Sociological survey report

European Union External Action
Grant 2010 / 228-991

SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY
REPORT
SURVEY ON THE INFLUENCE OF
MIGRATION OVER COMMUNITY
DEVELOPMENT
(IN THE VISION OF HOUSEHOLDS OF THE
FORMER COUNTRY OF ORHEI)

This project is funded by
The European Union

A project implemented by
Hilfswerk Austria International

Hilfswerk Austria International
Center of Sociological Investigations and
Marketing Research „CBS-AXA”

Sociological survey report
Survey on the influence of
migration over community
development
in the vision of households of the former Country of Orhei
Valeriu Mosneaga and Veaceslav Batrinescu
Report produced within the project „Remittances Developing Moldovan Communities” implemented
by Hilfswerk Austria International in partnership with the National Assistance and Information
Centre for NGOs in Moldova – CONTACT with financial support of European Union.
The views expressed in this publication belong exclusively to authors and do not necessarily reflect
the views of the European Commission.

This project is funded
by the European Union
Delegation of The European
Union to Republic of Moldova
12 Kogalniceanu Street,
Chisinau, MD-2001,
Republic of Moldova
Tel.: (+373 22) 50 52 10
Fax: (+373 22) 27 26 22

A project implemented
by Hilfswerk Austria
International
85 Alexandru cel Bun Street,
Chişinău, MD-2012,
Republica Moldova
Tel.: (+373 22) 21 25 41
Fax: (+373 22) 21 25 54


Contents:
CHAPTER I. IMPACT OF LABOUR MIGRATION IN MOLDOVA

(overview based on previous research)
1.1.
Introduction
1.2. Main Effects of the Impact of International Labour Migration
1.2.1. Remittances, Material Welfare of Migrants and of Their Families,

Social-Economic Development Prospects of the Country
1.2.2. Employment Level of the Population and Labour Market Development
1.2.3. Demographic Structure (Age, Gender, Ethnicity, Education and Qualification,

Territorial Dispersion) of the Population
1.2.4. Socially Vulnerable Layers of the Population
1.2.4.1. Children
1.2.4.2. The elderly
1.3.
Moldova’s Policy on Workforce Migration
CHAPTER II. METHODOLOGY
2.1.
Sampling methodology
CHAPTER III. GENERAL ATTITUDES REGARDING MOLDOVA
3.1.
Opportunities and conditions in the Republic of Moldova
3.1.1. Work/employment opportunities in Moldova
3.1.2. Favourable conditions for creating a family in Moldova
3.1.3. Investment opportunities in Moldova
3.2.
Stringent problems for Moldova today
3.3.
Living standards over the last two years
3.4.
Migration’s contribution to the development of Moldova
3.4.1. Important things that Moldovan migrants can do in order to

contribute to the development of Moldova
3.4.2. Negative impact (influence) of emigration over Moldova
3.4.3. Positive impact (influence) of emigration over Moldova

4
6
6
11
16
19
19
21
22

25

26
26
26
26
26
27
28
28
29
29

CHAPTER IV. COMMUNITY ASPECTS
4.1.
Community aspects for the last five years
4.1.1. Aspects that deteriorated in the society over the last five years
4.1.2. Aspects that improved in the community for the last five years
4.1.3. Social-economic conditions in the community over the last five years
4.2.
Solved community problems
4.2.1. Population’s cooperation towards solving community problems
4.2.2. Participation of migrants in solving community problems
4.2.3. Population’s contribution to community projects over the last three years

30
30
30
30
30
30
31
31

CHAPTER V. MIGRATION
5.1.
Situation of Moldovan migrants
5.1.1. Number of migrants and their destination
5.1.2. Fields of work of Moldovan migrants abroad
5.1.3. Social-demographic characteristics of migrants
5.1.4. Migrants’ intentions for the future

33
33
33
33
34

CHAPTER VI. REMITTANCES FROM MIGRANTS
6.1.
Money transfers from abroad
6.2.
Donations by migrants

35
35

2


CHAPTER VII. UTILIZATION OF REMITTANCES
7.1.
Utilization of money earned abroad
7.1.1. Utilisation of money earned abroad over the last 12 months
7.1.2. Spending remittances in the following 12 months
7.1.3. Accumulated capital

36
36
36
36

CHAPTER VIII. BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT AND ENTREPRENEURSHIP
8.1. Owning a business or planning to open a business

37

CHAPTER IX. SOCIAL-ECONOMIC SITUATION OF FAMILIES
9.1. Families’ incomes and welfare

38

CONCLUSIONS 39
BIBLIOGRAPHY 41
ANNEX LIST OF TABLES 44

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CHAPTER I.
IMPACT OF LABOUR MIGRATION IN MOLDOVA
(overview based on previous research)
1.1. Introduction
Beginning with the second half the 90s, last century, Moldova witnessed an escalation of the international
labour migration. To a great extend, labour migration was a reaction to the difficult social-economic situation
in the country. At the same time, it was a reactive individual answer of the population to the efficiency
of social and economic reforms. As G.Tapinos said „when a person decides to emigrate, - it is its personal
decision, but when the person decides to remain, - it is the trust to the government and market.” (Rodriges
Rios 2006: p.65).
International labour migration is the most massive migration of population from the country and is one of
the most pressing problems faced by the Republic of Moldova. Figures presented in mass media vary from
340,000 to 1 million persons. According to the census of Moldovan population (November, 2004), about
600,000 of people are involved in the labour migration, or one third of the able to work citizens of Moldova
(Population Census, 2004). Currently, according to the World Bank data, labour migration in Moldova implies
over 700,000 persons, which is half of the able to work population of the country (Moldova 2011: p.60).
Moldova is located at the crossroads of two regional migration systems: European (EU) and post-Soviet
(CIS). Russia is the major attraction among the CIS countries (Moscow and Moscow region). In the European
Union, the main attraction, or “the migrant’s dream country” is Italy. Over the last decade, the role of the
European migration system is growing. While the leading tendency of Moldovan labour migration in the
past was mainly to the CIS countries, and first of all to Russia, nowadays new vectors of western and southwestern labour migration emerged along with the traditional labour migration to the east.
The highest number of Moldovan migrants is registered in Russia (58.2%), Italy (19%), Portugal (5%), Spain,
Greece, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Ireland, Cyprus, Romania, Turkey, Israel and Ukraine (Lucke
2009). The main attraction poles for Moldavian migrants are Russia and Italy. Amendments to migration
policies in the hosting countries have a direct impact over the number and proportion of migrants in the
destination countries. According to the survey, Russia’s share, which is promoting a more liberal migration
policy since 2007, increased up to 63%, while Italy’s share, which started tightening its migration policy,
decreased down to 14%. Nevertheless, the number of migrants from Moldova to Italy remained the same
(Impactul 2009).
A concentration of migrants in big towns is noted. Almost ¾ of all Moldovan migrants are concentrated in 10
cities, as part of the regional migration systems (Moscow, Rome, St.Petersburg, Paris, Lisbon, Venice, Milano,
Istanbul, Odessa, Tyumeni) (Lucke 2007: p.26). A division by gender of the host countries is noted: there are
countries that are attractive for male migrants (Russia, Ukraine, France, the Czech Republic, Portugal), as well
as for female migrants (Italy, Turkey, Spain, Greece, etc).
The 2008-2010 crisis showed that a mass return of Moldovan labour migrants to the country is not taking
place. Expert S.Sainciuc (Ministry of Labour, Social Protection and Family of Moldova, deputy-minister) notes
that “the weekly number of labour migrants, who have requested to return to Moldova in all diplomatic and
consular institutions of our country abroad, was of about one hundred people” (Mosneaga 2010: p.14).
Surveys carried out by the Research Center CASE-Moldova (July-November 2008) and by CBS AXA (December
2009) in rural areas showed that migrant workers do not plan to return to the country, even in the case of a

4


dramatic cut in their salaries, and will continue sending money to their relatives in Moldova. Expert E. Hristev
(Research Center CASE-Moldova): „Our Center has performed a sociological survey on migration in rural
areas (July-November 2008). We asked respondents, both migrants and members of migrants’ families, what
wage would make people stay in the country, rather than going to work abroad, and would make migrants
return home to work. Members of migrants’ families said that with a wage of 500-600 dollars, the potential
migrant would remain to work in the country. Migrants themselves say they would return home only for an
income of 700-800 dollars” (Mosneaga 2011: p.228-229).
Expert N.Vladicescu (sociological investigations company CBS-AXA): „Migrants say that at present, under the
economic crisis conditions, it is more difficult to find a job than it was two years ago. Moldovan migrants,
working in the European Union, say they are not going to return home, even if their wage is reduced by 2030% (from 1,500 down to 1,000 euro, or from 800 down to 500 euro). As even in this situation, their wage will
still be higher than the wage they could earn in Moldova.
Both migrants and their families (recipients of remittances) will reduce the cost of their consumption should
their incomes decrease. At the same time, migrants say they will not reduce money transfers for the current
needs of their families in Moldova (Mosneaga 2011: p.226-227).
Monitoring surveys, carried out by CBS AXA in 2008-2009, show that this trend is not changing. People
continue hoping and still are willing to work abroad. More than that, in crisis times, these aspirations of
people are getting a new impulse.
Speaking about prospects of the work force migration from Moldova, we want to draw the attention to
answers by the employable respondents (20-55 years) to the question: “Why don’t you plan to leave abroad
for a job in the near future?” Only 40% of respondents gave a clear answer: „I have no reasons to emigrate”
(36%), “sufficient incomes” (7%). The remaining respondents expressed their will to leave, but they also
mentioned some constraints making them stay in Moldova: “I don’t want to leave my family” (26%), “migration
is expensive” (13%), “it is difficult to find a job” (7% ), “I have to carry out agricultural works” (6%), others (5%).
Fig. 1. “Why Aren’t you Planning to Leave Abroad IN a Job in the Near Future?”
PICTURE 1. “WHY AREN’T YOU PLANNING TO LEAVE ABROAD FOR A JOB forTHE NEAR FUTURE?”

6%

5%

7%
40%
13%

26%

7%

I have no reasons to emigrate

Migration is expensive

Sufficient incomes

It is difficult to find a job

I don’t want to leave my family

I have to carry out agricultural works
Others

5


We note that the labour force migration study in Moldova started at the end of the 90s last century. So far, a
large amount of empiric and analytical data on the migration of Moldova’s population were collected. Apart
from statistical yearbooks with extended rubrics on migration, Moldova is also publishing the specialized
collection “Workforce Survey,” containing the results of empiric sociological surveys, carried out on a quarterly
basis by the National Bureau of Statistics on a representative sample at the national level. A significant part
of this collection reflects the social-demographic profile of the labour migration from Moldova.
Sociological surveys on labour migration, with the application of the whole spectrum of empiric sociology
(questionnaires, in-depth interviews of respondents, of experts, focus-groups, content analysis) are carried
out in Moldova from the beginning of the 21st century. The following structures have accumulated a wide
experience in performing researches on the labour migration: sociological investigations companies, like
CBS AXA, CIVIS, sociological structures from the State University of Moldova (departments of Sociology
and Social Assistance, International Relations, Political and Administrative Sciences). Moldova also has the
experience of monitored sociological surveys (CBS AXA - 2004, 2006, 2008 and 2009). Surveys are funded
by international organizations (International Labour Organization, International Organization for Migration,
World Bank, UNICEF, and others). From 2004, the Barometer of Public Opinion, performed twice a year since
1998, contains questions regarding the workforce migration.
The labour migration issue has been also approached in researches by the academic community. The
labour migration phenomenon is being studied by representatives of several social sciences. Specialists are
studying various aspects of the labour migration (positive and negative effects, remittances, employment,
demographic (gender, age, profession, territorial-regional and ethnic aspects), social-psychological
and cultural data, linguistic aspects of migration, exodus of qualified labour, the youth, legal and social
protection of migrant workers, return and reintegration, situation of socially-vulnerable groups (children,
elderly), policy on labour migration, etc..
It looks like the accumulated material is sufficient to switch from the analysis of external effects of labour
migration to the analysis of internal changes in the Moldovan reality, conditioned by the impact of
international labour migration at the contemporary stage. Naturally, such a switch supposes an appropriate
context, the change and identification of goals, to be set up for the sociological surveys that will provide
with the needed data for an empiric analysis.

1.2. Main Effects of the Impact of International Labour Migration
International labour migration from Moldova has a diverse social and political impact over the population
and situation in the country. Below we will analyse the most significant effects.

1.2.1. Remittances, Material Welfare of Migrants and of Their Families, Social-Economic
Development Prospects of the Country
Principalul efect pozitiv sînt remitenţele migranţilor în ţara de origine (Moşneaga 2006). Transferul de bani
înspre Moldova se realizează atît prin canale oficiale, cît şi neoficiale. Transferurile migranţilor de muncă
moldoveni sînt suficient de mari, iar volumul lor creşte an de an.
The increase in remittances has a positive effect on the development and strengthening of the banking
system. This has an important role in the money transfer to Moldova. Surveys show that the majority of
commercial banks’ clients (migrants) send money home via the fast money transfer system.
In the opinion of some researchers, migration of the workforce, which is not used in the country, is in fact
absolving Moldova from the internal unemployment problem. (Vaculovschi 2009).

6


Table 1. Dynamics of Remittances in Moldova, 1998-2011, (USD mln)
Year

Total

Through fast money transfer

% of GDP

1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011

89,62
152,94
211,99
254,12
317,76
412,70
683,24
854,55
1218,30
1612,12
1182,02
1244,14
1453,79

52,21
101,77
140,08
161,35
176,05
226,18
497, 84
628,61
919,71
1386,17
982,23
1072,24
1276,61

9,3
12,3
15,1
16,5
23,5
27,1
31,7
38,2
36,2
30,8
30,8
29,8
30,3

Source: National Bank of Moldova (www.bnm.md)
Remittances allow maintaining social stability in the country, reducing social conflict tensions. Since the early
90s of the last century, basically there were no manifestations of social conflicts due to material problems
of the population in Moldova (Zavtur 2000, Moraru 2012). At the same time, the decrease in the economic
potential and living standards was significant.
Labour migration and funds originating from abroad have a positive influence over the social structure of
Moldova, increasing numerically the middle class, and hence, reducing the number of the poor and very poor
people (Population 2000). The social statute of the migrant worker is improving in Moldovan communities,
thanks to his/her professional qualifications and developments, his/her authority and influence in the
decision-making process in the community is also growing, along with the “crediting of neighbours,” and
woman’s role in the family, etc. (Postolachi 2007).
The financial situation of households with members involved in the labour migration is in a more favourable
position. They have more opportunities to avoid the risk of a social transformations period. M.Orozko, in
his survey on savings of the Moldovan population, has concluded that savings of over 500 US dollars are
available in 8% of households without labour migrants, and in 29% of households with labour migrants
(Orozko 2007: p 0.4).
Table 2. Financial Situation of Households Depending on the Presence on Labour Migrants, %
Category
Food
Housing
Clothing
Health
Education
Entertainment

Period

Very good

Good

Difficult

Before migration
After migration
Before migration
After migration
Before migration
After migration
Before migration
After migration
Before migration
After migration
Before migration
After migration

1,6
7,4
1,6
4,7
1,1
4,5
1,6
2,8
1,9
3,3
1,0
2,3

57,1
71,6
52,1
70,4
46,9
68,1
50,7
57,6
47,4
60,1
31,8
47,3

34,3
18,5
38,2
21,5
45,0
24,3
38,3
33,2
35,5
20,8
46,7
35,6

Very
difficult
5,6
1,0
6,3
1,6
5,3
1,4
7,6
4,7
4,6
1,8
12,9
7,1

No answer
1,4
1,5
1,9
1,8
1,7
1,7
1,8
1,7
10,6
14,0
7,5
7,7

Surveys showed that in 2/3 of the total households, with migrant workers among their members, the material
situation is mainly based on remittances. The contribution of the migrant worker, through remittances, to

7


the household’s budget is significant (65% or more). In the case of one third of households, the contribution
of the migrant worker exceeds 85% of the family budget.
Table 3. Contribution of the Migrant Worker to the Material Welfare of his/her Family
Contribution of the migrant worker to the material welfare of his/her family
Up to 15%
From 15 to 35%
From 35 to 65%
From 65 to 85%
Over 85%

% of households
6,4
7,7
17,5
33,6
34,8

Source: Ghencea (2005)
It is difficult to establish now the proportion of migrants’ capital to businesses in Moldova, but definitively
a good part of the almost 50,000 micro, small- and medium-sized enterprises (National 2011) was set up
based on the money earned abroad.
“One of the reasons we left abroad was to ensure a future for our daughters. We have built a nice house for
them. When we started the construction, we tried to take into account the Italian experience: architecture
and layout of the house, infrastructure, bathroom, bedrooms. Construction materials were purchased in
Italy and transported to Moldova, as we wanted a house of good quality. My husband, during the holiday
period, personally supervised the workers, to make sure they do their work conscientiously. We paid them
well. We have employed skilled workers, Moldovans, with work experience abroad, either Italy or Spain.
Moldovan builders are often working so-so, and after them, the owner has to fix a lot.
We have built a two-level house, with two separate entrances. Our daughters live together, in the same yard,
and separately, at the same time, each in her own house…
But the house was only part of what we were planning to do. We also had to contribute, to help them open a
business. The state does not provide them with a job. And even if it does, wages are low. Working in a staterun enterprise is dangerous, there are no guarantees. Today you have a job, tomorrow you may be fired.
There is no protection either. While owning a business means having a piece of bread. Don’t be lazy, work
consciously and you will have clients, revenue and profit.
My daughters are tailors, hence, at the family council, we have decided to open a tailor’s shop in our town.
There used to be a tailor’s shop in the downtown in the Soviet era. I don’t really remember well. Then
everything became unprofitable, useless. The state forgot about this shop. The walls were demolished. There
were weeds everywhere and the place was shabby.
Together with my husband we bought this piece of land, have cleared it and build a construction for the
future tailor’s shop. Today this is a beautiful building, in the downtown, a convenient place for the people.
This is a European style construction. Any business hosted in this building is a guaranteed success. But
villagers have understood this only when we have build the tailor’s shop for our daughters.
People understood now this is a profitable business. At present, this is a busy place. However, when this
place was shabby, there were not so many people willing to buy that piece of land. We have been asked to
sell or to rent it for another business. These people have offered us a lot of money, but we have refused the
offer. It’s not good to have several offices in one building. People will not even notice the tailor’s shop of
my daughters.” (Aurica, 60, secondary specialized education (nurse), Alexandru, 60, secondary specialized

8


education (zootechnician), labour migrants to Italy, 12 years).
„I am a migrant worker for more than 11 years… I returned home now… Actually, I am a zootechnician.
I like very much my profession. I like looking after animals. Now at least I will come back to my vocation.
I returned to Moldova in September and set up my household, made up of 150 geese and other animals
(sheep, cows, rabbits). I want to increase the number of the poultry up to 300, and to have good animal
breeds. And everything will be ok. I have the experience, the will and the knowledge.” (Alexei, 61, higher
education (zootechnician), migrant worker to Spain, back home in 2010).
Of course, not everyone in the village likes this external easiness of starting up a business. Our empiric
observations suggest that non-migrants are already manifesting envy (although still unique cases) of
the wellbeing of the migrant workers, we are already witnessing confrontations between the poor nonmigrants and rich migrant workers. We have to mention that the international labour migration, remittances
contribute not only to improving the material welfare of migrant workers and of their families, but also to
increasing the social layering between migrants and their families, on one hand, and non-migrants and their
families, on the other hand.
The poverty level in the country started decreasing, thanks to remittances. If in 1999, as many as 73% of
the population were living under the poverty level, now this figure has decreased significantly: about 33%
(2007) of Moldova’s population lives under the poverty level (World Bank 2009).
Experience of other countries shows that Moldova, in this regard, is not an innovator, but is rather developing
according to existing world trends. Spending money for food is a typical phenomenon in poor countries,
including Moldova. Providing decent conditions for existence, maintaining households in order is a normal
answer, a reaction to the difficult living conditions. Thanks to the labour migration, to the money earned
abroad, people and their households can survive.
An analysis of the distribution of money received from abroad within the household shows that in the poor
families, the largest share of remittances is spent on food. Part of the money is spent to satisfy “development
needs”: education, health, tourism, purchase of goods used to improve the level of information, knowledge,
develop capacities of people (computer, information and communication services), to start-up or develop a
business (Management 2008). Doing business is not just about opening a market or a production workshop.
Borrowing money for migration purposes is also a business, an investment. Moreover, we have noticed that
it is quite demanded and excludes formal relations with the state, with civil servants.
Table 4. Distribution of Remittances in Households
Categorii de cheltuieli
Food, clothing
Utilities/Maintenance
Household goods (without home appliance)
Reparation of the house/flat
Education (to pay the contract)
Therapy
Pay off debts
Pay off debts related to the travel
For agricultural works
Savings for the “rainy days”
Bank accounts

%
43,1
18,2
17,2
15,3
12,8
12,5
11,7
10,4
10,5
8,5
1,6

Source: Transferuri (2004)

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Below is a description of plans on how to spend the earned money in the nearest future as well as during
the current year.
Table 5. Plans on the Distribution of Remittances over “the following 12 months”
Categorii de cheltuieli
Pay off debts
Current expenditures (food, clothing, services, etc)
Specific expenditures (education, health, purchase expensive
goods, to lend money, etc)
Household investments (purchase a vehicle, real estate,
reparation works in the apartment/house, weddings, funerals,
bank deposits)
Investments in production (acquisition of land plots, trucks
and agricultural machinery, poultry, animals)
Others
Savings (bank deposits)
Did not answer

„AMF2004” %
8,3
21,7
20,0

„OIM-2004”
Primary
Secondary
priority
priority
%
%
11,8
5,1
45,4
21,7

(bani împrumutaţi – 4,2)

10,6

24,6

22, 0

15,5

22,8

6,5

1,5

4,8

20,7

0,7
9,8

0,2
2,4

Source: Transferuri (2004), Ghencea (2005)
It shall be mentioned that a significant part of the money earned by migrant workers is spent on the
education of their children and medical treatment. On short term, these expenditures can be considered as
consumption. But on long term, they are considered as a significant investment in creating and developing
the human capital (Kring 2007: p.7). In this approach, the share of investments will be much higher than 6.5%
(Ghencea 2005), which are directly oriented to the opening/development of a business by the members of
the migrant’s household.
At the same time, we notice that in spite of the high amounts of remittances received from the Moldovan
migrants working abroad, direct investments in the social and economic development of Moldova are very
low.
According to sociological surveys (Transfers 2004), only 16.8% of respondents intent to accumulate funds
received from migrants and to start their own business. For those who see the future of investments in
business, the most attractive are the following fields (in order of priority): agriculture, business, transport, bar
(booth), acquisition of equipment, entertainment, acquisition of real estate.
Part of the money earned by the migrant workers is directed for the development of the community where
migrant workers were born in, live, and from which they have left abroad to work. Sociological surveys found
that every 9th migrant worker offers assistance, financial/material support to the church, sports clubs, or
financially supports community projects (Sigvardsdotter 2006). However, interviews with representatives of
the local public administration showed that these processes do not happen everywhere; in some localities,
communities, migrant works play an insignificant role in the local functioning and development (Turcan
2006, Filipov 2009, Hristev 2009).
The social-economic development of the country was gradually oriented towards a model based on the
reception and utilization of growing money flows from abroad. This development model, given the changing
demographic trends (decrease in the birth rate and ageing of the population in Moldova), has a very high
cost. This includes the increase in imports (funded from remittances) up to an extremely unstable level, as
well as the strengthening of the national currency, which leads to a lack of competitiveness of exports; moral
risks for migrants’ families and for the government, development of the “social orphans” phenomenon children abandoned by their migrant parents; restructuring of the gender roles within families, communities
and country on the whole, destruction of social networks, which have played, over the last years, an
important role in reducing poverty. All these lead to an increase in conflicting assessments of economic and

10


social-political consequences of the labour migration (workforce emigration) from Moldova, as well as in the
perception of the stability of such a social-economic development model.
The 2008-2010 crisis, along with worsening the money transfers issue, has raised the problem of effectiveness
and viability of such a development model of Moldova. The survey (by CBS AXA – 2009) showed that two
thirds of respondents have ascertained the decrease in remittances. One of five respondents (20.7%) said
he/she stopped receiving remittances after the crisis (World 2009).
The assessment by the World Bank experts showed that the decrease in remittances has a direct impact over
the increase in the poverty level. A simple simulation shows that a decrease in remittances by 50% leads to
an increase in the poverty level by 1.2% per year; while in rural areas the decline reaches 1.6%.
Fig. 2. Estimated Direct Impact of Decreases in Remittances on Poverty Rates in Moldova (percent)

35
33
31
29
27
25
23
21
19
17
15

32.0

32.3

33.2

31.8

32.8

31.6

25.9

26.1

26.2

26.5

26.9

27.1

18.2

18.3

18.3

18.6

18.7

18.7

- 10%

- 20%

- 30%

- 40%

- 50%

BASE
2007

Total
Urban
Rural

Source: World (2009)
The decrease in remittances affects in various ways the increase in consumption per different social groups.
For the poorest, this decrease is of 7%, while for the rich people, this decrease is of 2.7% only (World 2009).
According to the World Bank representatives to Moldova M.Marlett, “The world financial and economic crisis
showed that Moldova should develop another economic development model” (Mosneaga 2010: p.14).
There is absolutely no doubt that the current crisis was like a warning, which has revealed the fragility of the
existing model of social and economic development model of Moldova. We shall mention, however, that
transition to another model, particularly to a sustainable economic and social development one, is unlikely.
Also, it is unlikely for Moldova to independently achieve this transition.

1.2.2. Employment Level of the Population and Labour Market Development
Over the 20 years of transition, the employment level of the population decreased, though insignificantly. At
the same time, the workforce supply increased significantly, as a result of mass layoff, due to the privatisation
process and extended economic crisis in the 90s of the last century. It shall be mentioned that growing
prospects of the national economy potential are not expected. At the same time, the official unemployment
rate is of about 2% - extremely reduced for an economy in crisis. Under these conditions, the largest part
of the workforce unemployed in Moldova (not registered with the employment offices), is earning its living
either in the underground economy, or by leaving abroad for a job.

11


Practice has shown that migrant workers are even those who are employed in Moldova. The exodus of work
force from Moldova searching for an income remains a stringent problem, and quite often it is the only
alternative for existence. For the majority of Moldova’s population, a job abroad is the only possibility to
run away from the “arms” of the poverty in the country. Unfortunately, the substantial increase in the GDP,
remarked 5-6 years before the global crisis (average annual growth was of about 5%), did not stimulate the
increase in the workforce demand, and rather led to a decrease in the number of employees in economy (the
average annual decrease in the work force employment was 2.4%).
Unfavourable processes on the labour market can be considered as determinants in the international labour
migration from Moldova. An analysis of Moldova’s labour market over the last years points out to a constant
decrease in the basic indicators of the employment. The public opinion survey carried out by the National
Bureau of Statistics points out to a reduction in the number of the economically active population, number
of employees and number of wage earners. From 2001 through 2008, the economically active population
decreased from 1,616,800 down to 1,302,800 persons.
We note that the employment rate is decreasing together with the reduction of the employment level. The
number of the unemployed, calculated following the IOM methodology, decreased over 2001-2008 from
117,700 down to 51,700 persons, and the number of the unemployed registered from the employment
offices decreased from 27,600 to 23,200 persons (Vaculovschi 2009).
Under the conditions of the global financial crisis from 2008-2010, the situation on the Moldovan labour
market worsened (Vaculovschi 2011a). Surveys showed that because of the crisis, 25% of respondents have
lost their jobs (either personally or one of their family members). Under these conditions, the migration
potential is growing: every third respondent intends to search for a job abroad or does not know what to do.
This figure is even higher, about 50%, among respondents’ family members (Impactul 2009).
Table 6. Possible Actions in Case of Becoming Unemployed, %
Actions
I am employed
I look for a job in the locality I live
I look for a job in another locality in Moldova
I look for a job abroad
I apply for the unemployment allowance
Other actions
I don’t know; I don’t have an answer

Respondent

Family member
12,4
29,8
20,2
12,4
4.6
4,3
16,5

11,5
21,1
13,3
21,9
4,7
2,2
25,4

Source: Impact (2009)

One of the ways to overcome a difficult situation, conditioned by the loss of the job, is to open a business.
The comparative analysis of surveys carried out by CBS AXA in 2008 and 2009 shows that, though the
attractiveness of business projects is growing, but, in general, they do not cover the pessimism of those who
have lost their jobs and are looking for another job, for means of survival (Impactul 2009, Lucke 2009).

12


Table 7. Intention to Initiate a Business Project, %
Actions

CBS AXA – 2008

CBS AXA – 2009

I have my own business
I have had a business in the past, but I do not intend to start up a new one
I have had a business in the past and intend to start up a new one
I had no business in the past, but I do intend to start up a new one
Number of potential entrepreneurs

4,0
1,3
0,6
7,6
12,4

4,1
2,9
0,8
10,8
15,5

Source: Impactul (2009)
The comparative analysis has ascertained the will of the former migrant workers to have or to start up a
business.
Table 8. Intention of the Former Migrant Workers to Have or to Start up a Business, %
Actions
I have my own business
I have had a business in the past, but I do not intend to start up a new one
I have had a business in the past and intend to start up a new one
I had no business in the past, but I do intend to start up a new one
Number of potential entrepreneurs

CBS AXA – 2008
6,8
2,6
1,7
14,5
23,0

CBS AXA – 2009
2,4
5,2
1,9
17,5
21,8

Source: Impactul (2009)
The question arises, what factors have caused such estimations by the Moldovan population, both of the
real and potential entrepreneurs.
Table 9. Problems Faced by Enterprises Over the Last 6 Months, %
Problems
Lower income
Decrease in the sales volume
Increase in the raw material prices
Reduction in the employment level
Decrease in production
Commercial partners are in default
Reduction in the number of employees
Impossibility to pay full salary to employees
Fiscal debts to the state

%
50,0
44,0
36,1
31,9
31,5
29,5
28,0
27,6
23,0

Sursa: Impactul (2009)
Assessing the living conditions in crisis times, every second respondent has mentioned that these have
worsened and became more difficult. As concerning the possibility to save money, only 30% of respondents
managed to save money over the last 6 months. Almost 43% of the questioned persons said they have
earned money, but were unable to save money. At the same time, almost one out of four respondents
(23.4%) admitted he/she has debts (Impactul 2009).
It shall be mentioned that labour migration has influenced the modification of the labour concept not only
as an important social institution, but also as a social-political value of the society and of every person apart.

13


Table 10. Relationship Between the Social Statute and Work Abroad: Horizontal Section, %
If you are unemployed, what is your statute?
Employed
Pupil
Student
Retired person (by age or health condition)
Housewife; child care leave
Temporary unemployed; looking for a job
Unemployed; not looking for a job
No answer
Total
Number of respondents

Yes
31,6
0
12,7
6,6
30,8
50,7
51,5
25,0
29,5
339

Have you worked abroad?
No
No answer
66,6
1,9
100,0
0
87,3
0
92,0
1,5
68,3
1,0
47,4
1,9
48,5
0
58,3
16,7
69,0
1,6
793
18

Total
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
1150

Source: Barometrul (http://www.ipp.md)
Table 11. Relationship Between the Social Statute and Work Abroad: Vertical Section, %
If you are unemployed, what is your statute?
Employed
Pupil
Student
Retired person (by age or health condition)
Housewife; child care leave
Temporary unemployed; looking for a job
Unemployed; not looking for a job
No answer
Total
Altogether 1,150 respondents

Yes
35,1
0
2,4
5,3
9,4
31,3
15,6
9
100,0
339

Have you worked abroad?
No
No answer
31,7
38,9
1,0
0
6,9
0
31,8
22,2
9,0
5,6
12,5
22,2
6,3
0
9
11,1
100,0
100,0
793
18

Source: Barometrul (http://www.ipp.md)
Table 12. Age, Social Statute and Experience of Working Abroad Relation, %
1

2

Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
No

18-20
18-20
21-30
21-30
31-40
31-40
41-50
41-50
51-60
51-60
61 and more
61 and more

3
50,0
5,5
21,2
34,2
48,0
49,1
40,6
53,8
36,0
42,2
7,1
4,2

4
0
12,7
0
6

If you have worked abroad, what was your statute?
5
6
7
8
9
10
0
0
12,5
25,0
12,5
52,7
1,8
7,3
12,7
7,3
7,7
0
18,3
30,8
21,2
1,0
15,5
6
18,0
21,7
6,2
3,1
0
9,0
33,0
10,0
0
3,4
19,0
20,7
6,9
9
1,6
3,1
34,4
20,3
10,4
9,4
18,9
7,5
0
16,0
2,0
30,0
12,0
4,0
6
33,1
3,6
7,8
12,0
6
64,3
0
21,4
7,1
95,2
5
0
0

Total
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0

Nota: 1 – You have worked abroad; 2 – Age (years); 3 – Working; 4 – Pupil; 5 – Student; 6 – Retired person
(by age or health condition); 7 - Housewife, child care leave; 8 – Temporary unemployed, looking for a job;
9 - Unemployed, not looking for a job; 10 – No Answer
Source: Barometrul (2011)

14


Moldovan citizens who have worked abroad have a different vision regarding work, employment,
employment level on the internal labour market, as compared to the people without such an experience.
This can be noticed in the fact that they are more actively looking for a job and are employed. Also, this is
confirmed by data from tables 1-3 (positions “employed,”“temporarily unemployed, looking for a job”), which
show the relation between the age of people, social statute in Moldova and experience of work abroad.
Hence, among the employed ones, the percentage of persons with work experience abroad is higher, than
among those who do not have such an experience. At the same time, among those who “are temporarily
unemployed and are looking for a job” the percentage of persons with experience of migration is by 2.5fold higher, than among the non-migrants. Also, we note the “unemployed, not looking for a job” position.
For this position, the number of migrant workers is by 2.5-fold higher than of the non-migrants. There is
no doubt that this group may also include those who have returned home for a rest, or for some medical
treatment…
However, there are also other situations, worth to be considered. Persons with the work experience abroad
become “capricious” on the national labour market. They do not accept any jobs. Unlike their countrymen,
who did not work abroad, they compare with the situation from the countries they have worked in. They are
looking for an esteemed and well paid job. “...Larisa, her husband and son Andrei returned to Moldova. They
live in Chisinau, in their own flat. Their daughter remained in Portugal, she is an opera singer.
Andrei goes to school. The husband does not work. However, he has a lot of activities/occupations. He meets
with his relatives in his native village. He makes wine. In general, he is happy with his life.
As for Larisa, the reintegration process is not simple. She is looking for a job for two months already. A
wage of 2,000 lei (less than 200 US dollars) does not satisfy her, compared with 1,000 euro she used to earn
in Portugal by working in two jobs. She yearns for the life in Portugal, for her job there, for her incomes,
friends, communication circle, for that life style” (Larisa, 45, secondary professional education (public food
technologist), Andrei 46, secondary education (driver), labour migrants to Portugal, 12 years).
For them, work in terms of cost is a value, something that we do not remark at their countrymen, who
estimate their professional experience following the reality in Moldova. While abroad, they have received
another work experience, another quality and remuneration. And they do not want to lose, to replace or to
reduce down to the level of the work force in Moldova that experience and cost of the work.
“I am watching how our Moldovans do work here: they have smoking breaks, they pretend they are working.
Therefore they are not well paid. Yes, I am asking a lot for my labour. If compared to Moldovan standards. But
according to European standards, this is normal. This is not greed. This is a normal salary. I work fast and well.
What they do in one month, I will do in 3-4 days. I don’t need to be supervised by a master … to hurry me. I
appreciate my time and my labour. And I want a normal pay for my work. If I cannot find such a job here, I will
leave to work abroad. I spent 10 years working in constructions in Spain, in Portugal … I know how to work,
I know their requirements (western requirements). My labour was appreciated there.
Of course, for a Moldovan employer working with me is more difficult than working with local people. On
one hand, he has to pay me a better salary (according to Moldovan standards). On the other hand, he cannot
cheat me, by telling me, well, today my supplier did not deliver the tile, or the brick, mortar… He has to
provide me with appropriate working conditions… I am not going to wait until his supplies are delivered.
Local people can wait and do nothing while waiting. But in this case, they will not be paid a salary for these
days” (Nicolae, 39, constructor).

15


At the same time, let us compare the attitude of another respondent, who, also, has the experience of work
abroad. Although he worked in Italy for 1.5 years, he kept his Moldovan mindset and attitude towards work,
which makes him to be closer to Moldovan workers who have not been abroad, who live and work in the
Moldovan reality. And this suits them.
“I have worked in Italy for a year and a half, and returned home half a year ago. I will never go to work in Italy
again, nor in other country… I was a worker at a factory. We were working eight hours in a row. For a salary
of 1,350 euro. In some of the months, for example, in August, I earned 2,000 and even more. In August, many
people take holidays, hence there are fewer workers at the factory and I had the possibility to earn more.
It’s true that the work was very difficult. I had pains in all my body, although I am a physically strong and
trained man, and practiced sports for all my life, and even worked as a trainer at the university, the physical
education chair.
So, the work was the first reason why I returned home. You see, it’s better to live home, in Moldova. Maybe
we do not have high salaries here, but work is easier here, it is possible to buy time… I am not a dray horse,
to dedicate myself body and mind to the work at the factory. Of course, they have a lot of devices, aiming to
ease the work (by the way, I brought several such devices), but for one thousand euro one has to work hard.”
(Anatol, 51, physical education teacher).

1.2.3. Demographic Structure (Age, Gender, Ethnicity, Education and Qualification,

Territorial Dispersion) of the Population

At the initial stage, representatives of national minorities were more active in the labour migration. Today,
migration involves representatives of all ethnic groups, including the titular nation (Turcan, 2000). We note
that, except for Transnistria and Gagauzia, the vector in the international labour migration is, particularly,
Russia and Turkey, respectively other regions and zones of the Republic of Moldova, and the ethnic/linguistic
component does not determine the migrating behaviour of the population. Social networks, presence of
family members, of people from the same village, or friends in the respective country, play an important role
in selecting the destination country in the international work migration. This fact is reflected in the gender
orientation and destination selection in the international work migration of some entire communities.
Tableul 13. Demographic Indexes of Moldovan Work Migrants (over 15 years),
Who Left to Work Abroad in 2010 (thousands)
15-24 years

25-34 years

35-44 years

45-54 years

55-64 years

In total (thsnd persons)

311,0

69,7

102,2

68,6

58,3

12,2

Town (urban)
Village (rural)

90,6
220,5

12,3
57,3

31,7
70,5

19,7
48,9

20,9
37,3

5,9
6,4

Men
Women

198,0
113,0

51,6
18,1

70,3
31,9

40,0
28,6

29,7
28,5

6,3
5,9

33,3

4,7

15,9

4,2

6,3

2,2

40,7

4,1

8,3

12,8

12,5

3,0

79,5

13,4

20,9

23,9

18,0

3,2

79,4

16,7

24,8

19,2

16,1

2,7

76,2

29,7

31,6

8,5

5,3

0,0

1,9

0,0

0,0

0,0

0,0

0,0

Education

In total

Higher
Secondary
specialised
Secondary
professional
Lyceum, general
school
Gymnasium
Primary or without
education

Source: Biroul (2011)

16


Different groups by age, gender, education and professions participate in the international work migration.
The youth and middle age persons are the most active (over 70% under the age of 40, and almost 40% aged
30 years) (Weeks 2005: r.116). The average age of the migrant worker is 35-36 years.
Fig. 3. Distribution of Moldovan Work Migrants by Age Groups (thsnd persons).
100
90

thousands persons

80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
2000
20-24

2001
25-29

2002
30-34

2003

2004
35-39

2005
40-44

2006

2007

45-49

2008
50-54

2009
55-59

Source: Poalelungi (2010)
The analysis of the distribution of people who left abroad for a job, by age, gender and education, shows
that migration flows are mainly composed of persons aged 25-34 years – 33.9%, with men prevailing –
63.6% and, also, by persons with secondary, secondary professional and gymnasium education - 75.6%,
who, as a rule, perform unqualified jobs that do not required considerable investments in the human capital
development. This is explained by the fact that these people can easier find a job on the foreign market,
generally, fulfilling unskilled work.
Although most of the migrant workers are males, the proportion of women is high and represents up to
one quarter of Moldovan work migrants (Ovsianikov 2006, Vaculovschi 2010). Male work migrants are
employed in constructions, transports, industry and agriculture. Most of Moldovans work in constructions
– 51%. Migrant women work in the service provision and trade areas; they care for the elderly, sick people,
children; also they work as housekeepers and in the sexual services sector. Most of the work migrants do not
work by their speciality/profession. However, unlike the Western Europe countries, where the majority of
migrant workers do not work by their professions, in Russia, the possibility to be employed according to the
education is higher (constructions, agriculture, transport, industry, services, trade).
The work migration involves both qualified specialists and unskilled labour, representatives of the budgetary
sector (teachers, engineers, doctors), industry, transport, constructions, agriculture (Rusnak 2007, Brain
2011).
Labour migration to Russia and European Union country differs by time. Moldovan workers plan to work
in Russia 5.5 months on the average; but in fact, they spend in Russia an average of 7 months. Moldovan
migrants represent the permanent flow of temporary, and even seasonal labour in Russia (Moraru 2012). In
the EU member states, the average length of staying exceeds one year (14-16 months).
Surveys among migrants showed that most of the persons who have migrated from Moldova have vocational
and gymnasium education (25.5% and 25.6% of the total number of immigrants in 2010). These persons did
not achieve themselves (due to the lack of jobs and attractive wages) in the country and have left abroad for
a temporary or permanent staying. Besides, most of the youth from the country, who are studying in Russia,
Romania and other Westen Europe countries, remain to live and work in those countries. Hence, Moldova, to

17


its own detrimental, becomes a supplier of skilled labour to other countries (Brain 2011).
Given that the qualified labour cannot be fully utilized in the country, and Moldova’s economy is unable to
identify a fair utilization and remuneration to it, “the loss of the human capital” can be justified. Hence, the
emigration of qualified labour can be appreciated as a way to keep its potential.
At the same time, the degradation of the human capital creates an unbalance negatively affecting the
sustainable social-economic development of the country, the future of Moldova.
The workforce in Moldova is more and more selective. When looking for a job in the country, people compare
incomes “from here,” in Moldova, and revenues “from there,” outside Moldova. The situation “from there” is
mostly prefered. As before, the low salaries in Moldova and the higher wages abroad stimulate the high
skilled workers to leave abroad for a permanent or long-term job. For the work resources in Moldova, the
phenomenon was a destructive one, and has led to a disqualification of the staff, a fact that is not favourable
for the sustainable economic development and brings the professional development issue on the forefront,
which, in its turn, is connected to the state budget.
The mass work migration leads to the fact that the country has a chronic shortage of specialists. There are
cases when production projects cannot be implemented, or foreign investors are losing any interests in
Moldovan economy due to the shortage of skilled workers. The multiplication effect does not take place there are no direct foreign investments in the production sector, remittances by Moldovan migrants are not
used in the economy of the country (Mosneaga 2006).
We have mentioned earlier that 40% of migrant workers are young people under 30. Many of them managed
to get the legal stay and work status in the host country and remain abroad for a permanent living, they are
take their children with them. This process escalated in the first half of the 2000. According to unofficial data,
over the period of 2003-2004, about 100,000 children were issued passports. In 2004, Moldovan authorities
issued by 2.5 fold more passports than in 2003. It is obvious that most of them leave Moldova for a permanent
living in the migration country of their parents. This fact is worsening the demographic situation in Moldova.
Sociological surveys show that modern labour migration processes are affecting the entire Moldovan
society, all localities in the country. The largest part of migrants originate from villages or small towns. As a
result, migration of persons looking for a job from rural areas is more intense than from urban areas, and in
2010 it accounted for 70.9% of all emigrants (Национальное 2011).
Work migration contributes to changing the social-demographic situation the country, particularly in the
rural environment. Currently, a locality, where, like in the war times, there are no men able to work, became
a frequent phenomenon. At the same time, in some villages, particularly in the south, there are situations
not less dangerous, when there are no employable women at all. Women work abroad: in the rural area, at
weddings, men dance with men (Moraru 2012).
Work migration is changing the patriarchal model in the family. Migration supports the family from the
material point of view, but destroys it from the moral aspect. Persons, family members are getting estranged
from each other (Gagauz 2006, Savelieva 2009, Enachi 2010). A consequence of this situation is the frequent
divorces.
By working abroad, in an attempt to earn more and send the money to their families in Moldova, work
migrants are saving at the expense of their health, food, living conditions, safety. Quite often there are
cases when migrants die abroad, or when they suffer from accidents at work or they are falling ill. Hence, the

18


“health threshold” of migrants from Moldova, and of all migrants, in general, is decreasing (Zimmermann
2006).
Trafficking in human beings for the sexual exploitation of women and children, trade of human organs,
is another negative consequence of the work migration. Unfortunately, Moldova, along with Albania and
Romania, is one of the unsafest countries in Europe, by this indicator (Zubco, 2008). We shall note that sexual
migration, either voluntary or involuntary, leads to a reduction in the moral threshold of the population, to
the moral rehabilitation of prostitutes’ labour, being identified in the public opinion as an “ordinary” human
activity.
We see that international work migration, in general, emphasises the contradiction between economic
benefits and social costs of migration (destruction of families, worsening of health condition, departure of
the youth and of the skilled labour, deterioration of the country’s human potential). Socially vulnerable and
weakly protected layers of the population, particularly children and the elderly, left unsupervised by their
parents/children, relatives and the state, became a common phenomenon.

1.2.4. Socially Vulnerable Layers of the Population
1.2.4.1. Children
According to data by the Ministry of Labour, Social Protection and Family (2011), households with children
represent 37.8% of the total households in Moldova. Of them, 57.2% are in rural areas, where 53.3% are
households with one child; 35.6% - with two children, and 11.1% - with three and more children. An average
household counts 4.1 persons: in towns - 3.8 persons, in rural areas - 4.4 persons. At the same time, 5%
of families are single-parent families. In 2010, 24.2% of children (188,600) were living in absolute poverty
conditions, and 1.9% (14,800) in extreme poverty conditions. The same indicators for the entire population
represent 21.9% and 1.4%, respectively.
Table 14. Dynamics of Absolute Poverty Indicators Among Children, %
All population
All children
Children from towns
Children from villages

2006
30,2
32,8
25,6
37,0

2007
25,8
27,3
18,1
33,0

2008
26,4
27,2
13,9
34,9

2009
26,3
28,3
12,8
37,7

2010
22,9
24,2
9,8
33,0

Source: Ministerul (2011)
Poverty level among children depends on the number of children in the household: 18.8% of households
with one children are poor; 21.5% of households with two children are poor; 36.8% of households with
three children are poor; 28.8% of families where three generations (grandparents, parents, children) are
poor; 20.8% of families with both parents are children are poor. And 19.7% of one-parent families are poor
(Sandu 2011: p.13).
Hence, the presence of children in the household is one of the important factors stimulating the work
migration in Moldova. Migration level is higher in families with children. Every fifth family with children
has a migrant worker among its members. At the same time, the national indicator is this regard is slightly
lower – every seventh family has a migrant member. Approximately 17% of all children live in families with
migrant workers among the members. At the same time, these households are described as follows: migrantmother (60% of households); migrant-father (30% of households); both parents are migrant workers (10% of
households) (Sandu 2011: p. 11-12).
International work migration contributes to the material prosperity of families, it reduces the poverty risk.
For example, among families where both parents are home, 27% are poor. Among families where the father

19


is a migrant worker, 14% are poor; and mother – 9.4% are poor. Only 3.6% of families where both parents are
migrant workers are poor (Sandu 2011: p.13).
It’s not surprising that the number of children, growing in families with one or even both parents working
abroad, is increasing. Children are left to be looked after by their grandparents (Studiul, 2010, CheianuAndrei 2011), but often they are left to be looked after by neighbours or the “street”. According to UNICEF
data and data by the Child Rights Information and Documentation Centre, in 2005, because of migration,
Moldova counted about 200,000 minors left alone or being brought up by one parent.
Tableul 15. Number of Children Left Alone or Brought up by One Parent as a Result of Migration, %
2000
2
18
20

Without both parents
Without one parent
Total %
Children

2005
7
31
38
200000

Source: UN (2006)
We believe that today, the number of children without parental care, due to the work migration of parents,
did not decrease significantly. The table below presents data on children of migrant workers, of school age,
brought up without one or both parents.
Table 16. School Age Children (7-18) Whose Parents Are Working Abroad
2005

2006

2007

2008

2010
1st trimester

Number of school age children, whose
parents are working abroad (thsnd)

110,0

94,1

99,5

110,5

84,2

Ratio between the number of these
children and total number of children, %

20,1

18,2

20,3

24,0

…

Source: Buciuceanu (2011)
În context regional, potrivit Ministerului Educaţiei al Republicii Moldova, situaţia se prezintă în modul
următor: în zona de centru a ţării – mai mult de 40% din elevi sînt copii de muncitori migranţi şi cresc în
familii monoparentale (41,5%), în zona de nord – 35,8% şi în zona de sud – 22,7% (Buciuceanu 2011: p. 171).
Conform datelor organizaţiilor neguvernamentale (Alianţa ONG-urilor active în domeniul protecţiei sociale
a copilului şi familiei, anul 2008), numărul şcolarilor ai căror părinţi sînt plecaţi la muncă în străinătate a
crescut în mod semnificativ. În anul 2006, din această categorie făcea parte fiecare al patrulea şcolar (177000
de copii), în anul 2007 – 200000 de copii (Evaluarea 2009: p. 11).
Astfel, copiii din familiile migranţilor devin o nouă grupă de risc (Cheieanu-Andrei 2011), deoarece cresc fără
căldură părintească, educaţie şi sînt cei mai expuşi influenţei străzii, marginalizaţi în plan social, psihologic,
moral şi educaţional (Postolachi 2007). Impactul migraţiei asupra sănătăţii copiilor este multidimensional:
dezvoltare mentală retardată, dezavantajare emoţională şi psihologică (Cernei-Bacioiu 2010), dezinteres
faţă de propria sănătate, risc sporit de accidentare şi de îmbolnăvire, diagnosticare şi tratament medical
întîrziate, neglijare a sănătăţii dentare, creştere a bolilor mentale, vulnerabilitate emoţională sporită etc.
Adesea, copiii migranţilor devin victime ale mediului criminal. Potrivit datelor organelor de drept, copiii
rămaşi fără îngrijire părintească din cauza migraţiei comit 55-60% din toate infracţiunile. Printre infractorii
minori, 18% sînt copii din familii de migranţi (Buciuceanu 2011).

20


Statul îşi propune să ajute copiii din familiile sărace, inclusiv copiii lucrătorilor migranţi. Astfel, prin decizia
Guvernului Republicii Moldova (iunie 2010), a fost aprobat Planul Naţional de Acţiuni privind protecţia
socială a copiilor rămaşi fără îngrijire părintească pentru anii 2010-2011. Cu toate acestea, în opinia experţilor,
acţiunile întreprinse sînt sporadice, de multe ori reducîndu-se doar la colectare de date (Buciuceanu 2011:
p. 172).

1.2.4.2. The elderly
The Moldovan society is ageing. If in 2000, the average age of the population was 33.4 years, then in 2010,
the average age was 36.3 years. Over the same period, the proportion of children (0-15 years) of the total
population decreased from 24.8% down to 18.2%. At the same time, the proportion of old persons (60 years
and over), increased from 14.5% to 15.5%. Also, the number of dependants per 100 employees decreased
from 65.8 (in 2000) down to 50.1 (in 2010). This fact, according to experts, is due to a decrease in the number
of children in the general structure of Moldova’s population (Sandu 2011: p. 12).
According to UNICEF forecasts (2009), Moldova’s population will age rapidly over 2009-2020.
Table 17. Dynamics in the Age Structure of Moldova’s Population for 2009-2020
Total of country’s population (thsnd persons)
Children (age 0-17)
Adults (age 18-59)
Retired people (60 and over)
% of population
Children (age 0-17)
Adults (age 18-59)
Population, needing social services
Children (age 0-17)
Adults (age 18-59)

2009
3,571
773
2,327
471

2012
3,549
716
2,315
519

2020
3,456
665
2,161
630

changes 2009-2020
- 121
- 131
- 156
167

22
65
13
418
46
233
139

20
65
15
428
43
232
153

19
63
18
443
40
217
186

-3
-2
5
23
- 19
- 17
47

Source: UNICEF (2009)
In 2011, Moldova counted 512,000 persons aged over 60 years; of them, 62% were living in the rural area,
and 60% were women. As many as 25% of them were aged 62-64, and 14% - over 80 years. According to the
workforce survey among the economically active population, 5.3% are aged over 60 years. This represents
13% of the total number of persons aged 60 (National 2011).
The elderly, just like children, represent one of the most vulnerable and weakly protected social groups. In
comparison with other groups of Moldova’s population, they are the most exposed to the poverty risk. In
2010, as many as 25.6% of the total aged people in the country was living in absolute poverty. Poverty in
rural areas is by about two-fold higher than in towns. These indicators were of 31.7% and 16.5%, respectively
(Sandu 2011: p.20).
According to the National Bureau of Statistics (2011), 18% of the total number of households in Moldora
are made up of aged people only, who are over 65 years, and have a poverty rate of 30%. As many as 36%
of households are made up of retired people (aged 57-62 years). Their poverty level is assessed with 28%.
About 75% of the poor households with aged members are located in rural areas.

21


Table 18. Dynamics of Absolute Poverty Indicators Among the Elderly, %
2006
Total population
Households of retired people
Households of aged persons (65 years and over)

2007

2008

2009

2010

30,2
41,8
42,9

25,8
33,5
37,3

26,4
37,3
38,2

26,3
35,6
39,6

22,9
28,1
30,2

Source: Sandu (2011)
The intensification of international work migration has led to a dramatic reduction in the number of
employees on the Moldovan labour market, which, as a result, has led to a decrease in financial flows
ensuring the normal functioning of the social welfare system – the main component of the social protection
of the elderly. This situation has led to the reduction of possibilities to increase the life quality of the elderly,
which would be expressed either in a gradual increase in pensions, or in the development of specific social
services, required to satisfy the needs of these categories of persons.
The intensification of the international work migration has led to another phenomenon related to the
situation of the elderly, and namely, the increase in the number of helpless aged people, left without the care
of their family members. This situation has led in its turn to a sudden increase in the number of applications
by the elderly to the social security system, which was unable to cope with this number of demands. And
this resulted in a decrease in the quality of social services provided to the elderly.
A sociologic qualitative survey was performed with the support of the Czech Development Agency and the
International Organization for Migration, aiming at identifying a list of social services specific for the elderly,
left without the care of their family members who are working abroad (Vaculovschi 2011c).

1.3. Moldova’s Policy on Workforce Migration
Being worried by the spread of the work migration by Moldova’s population, aggravated by problems on
the national labour market, exhaustion of the demographic, professional and intellectual potential of the
country, Moldovan authorities are trying to diminish the effects of these processes, by developing and
applying appropriate policies in the workforce migration field.
We shall note that national policy in this area has undergone major amendments, with four main stages that
can be identified (Mosneaga 2007).
The first stage (1990-1994) regulated the migration processes characteristic for the Soviet and post-Soviet
geopolitical space. Regulation of migration, including work migration, was oriented against immigrants,
but it did not contain any provisions regarding Moldova’s population leaving the country. Once the
independence was declared, Moldovan authorities were trying to protect the rights of Moldovan citizens
who were working or are working outside Moldova, in the CIS countries.
The second stage (1995-2000) is characterized by Moldova’s integration into the migration processes at
the global level, and first of all, at the European level. A particularity of this process is that the migration of
Moldovan workforce and integration of governmental structures into a single migration area appear as two
separate processes, that do not interact.
At the same time, state structures designed to regulate the workforce migration, are rather guided by
the priorities of migration oriented towards Europe, taking over and learning from the experience of the
European countries as concerning the regulation and control of workforce migration, than on the acuity of
the problem of work migration from Moldova. Attempts are made to protect Moldovan legal work migrants

22


abroad (EU).
The third stage (2001-2006) is described by an intense activity and will to promote the image of migration
structures internally among the Moldovan population, as well as externally.
With the migration policy, Moldovan authorities try to overcome deficiencies of previous legal approaches
and migration regulation practice (Mosneaga 2004). This aims at protecting not only the ones working legally
abroad, but also Moldovan illegal workers, in order to help them to legalize their stay. Expert O.Poalelungi
(Institute of European Integration and Political Sciences, Academy of Sciences of Moldova): “... They have
faced a mass emigration issue. Over 2002-2003, many counsellors proposed to apply the Filipino experience
of the workforce export. Others were proposing to follow Russia’s and European Union’s example – to bring
workforce, that is to focus on immigration… Moldova did not have a clear concept of “what needs to be
done”: to export/import workforce or to accept other models. In 2005, when the first forecast and calculation
of Moldova’s population development by 2050 was produced, results showed that we were witnessing a fast
rhythm of the depopulation process. Hence, speaking about workforce export in the Filipino version was not
serious. So, a series of documents, regulations, focused on ensuring the circulation of the workforce.”
An adjustment of the national legislation to international standards was also carried out over this period.
The fourth stage (from May 2006) was represented through the redesign of fundamental approaches, a
switch from a single migration policy to a diversity of policies on migration, providing multiple protection
mechanisms of Moldovan work migrants, within the context of the “Eastern neighbourhood” with the
EU (Moraru 2012). The main activity field is the use of migration for the social-economic development of
Moldova. In this context, the migration policy is considered an integral part of the social policy. The economic
recovery of the state is one of the important directions in reducing international work migration of Moldova’s
population (Programme “Rebirth of Economy is Rebirth of the Country”).
The main source of direct investments in the country’s economy should come from remittances of Moldovan
work migrants, who should be stimulated to invest in local projects, in community development (Programme
“Moldovan Village,” “More than fighting against poverty: Develop an institutional and law structure of the
regulatory framework for the use of transfers to develop entrepreneurship in Moldova.”) For this purpose,
it is important and necessary to inform the population, migrant workers regarding the benefits of bank
transfers by migrants and benefits of bank accounts (2007-2008).
Another policy in the migration field is about setting up the visa-free regime with the European Union
(2010) as a basis for the return of work migrants to Moldova (Peru-Balan 2011). Close cooperation with the
European Union in the migration and security, mobility and return areas. Dealing/tackling aspects related to
the workforce migration, taking into account the needs of the internal market, in order to ensure the social
integration of immigrants.
Moldova continues undertaking actions towards the development of bilateral and multilateral cooperation
with the destination countries, conclusion of agreements in the workforce migration and migrants’ rights
protection fields (Poalelungi 2010). Expert E.Buracec (Ministry of Labour, Social Protection and Family, head
of the Migration Policy Department): “Ensuring migration on legal grounds is an imperative of the migration
policy. In this context, conclusion of agreements in the workforce migration field is essential for ensuring the
rights of migrants and improvement of their social status. At the same time, agreements provide mechanisms
for the management of migration flows, which makes the process to be manageable and predictable. Not
less important is the need to inform potential migrants on the legal emigration, which in fact helps reducing
the number of illegal migrants, as well as eliminates the trafficking in human beings.”

23


The maintenance and development of relationships with Moldovan Diaspora plays an important role
(National Action Plan on Diaspora Management). Scientific Diaspora stands out in the collaboration relations
with Moldovan Diaspora. Expert L.Romanciuc (Academy of Science of Moldova): “These approaches are in
line with EU’s policies in the highly skilled labour migration field. What strategies have been presented at
the European level? First of all, to make the scientific career more attractive for the youth. To eliminate gaps
between graduates and employment in the areas they have been trained. Secondly, the feminization of the
highly skilled migrants requires the active recruitment of women in these processes. And thirdly, mobility
extension in the training and research field. Which would allow a researcher to carry out researches not only
in his/her country, EU member, but to enjoy the mobility in other countries as well, given that the European
Union is made up of several countries, with different technical capacities and infrastructures. Improvement
of research perspectives in the EU and the opening of these for representatives of the third countries. In
principle, these are the goals and objectives that were specified in the “Eastern Partnership.”
In conclusion, we note that labour migration was that lifebuoy, which helped and is helping Moldova to
survive, to ensure not only the existence, but also the development of the country’s citizens, a significant
number of its citizens, migrant workers and their families. However, as the international labour migration
processes are developing and consolidating, the negative effects of the migration are also coming up. The
2008-2010 social and economic crisis highlighted the fragility of the social-economic development model of
the country, based on remittances by Moldovan citizens.
Generally, the international labour migration enhances the tension between economic benefits and social
costs of migration (destroyed families, declined health condition, exodus of the youth and highly skilled
specialists, deterioration of the human potential of the country). Socially vulnerable and weakly protected
layers of the population, particularly children and the elderly, left unsupervised by their parents/children, by
the state, became a common phenomenon in Moldova.
Moldova endeavours to minimize the negative impact of the international labour migration and to strengthen
the positive effects of it. Through attempts and errors, based on the international experience and cooperation,
Moldova aims at identifying the best ways and mechanisms to regulate labour migration, channelling it
towards the sustainable development of the country. Over the short period of its independence, Moldova
went a long way in being aware of the complexity and antagonisms of researches in order to develop efficient
policies in the labour migration field.
Without listing the missed opportunities and drawbacks, we shall mention that Moldovan authorities have
drawn the necessary conclusions. They have achieved this with the indisputable assistance by international
organizations, European Union, providing Moldova with intellectual, financial, etc. support.
These conclusions lie in the fact that the international labour migration issue should be the central point
of current employment policies, social policies in the child, youth and elderly protection field. At present,
the labour migration issue is a topical social-political issue for Moldova. Today, the emphasis is on the
implementation of projects related to the attraction of migration capital, of remittances in the development
of local communities, creation of conditions for the return of migrants home, solution of urgent problems
for Moldova’s population.

24


CHAPTER II. Methodology
2.1. Sampling methodology
Given the goal of the survey, as well as the pre-established methodological requirements, the survey
was carried out on a total sample of 1,107 interviews among the population aged over 18 years, and 107
interviews with local community leaders.
Recording method: standard face to face interview, at the house of respondents in case of households, or at
the work place in case of local leaders;
Sample size: - 1,107 households in total and 107 local leaders. The sample does not include Transnistria;
Target group: - population aged 18+ years on the right bank of the Dniester River.
Sampling strategy:
The survey was carried out on a layered, probabilistic, multi-stage sample.
Layering requirements: Four districts, residential environment, and size of rural communities (3 types).
Sampling points contained groups of 5 interviewed persons. Selection of localities and subjects was
performed through probabilistic modes.
Selection of addresses where interviews were performed was done through the random route method.
Statistic step applied to select households is 3, e.g., 1, 4, 7, etc.. In case the interview could not be carried
out (refusal, nobody home) interviewers went to the following neighbour households, and then when the
questionnaire is over, next household is taken according to the established step 3.
At the level of households, in order to select the subjects to be questioned, we did apply the method of
„the nearest birthday” for the case of households without any family member abroad, while in the case of
households with migrants among their members, the interview was performed with that family member
who was abroad over the last two years, or with the master of the house who remained home, if the migrant
was not home when the operator visited them.

25


Chapter III. General attitudes regarding Moldova
3.1. Opportunities and conditions in the Republic of Moldova
3.1.1. Work/employment opportunities in Moldova
To the question: Are there many work/employment opportunities in Moldova?, 15.7% of respondents have
answered that more or less they agree with this statement, of them more than half are from households that
do not receive remittances, hence we can say that these are the persons who have a job here in Moldova,
which is hard to say about the 82.8% (see table 5) of respondents who did not agree with the statement
above, as surely in these households there is at least one member working abroad, because more than half
of those who did not agree with this statement, receive remittances. Only 1.4% of respondents could not say
their opinion and answered don’t know/don’t answer.

3.1.2. Favourable conditions for creating a family in Moldova
In the paragraph above we saw that respondents consider that there are not many employment opportunities
in Moldova, however, the number of those who consider that: Moldova is a favourable place to create a
family/life quality is good, accounts for 28.6%, and 69.4% (see table 5) of respondents do not agree with this
statement. Two percent of respondents could not give either a positive or a negative answer. Of those who
agree with this statement, more than half are from the rural area and of those who do not get remittances,
which indicates that Moldovans who are in the country want to stay in the country and to create a family,
and those who have somebody abroad want to leave the country as fast as possible and form a family
abroad or to take their family from Moldova and leave abroad together. This phenomenon is very often
noticed in the Moldovan society over the last time. Hence, the number of respondents who did not agree
with this statement is higher among those who receive remittances and live in one of the towns where the
survey was carried out.

3.1.3. Investment opportunities in Moldova
One third of respondents, or 33.6%, said they agree with the fact that Moldova has big investment
opportunities, and 59.9% of respondents (see table 6) don’t agree, and only 6.4% could not give an
answer. Most of those who said there are investments opportunities in Moldova come from a high socialeconomically developed household, while those who said there are no such opportunities in Moldova,
are from average or low social-economically developed household. Hence, we can say that respondents
from the richer households have an absolutely different vision, have investment ideas, they analyse, think
how to open a business to keep their family, while those with average or low incomes find these ideas less
interesting, therefore they do not see in what they could invest, nor do they have the necessary resources
for investments.

3.2. Stringent problems for Moldova today
It is known that Moldova has been always facing a number of various problems. According to the Survey
data, respondents have classified Moldova’s problems in the following order (see figure 4): the problem with
the maximum percentage is the one about low wages and pensions – 28.9%, followed by another important
problem according to respondents, and namely high prices, with 18.9%, another important problem is the
unemployment – 18.2%, inefficient governance – 14.5%, corruption is seen as a problem by 9.7% of participants,
another 5.3% consider economic crisis as a problem, and with a lower percentage, but also seen as a problem,
is the emigration – 1.2%; also respondents have listed a few other important problems, like: lack of a delivery
market, Transnistria issue, poverty, bad roads, population’s health, etc..

26


Fig. 4. Important/stringent problems of Moldova

Don’t know
Other
Emigration
Economic crisis

0,7%
2,7%
1,2%
5,3%

Corruption
Inefficient Government
Unemployment
High prices/inflation

9,7%
14,5%
18,2%
18,9%

Low wages/pensions

28,9%

3.3. Standards of living over the last two years
In general, over half of respondents mentioned that now they live worse than they did two years ago, 36.3%
of them said their life now is the same as two years ago, that is without big changes, and only 10.9% said that
they are doing better now. It should be mentioned that those who receive remittances live better now, while
those without remittances live worse (see table 9).
When analysing living standards for the last two years following several indicators very important for vital
needs, than we can say that almost half of the interviewed population answered that the situation is worse
now for all indicators mentioned in the survey (see table 9-11).
1. Food is one of the appreciation indicators, to which we got the following answers: 47% of respondents
said that food products are worse now, 42.2% of respondents said that nothing has changed, and
only 10.2% of them said that now their family is doing better as concerning the food, while 0.1% of
respondents could not answer this question.
2. Dwelling is another indicator: 43.5% of respondents said that their situation now for this chapter is
worse than two years ago, 46.6% of respondents indicated that the situation remained unchanged,
while 9.8% said their situation is better now than it was two years ago from this point of view, and only
0.1% could not answer this question.
3. Clothing/footwear is another appreciation indicator and results for this indicator are as follows: 47.7%
said that now their situation and possibilities to buy clothing and footwear is worse than two years ago,
42.4% consider nothing has changed, and 9.8% of respondents said they can afford now buying more
cloths than two years ago, while 0.1% of the interviewed persons could not answer this question.
4. As for the health indicator, more than half of respondents said their health condition is worse now
than it was two years ago, 36.6% of respondents consider their health condition did not change and
remained the same, and only 7% of them said they are doing better for this chapter, while 0.1% could
not answer.
5. Entertainment is also an indicator which is telling us that the population is entertaining less now than

27


two years ago, given that 48.3% of respondents consider that two years ago they were going more
often to various entertainment events, because their health condition was better or they were younger,
43.9% of respondents said their situation regarding this chapter did not change, and only 7.6% of
respondents said they go more often to entertainment events than two years ago, and these are of
course the young people, who two years ago were younger, while 0.2% of respondents could not give
an answer for this indicator.
When analysing the data for all indicators, we see that the percentage of those who said that now they are
doing better, or that their situation did not change, is higher in the rural area, while respondents from the
urban area mentioned that their situation for these indicators is worse now.

3.4. Migration’s contribution to the development of Moldova
3.4.1. Important things that Moldovan migrants can do in order to contribute to the
development of Moldova (see Fig. 5)
Persons who participated in this survey have proposed to Moldovan migrants a few ideas for the country’s
development: hence, migrants can help the Republic of Moldova by the fact that they are sending money
home for the household needs/construction, reparation of the own dwelling, this is the opinion of most of
respondents, and namely 41.6%; also, migrants can send money home for starting a new business – this is the
opinion of 20.9% respondents, and of course, with the money sent from abroad they can finance their existing
business – 4.1% of respondents, or they can send money home to donate them to community projects – this is
the opinion of 2.4% respondents. Certainly, migrants’ input is not limited to sending money to the country
only, they can also promote the country’s image abroad – this is the opinion of 5.2% of participants, also
they can promote interests of the country abroad – 5.1% of respondents, and according to 4.6% respondents,
migrants can help the country in the crisis times, and a big help could be if Moldovan migrants could set up
cultural connections/relations with the people from the countries they work in – this is the opinion of 3.6%
respondents, while 2.1% of the interviewed persons consider that if Moldovan migrants would buy exported
Moldovan products available in the countries they work, this would contribute a lot to the development of the
Republic of Moldova.
Fig 5. Important things that Moldovan migrants can do in order to contribute to Moldova’s development
7,9%

Don’t know
Other

1,3%

To remain politically active (vote, etc.)

1,3%

To buy Moldovan export products being abroad

2,1%

To send/to donate money for community projects

2,4%

To create links/cultural relationships with people from other countries

3,6%

To send money/invest in an already existing business

4,1%

To help the country in times of crisis

4,6%

To protect the interests of Moldova abroad

5,1%

To promote the country’s image abroad

5,2%

To send money to launch a business
To send money for household needs

28

20,9%
41,6%


3.4.2. Negative impact (influence) of emigration over Moldova
The following are the data we got for the question Do you think that emigration has a negative impact
(influence) over Moldova? (see table 14): 35.3% - fully agree, 26.3% rather agree, 18.1% do not quite agree,
13.7% fully disagree, and 6.6% could not answer the question. Given these answers, we can say that more
than half of respondents consider that migration has a negative effect over Moldova.
For a more detailed analysis, respondents were asked the following question: What in your opinion are the three
most negative consequences of the emigration? (see tables 15, 16) and the following data were obtained: 77%
of respondents consider that because of the emigration, children remain without parental care, hence children
stay with their grandparents, relatives, neighbours, etc.. It affects a lot the psycho-emotional development
of children, with 73.5% of respondents considering that many families are decaying and the divorce rate in
the country is increasing, 58.8% said there are no more young people in Moldova, as due to the lack of job
opportunities here, the youth are trying to find a job abroad in order to earn their living, 31.5% consider that
a brain drain is taking place (no more professionals left), 18.3% consider that young people become dependent
on the money they receive from their parents abroad, and this makes them more aggressive, more vulgar, their
performance at the school is bad, they begin consuming alcohol, cigarettes and drugs, 12.9% consider that
migration leads to an increase in criminality, in criminal networks and trafficking in human beings, 10.4%
said that migrants have an unhealthy life style abroad, sleeping in basements and consuming lower quality
products, while 5% of respondents said that there are no investments made into the country because every
person is trying to work abroad and prefer to send money home for their families, rather than to invest into
a business in Moldova; other negative effects indicated by respondents are: growing inflation because of
remittances, plough land remaining unattended, the high number of old people remaining in the country without
any help from their children, decreasing birth rate, etc.

3.4.3. Positive impact (influence) of emigration over Moldov
In order to find out whether migration has any positive impacts over Moldova, respondents have
been asked to answer the following question What in your opinion are the three biggest advantages of the
emigration? (see table 17) The following are the advantages of migration: 77.1% of respondents consider that
migration contributes to increasing the living conditions of migrants’ families; 39.3% - migration gives more
opportunities for families to offer higher education to their children; 39.7% - consider that migration is rising
the economic level of the country, 28.4% said it gives more opportunities to families to have a wider access to
healthcare services, 24.7% - new enterprises open in the country and in the communities of migrants; 24.3% of
respondents said that another advantage is the infrastructure development in their community (reparation of
roads, schools etc.).

Based on the answers to this question, we see that all advantages are connected to the economic
factor, that is if money is sent from abroad, than the living conditions are growing, families can offer education
to their children, they have access to healthcare services, etc., but this leads us to another question, why
migration does not bring any advantages to the social factor? For example, migration contributes to raising the
birth rate, marriage rate; migration contributes to a significant drop down of the divorce rate, mortality and
morbidity rates, etc.

29


Chapter IV. Community aspects
4.1. Community aspects over the past five years
4.1.1. Aspects that deteriorated in the society over the last five years
According to survey data, we can say that over the last five years, the following community aspects
deteriorated significantly (see table 18-21 ): 42% said that roads have deteriorated, 32.7% wages and pensions,
31% –employment opportunities, 22.8% – access to healthcare services/number of doctors, 15.3% – dwellings,
11.9% – criminality has increased, 11.4% – gas supply is worse now, same is for water supply – 11.2%, transport
– 9.9%, access to education – 9.6%, situation for children – 9.2%, environment/sanitation – 9%, power supply
– 4.2%, connections with families in the community – 3.4%, other aspects that deteriorated in the community
are: social cohesion, markets, increase in prices, mayoralty, living standards, children remaining without parents,
conditions in kindergartens, street lighting, access to internet, reparation of churches, corruption; only 14% said
that nothing has worsened in the community.

4.1.2. Aspects that improved in the community for the last five years
According to the survey data, we can say that over the last five years things have rather worsened than
improved; hence, the following are the improved aspects (see tables 22-25): 25.4% said that roads have
improved, 24.8% – access to education also has improved, 22% – water supply, 17.1% – gas supply, 13.6%
– markets, 11.1% – access to medical care/number of doctors, 10% – dwellings, 7% – power supply, 4.8% –
conditions for children, 4.4% – environment/sanitation, 2.6% – connections with families in the community,
2.3% – criminality decreased; other improvements: social cohesion, wages/pensions, reparation of churches,
employment opportunities, street lighting, construction of bus stations, etc., and of the total of respondents,
32.6% said that nothing has improved in their community compared with five years ago.

4.1.3. Social-economic conditions in the community over the last five years
According to survey data, we can say that social-economic conditions in the communities where the survey
was performed have improved significantly, or have improved a little, this being the opinion of only one
fourth of respondents. As many as 39% of respondents consider that social-economic conditions remained
the same, while one third of respondents answered that social-economic conditions in their communities
have deteriorated slightly or significantly. In our opinion, those respondents who said that social-economic
conditions in their communities have improved, are from the communities that have benefited from some
financial support from the state or from foreign investors within national or international rural development
projects, which helped to repair the roads, schools, kindergartens, houses of culture, develop parks, etc.
While respondents from other communities, where such projects have not been implemented, said that
things did not change or have deteriorated.

4.2. Solved community issues
4.2.1. Population’s cooperation towards solving community problems
The main community problems for which respondents are ready to cooperate in order to solve them, are, of
course, those related to infrastructure, (see table 27); almost half of respondents said they want that roads
in their community to be repaired, as they are in disastrous conditions, 22.8% of respondents want the gas
pipe to provide gas to the households in their community, and 21.3% want community residents to be

30


supplied with water, 12.8% want to develop the park, and 19.4% - to solve the sanitation problem in their
community. Apart from these infrastructure issues, respondents have also mentioned some social problems
that need to be urgently solved, like: 31.3% of respondents are ready to cooperate in order to improve the
hospitalization conditions in medical institutions, 28.8% want better conditions in the community education
institutions, 22.5% want to build or repair the church in their community, other 18.2% consider it is necessary
to reconstruct or to repair the leisure venues.

4.2.2. Participation of migrants in solving community problems
The analysis of survey data showed that communities need to solve some community problems, like: school
problems, problems related to the medical unit, local conflicts, problems related to the quality of roads,
problems of the most in need persons, problems related to the supply of drinking water/collection of
household waste, gas supply problems (see table 30-33). In all communities we noticed the need to solve
these problems, but only almost one fourth of respondents mentioned that migrants from their community
contribute to the solution of these problems, while for each problem, almost 50% of respondents indicated
that migrants do not help at all to solve then, the rest of respondents could not give an answer. Migrants
do not contribute to the solution of community problems, because they, first of all, attend to their families
and households, so that these are fairly well off. These migrants’ contribution to the solution of community
problems is same as of other community residents.

4.2.3. Population’s contribution to community projects over the last three years
As one can notice from the survey data, population prefers to donate a certain amount of money to solve
community problems rather than to contribute by work. Calculations are made for a started project in the
community, and in order to cover the estimated expenditures, each household has to contribute with 100200 lei, hence the population is ready to pay this sum, provided that the problem is solved; but people do
not agreed to work one-two days for the project. Most of respondents mentioned (see table 34-38) that they
have contributed by work only to the solution of sanitation issues – 12.1% of respondents, because they had
to collect by themselves the waste they did throw in forbidden areas. Also, by almost 4% of respondents
stated they have contributed by work to the reparation of the local kindergarten and school. Those who
have mostly contributed with money are from communities that have been connected to water pipelines
– 19.6%, where roads have been repaired – 14.9%, that have been connected to gas pipelines – 14.7%; for
such community projects the population can only contribute with money, as works have to be performed
by professionals.
Asked What categories of population from the community are more engaged (by donating money, contributing
with labour), in the implementation of these community projects? (see table 39), most of respondents - 35.9%
- said that all residents contribute to the same extent; however, 14.4% of respondents said that nobody
involves in the implementation of community projects, in our opinion these persons are not sufficiently
informed about the community projects held in their community, therefore they do not participate. As many
as 20% said that more involvement comes from families without migrants, while 12.6% said that families
with migrants are involved.
Because of the difficult situation in the country and the low standards of living in Moldova, important
community projects have suffered, as a project can be cancelled if the required financial contribution from
the community is not provided; this has been also proved by the survey data. For the reparation of the main
road in the locality (see table 40), 28.2% of respondents said they would contribute with nothing for this
project, 29.4% said they could donate up to 100 lei, 13% would contribute with up to 200 lei, by about 7% of
respondents said they count donate up to 300 lei and up to 500 lei respectively, and other 5.5% said that for

31


such projects they would be ready to contribute with up to 1,000 lei. The road is the face of the community,
therefore it should have a decent look, but because of the lack of financial resources and of the will to
collaborate, such projects are not implemented.
Although to the questions above respondents said that migrants to not contribute much to the solution
of community’s problems (see tables 41-44), over 50% of respondents consider that the situation in their
community would have been much worse if nobody would have left abroad, about one third of respondents
consider that nothing would have changed if nobody would have left abroad, and about 10% of respondents
consider that situation in their community would have been much better.
In our opinion, things would have been much worse if population would not have left abroad to work,
as in the rural, as well as urban localities it is very difficult nowadays to find a well-paid job, sufficient to
support the family, maybe part of migrants would have found a job in their communities, but not all, the
rest would have to be employed as day labourers to survive, given the lack of other options, moreover after
the destruction of all cattle and pig farms that existed in most of localities, where most of the local residents
used to work in the past.

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