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Shalini Roy
Melissa Hidrobo
John Hoddinott
Akhter Ahmed
Transfers, behavior change
communication, and intimate
partner violence:
Post-program evidence from
rural Bangladesh
March 13, 2019
Funding provided by SVRI, World
Bank Group, CGIAR Research
Program on Policies, Institutions,
and Markets
Motivation
 1 in 3 women globally experiences physical or sexual intimate
partner violence (IPV) in her lifetime (Devries et al 2013)
 South Asia among the highest prevalence in the world: 41%
 Mixed methods review shows cash transfer (CT) programs in
low- and middle-income countries can reduce IPV (Buller et al 2018)
 Quant:  physical violence 5–11 percentage points on average
 Most in Latin America; have conditionalities (eg, trainings); assess IPV
during the program
 Can CT programs be a globally relevant and scalable platform
for sustainably reducing IPV?
Knowledge gaps
1. What happens to IPV after transfer programs end?
 Most CT programs do not continue indefinitely – is this a sustainable
approach to reducing IPV?
2. What role do complementary activities play, and do they shape
post-program effects on IPV?
 Complementary features can be challenging to implement – are they
needed for IPV impacts, and do they affect mechanisms?
3. Do existing findings generalize globally?
 Patriarchal norms and female seclusion prevail in rural South Asia – are
impacts on IPV generalizable from Latin America?
Bangladesh case study contributions
 Investigate what happens to IPV after transfers end
 Disentangle effects of transfers from effects of other
accompanying features
 Study Bangladesh (South Asia), where IPV is high and
norms are conservative
Study setting:
Transfer Modality Research Initiative (TMRI)
 Cluster randomized controlled trial, implemented by WFP-
Bangladesh, evaluated by IFPRI
 Provided cash or food transfers – with or without intensive nutrition
behavior change communication (BCC) – from 2012 to 2014
 Targeted to mothers of children 0-23 months in poor rural
households
 Aimed to improve household food security and child nutrition
 No explicit gender objective – but gender-sensitive design
TMRI Nutrition BCC
 Weekly group meeting of 9-15
mothers with a trained
community nutrition worker –
with some combined sessions
for other household members
 Interactive format, focused on
infant and young child feeding
 Bi-monthly home visits by
community nutrition workers
 Monthly meetings with
influential community leaders
Photo credit: Aminul Khandaker, IFPRI-Dhaka
TMRI IPV study design
 Data used to assess post-program impacts of TMRI on IPV:
 6-10 month “post-endline” survey (2014-15)
 WHO Violence Against Women Instrument administered to mothers
 Longitudinal data from 2012-14
 Qualitative process evaluation during intervention (not specifically on
gender)
2-year intervention:
May 2012 – April 2014
Baseline:
April 2012
Midline:
June 2013
Endline:
April 2014
Post-endline:
Oct 2014 – Feb 2015
6-10 months
post-program
Process Eval:
Oct-Dec 2012
TMRI IPV study design
 IPV study compared three modalities:
1. Control: No intervention
2. Transfers: Cash (1500 Tk monthly ~$18) or Food (rice, lentils, oil)
3. Transfers + BCC: Cash+BCC or Food+BCC
 For a sample of 2,231 women, exploited randomization to estimate
o Post-program impact of Transfers on IPV
o Post-program impact of Transfers+BCC on IPV
o Mechanisms for impacts on IPV
Core result: Transfers+BCC significantly reduce physical IPV
6-10 months post-program
 26% ↓ in physical violence from Transfers+BCC, 6-10 months after program ended
 No impact on physical violence from Transfers only, 6-10 months post-program
27% 27%
20% **
0%
10%
20%
30%
Control Transfer Transfer+BCC
%reportingphysicalIPVin
last6months
Intervention arms
Physical violence, post-endline
(Adjusted means)
How did Transfers+BCC lead to sustained reductions in
physical IPV?
 Sustained effects of Transfers+BCC relative to Transfers only
– Improved women’s bargaining power
•  Economic resources: Control over money, participation in work
•  Agency: Internal locus of control, self-confidence
•  Social capital: “The BCC training boosted their family status within the
community. The neighbors regularly come over to hear what the family learned
in the latest training session.” (Process evaluation)
– Increased men’s “cost” of violence
•  Women’s social capital  more detection/social control of physical
violence
– Reduced household poverty-related stress and conflict
•  Household wealth at endline, likely to be sustained
• “Previously, if she asked her husband to buy some food when there was none in
the house, he would become angry and hit her. Now, she says, he is generally
quite pleasant and does not fight with her anymore.” (Process evaluation)
Conclusions and implications
 CTs did not increase IPV in South Asian context
 6-10 months post-program, 26%  in physical IPV among women that
received Transfers+BCC – no impact on those that received Transfers only
 Suggestive evidence that Transfers and Transfers+BCC both reduced IPV
during the program, but +BCC required to sustain impacts post-program
 Due to sustained changes in (1) women’s bargaining power, (2) men’s
“cost” of violence, (3) household poverty-related stress and conflict
 First quantitative evidence of transfer program’s impacts on IPV persisting
beyond program end
 Transfer programs can cause sustained reductions in IPV – even without
gender objectives – but may require complementary activities that
sustainably affect pathways for impact
Contact: s.roy@cgiar.org
https://doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00791

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Transfers, Behaviour Change Communication & IPV: Evidence from Bangladesh

  • 1. Shalini Roy Melissa Hidrobo John Hoddinott Akhter Ahmed Transfers, behavior change communication, and intimate partner violence: Post-program evidence from rural Bangladesh March 13, 2019 Funding provided by SVRI, World Bank Group, CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets
  • 2. Motivation  1 in 3 women globally experiences physical or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) in her lifetime (Devries et al 2013)  South Asia among the highest prevalence in the world: 41%  Mixed methods review shows cash transfer (CT) programs in low- and middle-income countries can reduce IPV (Buller et al 2018)  Quant:  physical violence 5–11 percentage points on average  Most in Latin America; have conditionalities (eg, trainings); assess IPV during the program  Can CT programs be a globally relevant and scalable platform for sustainably reducing IPV?
  • 3. Knowledge gaps 1. What happens to IPV after transfer programs end?  Most CT programs do not continue indefinitely – is this a sustainable approach to reducing IPV? 2. What role do complementary activities play, and do they shape post-program effects on IPV?  Complementary features can be challenging to implement – are they needed for IPV impacts, and do they affect mechanisms? 3. Do existing findings generalize globally?  Patriarchal norms and female seclusion prevail in rural South Asia – are impacts on IPV generalizable from Latin America?
  • 4. Bangladesh case study contributions  Investigate what happens to IPV after transfers end  Disentangle effects of transfers from effects of other accompanying features  Study Bangladesh (South Asia), where IPV is high and norms are conservative
  • 5. Study setting: Transfer Modality Research Initiative (TMRI)  Cluster randomized controlled trial, implemented by WFP- Bangladesh, evaluated by IFPRI  Provided cash or food transfers – with or without intensive nutrition behavior change communication (BCC) – from 2012 to 2014  Targeted to mothers of children 0-23 months in poor rural households  Aimed to improve household food security and child nutrition  No explicit gender objective – but gender-sensitive design
  • 6. TMRI Nutrition BCC  Weekly group meeting of 9-15 mothers with a trained community nutrition worker – with some combined sessions for other household members  Interactive format, focused on infant and young child feeding  Bi-monthly home visits by community nutrition workers  Monthly meetings with influential community leaders Photo credit: Aminul Khandaker, IFPRI-Dhaka
  • 7. TMRI IPV study design  Data used to assess post-program impacts of TMRI on IPV:  6-10 month “post-endline” survey (2014-15)  WHO Violence Against Women Instrument administered to mothers  Longitudinal data from 2012-14  Qualitative process evaluation during intervention (not specifically on gender) 2-year intervention: May 2012 – April 2014 Baseline: April 2012 Midline: June 2013 Endline: April 2014 Post-endline: Oct 2014 – Feb 2015 6-10 months post-program Process Eval: Oct-Dec 2012
  • 8. TMRI IPV study design  IPV study compared three modalities: 1. Control: No intervention 2. Transfers: Cash (1500 Tk monthly ~$18) or Food (rice, lentils, oil) 3. Transfers + BCC: Cash+BCC or Food+BCC  For a sample of 2,231 women, exploited randomization to estimate o Post-program impact of Transfers on IPV o Post-program impact of Transfers+BCC on IPV o Mechanisms for impacts on IPV
  • 9. Core result: Transfers+BCC significantly reduce physical IPV 6-10 months post-program  26% ↓ in physical violence from Transfers+BCC, 6-10 months after program ended  No impact on physical violence from Transfers only, 6-10 months post-program 27% 27% 20% ** 0% 10% 20% 30% Control Transfer Transfer+BCC %reportingphysicalIPVin last6months Intervention arms Physical violence, post-endline (Adjusted means)
  • 10. How did Transfers+BCC lead to sustained reductions in physical IPV?  Sustained effects of Transfers+BCC relative to Transfers only – Improved women’s bargaining power •  Economic resources: Control over money, participation in work •  Agency: Internal locus of control, self-confidence •  Social capital: “The BCC training boosted their family status within the community. The neighbors regularly come over to hear what the family learned in the latest training session.” (Process evaluation) – Increased men’s “cost” of violence •  Women’s social capital  more detection/social control of physical violence – Reduced household poverty-related stress and conflict •  Household wealth at endline, likely to be sustained • “Previously, if she asked her husband to buy some food when there was none in the house, he would become angry and hit her. Now, she says, he is generally quite pleasant and does not fight with her anymore.” (Process evaluation)
  • 11. Conclusions and implications  CTs did not increase IPV in South Asian context  6-10 months post-program, 26%  in physical IPV among women that received Transfers+BCC – no impact on those that received Transfers only  Suggestive evidence that Transfers and Transfers+BCC both reduced IPV during the program, but +BCC required to sustain impacts post-program  Due to sustained changes in (1) women’s bargaining power, (2) men’s “cost” of violence, (3) household poverty-related stress and conflict  First quantitative evidence of transfer program’s impacts on IPV persisting beyond program end  Transfer programs can cause sustained reductions in IPV – even without gender objectives – but may require complementary activities that sustainably affect pathways for impact