of the two-tier welfare system that has now been globalised, in the neo-liberal restructuring of the welfare state in the North. According to him, the system is composed of a dualistic pattern of provision of welfare services in which the economically active segment of the population must seek welfare services in the market place, while the remaining section of population often so-called underclass receive their due by way of a 'safety net' put in place through contractual relations between local authorities and voluntary agencies (Duffield: 1992: 147). With the ascendancy of the neo-liberal ideology of SAPs and the related market reform policies, and the prevalence of emergency relief needs due to the high incidence of drought, famine and political conflict, a similar safety net system has emerged in Africa. The welfare system is being provided in form of contractual or project agreements linking international donors and NGOs. According to Duffield (1993), the safety net system in Africa is divided into compensatory or development programmes, and targeted relief activities. In this system, NGOs act as implementing agents for the donor, be it bilateral or multilateral. We have already mentioned elsewhere in this paper how far this system has developed in the case of USA between USAID and US NGOs. Another example that clearly illustrates this Donor/NGO system is the contractual relations that exist between Canadian NGOs and the official aid agency for Canada, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). CIDA and Canadian NGOs are involved in two main types of funding relationships in which the latter is contracted to implement projects for the former. One is what is termed 'bilateral contracts'. This involves a competitive bidding process in which NGOs compete among themselves as well as with the private commercial firms for projects/programmes to be implemented on behalf of the CIDA in developing countries (Brodhead, Herbert-Copley and Lambert: 1988). Unlike other bilateral funding mechanisms to NGOs, bilateral contracts requires no 'dollor-for-dollor' i.e. matching grant, but the project/programme is 100 percent financed by CIDA. Accordingly, CIDA sets all the programme priorities (ibid.). Another type of funding arrangement for contracts between CIDA and Canadian NGOs is what is known as the 'Country Focus Funding’, which began in 1981. This system, according to Brodhead et al (1988: 59), was specifically designed "to offset the limitations of the typically large-scale, capital-intensive bilateral projects directly administered by CIDA". Generally, the contractual role NGOs have come to play is criticised on grounds that it diverts these agencies from pursuing development goals as they strive to meet and satisfy donor priorities. Brodhead et al (1988: 62-63), however, argue that in the case for Contractual relationships between CIDA and Canadian NGOs, their study found, to the contrary, no evidence, particularly for the country focus funding contracts pointing to alteration of NGO priorities. They argue that in fact NGOs presented their own projects for 10 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ funding. It is, however, difficult to generalise the same for other such Donor/NGO contractual relationships. From the foregoing analysis, therefore, NGOs could be regarded as simply implementers of donor policy. The globalisation of social welfare, through public service contracting, a feature of international aid in Africa, according to Fowler (1992, op.cit., 26), will continue to be allocated by the northern donors through institutions they see fit to be able to best deliver, in this case- the Northern NGOs. While African government structures may, and often are involved in the safety net or project agreements, they only play a symbolic or 'sleeping partner' role. Therefore, because of their financial clout and power of implementation, foreign agencies retain a significant measure of influence on development priorities in Africa (Duffield: op.cit: 141) giving outsiders power over the lives of the African people. There are a number of concerns about this donor/NGO welfare system. Generally, NGOs claim to represent an alternative radical approach to development that aim to empower the poor of the South. However, the neo-liberal logic of the donor-led welfare system, requires the provision of a minimalist welfare (Duffield: 1992: 149) through careful targeting. This targeting for minimum welfare provision serves no development purpose at all. Such schemes as 'food-for-work' where poor are made to dig trenches or make small rural roads and bridges (often washed away during the rains due to lack of technical backing) or programmes for the prevention of malnutrition do not uplift the living standards of these poeple. Some NGOs are now beginning to realise the incompatibilities of the donor/NGO system. In one report by Northern NGOs (ActionAid et.al, op.cit., 13) it is indicated thus: More and more, NGOs are being called upon to play a critical part in implementing relief programmes in areas of instability. They are also heavily involved in the aftermath of war and disaster, helping families and communities rebuild their lives. Many are concerned that increasing provision for humanitarian relief is being found from aid budgets to the detriment of long-term development programmes. These concerns, however, are not only with diverting development aid budgets to welfare safety-nets, but NGOs' increasing participation in the donor funded programmes/projects also takes much of their time and energy to the detriment of their long-term development efforts. Similarly, an international forum of NGOs held in Washington which included African NGOs some years ago (quoted in the Review of African Political Economy 1992, op.cit., 6-7) commented that: ...NGOs were being called on to help implement social programmes - 'but who decides what kind of programmes these will be '? Participants agreed that they had no role in decision-making either on the adjustment process or on these 11 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ social programmes....that government promises for aid for the very poor people were pure politics: 'this is a method to forestall and weaken opposition, not a sign of intent to provide real assistance. Further, the donor/NGO system presents another problem vis-à-vis Africans States. The system has been imposed unilaterally without negotiation with any African government (Duffield, 1992, op.cit., 150). As the system involves donor shift from channelling funds through governments towards NGOs, roles previously played by governments are now being taken over by NGOs. Rossiter and Palmer (1990, 48) through their field experience in Southern Africa as Oxfam employees observed that both Northern NGOs and Northern government agencies were now performing a neo-colonial role "taking over whole districts, or sections of once functioning government ministries especially in health and social services". This process is enhanced as SAPs take their toll. Instead of working through normal governmental structures Northern NGOs and official agencies are creating parallel institutional structures in service delivery because governments are viewed as lacking the required approach, skills and resources. There is also a growing tendency by these foreign agencies to rob the public service of vital personnel whom they pay handsomely to implement their projects (Lele and Adu-Nyako: 1991: 14). This tendency already can be observed and is growing considerably in Mozambique (Hanlon: 1991) and Uganda (De Coninck: 1992). One justification for most foreign agency intervention in Africa is the claim that there is lack of skilled personnel and, therefore, of absorptive capacity for development aid. Yet these agencies use the same local personnel for their projects simply because they pay well. The assumption that African governments or public service are starved of skilled personnel is misplaced and should, therefore, not be used as justification for Northern agencies whether governmental or non-governmental to operate through parallel structures to those of the state. Bypassing government, contradicts the very general policy of extending assistance on the terms of the recipient countries. Further, the policy defeats the overriding aid objective of institution building for sustainable development, which must include making the governmental bureaucracy work better for the people (Tostensen and Scott: 1987: 201). The proliferation of project mode of development has, thus, reduced the role of the government in economic planning to little more than an exercise in co-ordinating the diverse project interventions of the growing community of official donors and NGOs (Morss: 1984: 465-70). This has also increased administrative burdens on already strained civil service. Tonstensen and Scott (op.cit.) thus questions "whether NGO activities are warranted, economically and otherwise in relation to their results". Conclusion It was the objective of the study to examine the changing role of Northern NGOs within a wider perspective. We paid particular attention to how the evolving international trends are 12 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ influencing and changing their role. The paper claimed that the role these NGOs are now performing is incompatible with development or the eradication of poverty in Africa. Despite the perceived comparative advantages of NGOs, the changing socio-economic, cultural, and political world is slowly reshaping (whether by design or otherwise) the manner of operation of these agencies. It is within this emerging 'new world order' that the role of NGO activities in Africa ought to be reconsidered. While NGOs continue to play an important role in development activities in many African societies it must be realised that they cannot be substitutes for African states. The paper does not suggested here that NGOs are consciously engaging in a worked out conspiracy to subvert African states. Rather, as noted in the editorial of the Review of African Political Economy (1992, No.55: 3-7): "...the stated or implicit aims of NGOs are likely to be less determinant of their actual role than changes in the global political economic context". Thus, whereas NGOs' original ideal was to present a radical alternative approach to development, they are finding their role, in the emerging world order, paradoxically, as being that of agents furthering the interests of the world capitalist agenda. Emerging trends influenced by changes in the international capitalist system have reshaped Northern NGOs’ orientation and practice with the result that their original worthy agenda has been usurped, and they are now used more or less as agents to further the interest of the international capitalist system. In as far as NGOs are diverting from their social mission, they can largely be viewed as becoming irrelevant vis-à-vis authentic development. Therefore, the promotion of Northern NGOs to take a predominant responsibility in development is ill conceived and grossly undermines long-term prospects for national capacity to manage African development. While it is difficult to come to firmly establish what specific effects the wider international trends have had on the orientation and practice of these agencies, the paper rather makes a speculative assessment on what is perceived as the negative impact of these trends on NGOs' role as well as the effects on the host governments. The impact of the wider international trends - has not been empirically researched although the trends obtaining through the literature reviewed seem to support the assertions made. The paper noted a trend in global increase in NGO financial resources. Today a good number of Northern NGOs are now managing multi-million budgets. While generally NGOs have had at least 70 percent of their budgets raised from private donations, a significant proportion of their income is now coming from official donors both bilateral and multilateral. It was observed that over the years, official resources disbursed through NGOs has far outstripped the increase in official development assistance. It was also argued that NGOs have been co-opted into official donor programmes. It was argued that an increase in official resources to NGOs and the increase in collaboration in official donor programmes are turning NGOs into public service contractors. This has changed the nature of their orientation and practice. Generally speaking, NGOs, at least those concerned with poverty alleviation and suffering and to promotion of development are considered to be value-driven and often their mission is to offer an 13 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ alternative development approach to the conventional development approach. However, as public service contractors, they have become instruments for the imposition of western paradigms on Africa, which are incompatible with poverty alleviation or development. NGOs have now lost track of the empowerment approach to development, as they now become implementers of donor modernisation projects/programmes that emphasise only identifiable socio-economic benefits. Modernisation projects as is already known do not lend themselves to beneficiary participation, although this is one of the central tenets of NGOs. Issues of accountability in such projects become predominant and, therefore, NGOs become concerned with satisfying donor requirements rather than beneficiary community. We also hypothesised that the internationalisation of public welfare has emerged as a Northern donor policy towards Africa. This policy seem to have arisen due to the high incidence of the numerous reform programmes imposed by the IMF and the World Bank and supported by major donor governments, as well as the numerous disasters sweeping across the sub-region. Thus, NGOs have been identified by donors and placed at the distributional end of social services in African countries because they have been considered to be an efficient mechanism of delivery than state structures. The shift away from public sector in favour of NGOs has brought some concerns that it is encouraging institutional destruction of the state structures. Because of the need to push through with the reform policies, donors have placed NGOs to take the responsibility of social sector management. Aid recipient governments are prodded by donors to create alternative poverty-alleviation mechanisms (Sollis: 1992: 168). In Africa such mechanisms are essentially operated by NGOs, instead of the normal civil service. This weakens the institutional capability of the governments to manage national development. If NGOs willingly assume this role, then their usefulness in as far as the objective of institution building in Africa is concerned should be put under question. While the paper has speculated the effect on institutional destruction of state structures, of the use of NGOs as alternatives for the provision of social services in more general terms, the author wishes to make a more speculative conclusion on what is obtaining in Zambia. Speculative Conclusion on Zambia Zambia has a relatively underdeveloped indigenous NGO sector. Apart from local church- related NGOs, there is a large presence of Northern NGOs. Agencies such as Oxfam, SCF, CARE, World Vision International, Plan International and a myriad of other smaller agencies have established themselves in the country. Since 1991 when the country reverted to 'democratic' governance, an ambitious IMF/World Bank structural adjustment programme has been imposed on the country. Zambia has witnessed heavy cuts in government public expenditure, elimination of food subsidies, privatisation of government controlled companies, public service retrenchments etc. These measures have weakened the public sector while the social costs have fallen heavily on the poor or vulnerable groups. Due to the ceilings imposed on public sector spending, government agencies and line ministries have found it extremely difficult to operate. 14 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ As a way to mitigate the social costs of the current SAP in Zambia, NGOs have been designated as the appropriate providers of social services. As donor conditionality, alternative delivery structures have been created. Schemes such as the Programme to Prevent Malnutrition (PPM), the Food-for-Work programme and the Programme for Urban Self-Help (PUSH) have emerged and are operated by Northern NGOs. In its 1994 budget, Zambia provided for such programmes under the Ministry of Community Development and Social Welfare. According to the budget speech: The resources that are being provided for support of the vulnerable groups under the Ministry of Community Development and Social Welfare will be channelled through Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). For proper accountability, the NGOs will be required to submit their accounts for periodic audit (Times of Zambia, 29th March 1994, 3). This is the stark reality of the role NGOs have began to perform in Zambia i.e. replacing the governmental bureaucracy. It is, therefore, not an accusation from without when critics argue that NGOs are replacing the African governments in development or provision of social services. While there has not been much research done into the institutional impact of creating alternative structures to normal civil service, it is possible to speculate that such a policy will have long-term consequences in eroding the capability of the civil service to manage national development. In conclusion, I recognise that much efforts are being put into place as regards evaluating the impact of NGO projects in poverty alleviation in Africa and the rest of the Third World. However, there is little known about the impact on governmental bureaucracy of creating alternative structures composed of NGOs and international aid agencies. Suffice to say a study done over a decade ago by Morss (1984) revealed that institutional destruction was occurring in many African countries, most conspicuous in Zambia, as economic management by the bureaucracy has been reduced to managing a large number of donor aid projects. We now see the intensification of the donor/NGO projects in most sub-Saharan African countries. In view of what has been discussed in this paper, the following recommendations are made: 1.) With the donor/NGO system in place in many African countries it is common sense to assume that civil service institutions are being destroyed as NGOs take over. As long as SAPs are the order of the day in these countries, this trend is going to continue. From the foregoing analysis, it is, therefore, recommended that more research be conducted into the institutional impact of such a system; 2.) The emerging donor/NGO system has been imposed on many Africa countries as a donor condition or policy. NGOs ought to operate within a negotiated framework between all the parties concerned- host government, NGOs and official donors (both bilateral and 15 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
17.
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the University of Zambia, Lusaka Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/ multilateral). It is, therefore, recommended that the division of labour between the parties mentioned above be properly negotiated and a consensus reached; 3.) National development plans are indispensable to more effective efforts to improve the quality of life of the mass of the rural poor in Africa. Co-ordination of efforts with governments is imperative if NGO activities are to be sustainable in the longer-term. Therefore, it is recommended that NGO projects be placed to fit within national development plans. Not that they should be integrated into government but effective collaboration is necessary to avoid duplication of efforts and to replicate successful ones. BIBLIOGRAPHY ACTIONAID, (1992-93) ActionAid Annual Review (ActionAid, London) ACTIONAID, EUROSTEP, & ICVA, (1993), The Reality of Aid (Action Aid, London) ACTIONAID, EUROSTEP, & ICVA, (1994), The Reality of Aid (Action Aid, London) ANTROBUS, P., (1987) "Funding for NGOs:Issues and Options" World Development Vol.15, supplement (Autumn): 95-102 ARELLANO-LOPEZ, S., & PETRAS J. F., (1994) "Non-Governmental Organisations and Poverty Alleviation in Bolivia" Development and Change Vol.21: 555-568 ARNOLD, S. W., (1988) "Constrained Crusaders? British Charities and Development Education" Development Policy Review Vol.6, No.2: 183-209 ABDEL ATI, H. A., (1993) "The Development Impact of NGO Activities in the Red Sea Province of Sudan: A Critique" Development and Change Vol.24: 103-130 AVINA, J., (1993) "The evolutionary life cycles of non-governmental development organisations" Public Administration and Development Vol.13, No.5: 453-474 BERG, R.J., (1986) "Foreign Aid in Africa: Here's the Answer-Is It Relevant to the Question?" in Berg, R. J., & Whitaker, J. S., (eds.) Strategies for African Development (Univ. of California Press, London) BOURNANE, N, (1991) "What is the Future of Africa? An Alternative Approach to the Dominant Afro-Pessmism" in Southern Africa Political and Economic Monthly Vol.4, No.9: 9-15 BRATTON, M., (1989) "The Politics of Government-NGO Relations in Africa", World Development, vol. 17, No. 4:569-587 16 © by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia
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