Part clause conjugations, "second tenses," often in the service of focalizing constructions. Egyptian-Coptic, Somali, Hausa, other Chadic languages, Fulfulde

1. Helmut Satzinger
Second Tenses in Egyp7an-Cop7c
and Some Other African Languages

2. Abstract relative forms —
“emphatic” forms —
Second Tenses
Why are Egyptian that forms
called “emphatic”?
For a secondary connection with
FOCUS.

3. FOCUS IN EGYPTIAN – COPTIC
1 The jn constructions
In OEgn. already grammaticalised – not analysable.
Obviously only used for topicalising the agent.
Perfect / Preterite • jn plus noun
or
• absolute
pronoun
nominal sḏm·n⸗f (only
till FIP)
Aorist —
Prospective prospective sḏm⸗f
1.1 with finite verb form

4. Perfect / Preterite • jn plus noun
or
• absolute pronoun
perfective participle
Aorist imperfective participle
Prospective —
FOCUS IN EGYPTIAN – COPTIC
1 The jn constructions
In OEgn. already grammaticalised – not analysable.
Obviously only for topicalising the agent.
1.2 with participle

5. FOCUS IN EGYPTIAN – COPTIC
1 The jn constructions
In OEgn. already grammaticalised – not analysable.
Obviously only for topicalising the agent.
1.1–2 mixed paradigm (from Middle Kingdom on)
Perfect / Preterite • jn plus noun
or
• absolute pronoun
perfective participle
Aorist imperfective participle
Prospective prospective sḏm⸗f

6. 1.1–2 mixed paradigm
Perfect / Preterite • jn plus noun
or
• absolute pronoun
perfective participle
Aorist imperfective participle
Prospective prospective sḏm⸗f

7. Perfect / Preterite m plus noun
or
absolute pronoun
perfective participle
Aorist imperf. participle of jrj
+ infinitive
Prospective prosp. sḏm⸗f of jrj +
infinitive
© Satzinger 1981
1.1–2 The Mixed Paradigm
In LEgn.: only the perfective participle has survived, the other forms
are replaced by auxiliary jrj + infinitive.
Perfect / Preterite • jn plus noun
or
• absolute pronoun
perfective participle
Aorist imperfective participle
Prospective prospective sḏm⸗f
Satzinger 2016

8. History
Grammaticalised already in OEgn.:
construction not explicable within contemporary Egn.
(Otherwise, jn is agent marker with infinitive and passive
constructions.)
Does not survive beyond LEgn.
Material
1.1: nominal personal verb forms („suffix conjugation“)
1.2: adjectival verb forms (participles)
The verb forms involved are the perfect and aorist (imperfective)
participle in 1.1a, of which only the first one survives into LEgn.,
though not later; in 1.1b, the involved forms are the nominal
conjugated forms sḏm·n⸗f, and prospective sḏm⸗f.
Satzinger 2016

9. 2 The Cleft Sentences with pw.
The template is the Nominal Sentence #Predicate pw
Subject#, the focalised element being in predicate role, the
remainder following in the form of an adjectival phrase (ntj
clause, participle, relative form, …) in the function of the
subject.
The focalised element may be the agent or any other
element of the basic sentence.
Satzinger 2016

10. The focalised element may be the agent or any other nominal element of
the basic sentence.
Agent (the verb form is here the “perfective” participle):
swt pw rḏj n.j sn ‘It is he who has given them to me’ (CT 2,402 b)
ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲧⲙⲟⲟⲛⲉ ⲙⲟï ‘It is the Lord who pastures me’ (Ps 22.1)
Object (the verb form is here the “imperfective” relative form):
jnk pw mrrw nṯr sˁnḫ.f wj "I am he whom the god wishes to preserve"
(P. Ebers 1, 10).
ⲟⲩⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲧⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩⲁⲁⲥ ‘They spent only one hour’
(Matth 20.12)
Indirect reference (the verb form: past relative form with n):
jnk pw ḏd.n n.f Šw ḥnˁ (Tfnt) "I am he to whom Shu and Tefnut have
said" (CT 4,092k).
ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲧⲉⲧϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲱⲥ ‘It is the future we seek’ (Heb 13.14)
Satzinger 2016

11. • noun or
• absolute
pronoun
pw adjectival phrase:
ntj clause, participle,
relative form, …
swt
ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ
pw
ⲡⲉ-
rḏj n.j sn
(ⲉ)ⲧⲙⲟⲟⲛⲉ ⲙⲟï
jnk
ⲟⲩⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩ
ⲟⲩⲱⲧ
pw
ⲧⲉ-
mrrw nṯr sˁnḫ.f wj
(ⲉ)ⲛⲧⲁⲩⲁⲁⲥ
jnk
ⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ
pw
ⲧⲉ-
ḏd.n n.f Šw ḥnˁ Tfnt
(ⲉ)ⲧϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲱⲥ

12. History
Freely formed in OEgn. after the template #Predicate pw Subject# of
the Nominal Sentence, with variable pw in OEg., and with invariable
pw in MEgn.
Although the basic template of the Nominal Sentence is N. N. in Legn.,
the Cleft Sentence preserved its tripartite form: the element pȝ < pw
(variable again) was interpreted otherwise. Similarly in Coptic.
Material
Any adjectival clause construction: participle, relative form, sḏm·tj⸗f(j),
nty clause, etc. In LEgn. only the perfective participle, relative form
had survived, in the later tenses no synthetic forms (with nty > ⲉⲧ-).
Satzinger 2016

13. 3 Adverb focalising: the “emphatic construction”
The Egn. template for this task is originally the sentence with
adverbial predicate (Adverbial Sentence): the focalised adverb
in predicate role, in the second position; the remaining
sentence = subject, its nucleus being a nominalised verb form,
in the first position.
Subject
that clause:
sḏm·n⸗f, “imperf.” sḏm⸗f,
prospective sḏm⸗f
Predicate
adverbial expression:
adverb, preposition phrase,
subjunctive sḏm⸗f (with final
meaning), clause of
circumstance
Satzinger 2016

14. History
Grammaticalised already before OEgn.:
Adverbial Sentence: predicate restricted to locative expressions,
Emphasising construction: all kinds of adverbials possible.
Adverbial Sentence: independent utterances are embedded in jw matrix,
Emphasising construction: embedding in jw matrix is avoided.
Survives in its grammaticalised form into Coptic. Its use is blurred in
Coptic: not exclusively depending on adverbial nature of the focalised
element; the focalised element may be a noun (ef-na-r-ou ‘what will he
do ?’), or in the so-called autofocal construction (eu-raše ‘what they are
doing is rejoicing’).
Material
Nominal personal verb forms („suffix conjugation“).
The verb forms involved are the nominal conjugated forms sḏm·n⸗f,
aoristic (vulgo “imperfective”) and prospective sḏm⸗f.
Satzinger 2016

17. Standard Somali
Focalising statements with focus marker baa.
Use of the “restrictive conjugation”
Normal conjugation Restrictive conjugation
It’s a banana I’m eating It’s I who am eating a banana
1s muuska baan cunayaa aniga baa muuska cunaya
2s muuska baad cunaysaa adiga baa muuska cunaya
3sm muuska buu cunayaa isuga baa muuska cunaya
3sf muuska bay cunaysaa iyada baa muuska cunaysa
1p muuska baan cunaynaa annuga baa muuska cunayna
2p muuska baad cunaysaan idinka baa muuska cunaya
3p muuska bay cunayaan iyaga baa muuska cunaya
baan = baa + an
baad = baa + ad
Etc.
No focus: waan cunayaa muus ‘I‘m eating a banana’
waan = waa + an
waad = waa + ad
Etc.

20. H A U S A
Afroasiatic / Chadic / West-Chadic
African language with most numerous speakers,
apart from Arabic.
25 mio speakers, mostly in Nigeria (15 mio) and Niger.
Hausa conjugation pattern:
{Personal + TAM marker} + invariable verb;
yaa tàfí ‘he went’
Subjunctive: no TAM marker; yà zoo ‘may he come,’ etc.
Progressive: {Personal + nàa ‘pertaining to’} + verbal noun;
yanàa zuwàa ‘he is coming’
(no accent = high tone)

21. (no accent = high tone)
Perfect I Perfext II
(relative perfect)
Progressive I Progressive II
(rel. progressive)
Newman: completive preterite continuous rel. continuous I
Reconstructions after P. Newman, based inter alia on dialectal variation.
1sg naa — na — < *nakà — inàa — nakèe
2sg m kaa — ka — < *takà — kanàa — kakèe
2 sg f kin — kikà — < kinkà — kinàa— kikèe
3 sg m yaa — ya — < *yakà — yanàa — yakèe
3 ag f taa — ta — < *takà — tanàa — takèe
1 pl mun — mukà — < munkà — munàa — mukèe
2 pl kun — kukà — < kunkà — kunàa — kukèe
3 pl sun — sukà — < sunkà — sunàa — sukèe
impers. an — akà — < *akà — anàa — akèe

22. The two Second Tenses, or Relative Tenses, are found
1. in part clauses (temporal, …): introduced by dà ‘with,’
baayan dà ‘after,’
2. in relative clauses: introduced by dà ‘with’; zanèn dà munkà
ɗaukà ‘the tie-wrapper which you (pl.) took’
3. in focus constructions with a fronted noun or pronoun, nàawa
nèe ya fi kyau ‘Mine is the best,’
4. in questions with question word (“WH-questions”): yàushée
kukà gamàa ‘when did you (pl.) finish ?’; furthermore,
obviously in contrast to Coptic,
5. in narrative (sequential, continuative) sentences: Muusaa ya
taashì ya shigèe ‘Musa got up [and] went past.’
(All exx. from Newman 1937 / 2000, 572–73.)

23. Other Chadic languages
Mubi
Classification: Afro-asiatic / Chadic / East Chadic
Normal prefix conjugation, ní wĕn báàb ‘I opened the door (‫’.)ڊﺎب‬
But suffix conjugation:
• If direct or indirect object is fronted:
1st suffix conjugation — báàb wĕn-na ‘It’s the door I opened’;
• If one of two objects is fronted:
2nd suffix conjugation — ká wén-ndé báàb ‘It’s for you I opened the door’;
• Adverbial complement fronted and one object postpositioned:
3rd suffix conjugation — íbrè ɗyémég-én bèdígí ‘It’ s with a needle (‫)إڊرة‬ that I
sewed the gown’;
• Object fronted and adverbial complement postpositioned: 1st or 3rd suffix
conjugation.
(After Jungraithmayr, in Fs Thausing 1981, 102ff.)

24. Suffix conj.
1:
dto., plur. object Suffix conj.
2:
Suffix conj. 3
1s -á-nà -á-nà -á-ndé -én
2sm -ká -á-gá -gát -ká
2sf -ké -á-gé -gét -ké
3sm -kuu -í-gú -gút -kú
3sf -kíi -í-gí -gít -kí
1p-i -á-naa -á-naa -á-nát -á-naa
1p-e -á-nee -á-nee -á-nét -é-nee
2p -kún -í-gún -gún -kún
3p -kóo -á-gó -gót -kó
(After Jungraithmayr, in Fs Thausing 1981, 102ff.)
Mubi

25. Bidiya
Classification: Afro-asiatic / Chadic / East Chadic
Perfective Aorist Imperfective Progressive
I. Tense II. Tense I. Tense II. Tense
1s no tàl tàl-nó noo(ra) tàl-ga tàl-gí-nò
2sm ki — -kíŋ kinda — — -kíŋ
2sf ka — -káŋ kanda — — -káŋ
3sm ŋa — -yí ŋanda — — -y
3sf na — -tí nanda — — -t
1p-i ni — -yáŋ ninda —-yaŋ — -yàŋ
1p-e ni — -níŋ ninda —-yaŋ — -nìŋ
2p ku — -oŋ -kúŋ kunda — — -kùŋ
3p ŋu — -yó ŋanda — — -yò
Focalised object
Relative clauses tal ‘sehen’
Temporal clauses
Question with interrogative pronoun
Narrative
(After Jungraithmayr, in Fs Thausing 1981, 114ff.)

26. Dangaléat

27. Independent sentences:
subject pronoun — verb
(“prefix conjugation”)
Dependent sentences:
semantic dependency on
previous utterance
verb — subject pronoun
(“suffix conjugation”)
no kata ‘I went’ kar kát-ino ‘then I went’
nà màte ‘he died’ ŋà gal — kar mát-dyo
‘he fell — and died’
Dangaléat

28. Spoken in: Mauretanien, Senegal, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Kamerun,
Gambia
Partly in: Tschad, Sierra Leone, Benin, Guinea-Bissau, Sudan, Zentralafrikanische Republik,
Elfenbeinküste, Ghana, Togo
Fulfulɗe

30. Fulani-Dschihad-Staaten in West-Afrika, um 1830.

33. Alternate Names: Fulani, Boulbe, Ful, Fula, Fulata, Fulbe, Fulfulde,
Palata, Peul, Peulh, Mbororo, Domona, Dzemay
Spoken in: Mauretanien, Senegal, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger,
Nigeria, Kamerun, Gambia
Partly in: Tschad, Sierra Leone, Benin, Guinea-Bissau, Sudan,
Zentralafrikanische Republik, Elfenbeinküste, Ghana, Togo
669,000 in Cameroon (1986). Possibly 13,000,000 speakers of all
Fulfulde varieties.
Classification
Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Atlantic, Northern,
Senegambian, Fula-Wolof, Fula
Fulfulɗe

34. Fulfulɗe is a class language, as are also the related
languages Wolof and Serer of Senegal, and the Bantu
languages which are only very distantly related.
Cf. Ful-ɓe vs. Ba-ntu, Wa-tussi (person plural class)

36. 14. ngal
Various including
Augmentative Singular
ɗem-ngal ‘tongue’
15. ngol Various, often long things ɓog-gol ‘rope’
16. ngii/ngil
Various including
Augmentative Singular
ɓog-gii/ɓog-gii ‘big rope’
17. ka Various laan-a ‘boat’
18. ki Various lek-ki ‘tree’
19. ko Various haak-o ‘soup’
20. kol
'Calf,' 'Western type of
School'
ñal-ol ‘calf’, lekkol ‘school’
21. ɗam mainly for Liquids lam-ɗam ‘salt’, ndiy-am ‘water’
22. ɗum Neutral maw-ɗum ‘big thing’
23. ɗe Non-human Plural juu-ɗe ‘hands’
24. ɗi Non-human Plural na'i ‘cows’
25. man all classes nagge man, na'i man ‘cows’

37. Anlautstufe Klasse 1. hes- (neu) 2. woɗ- (rot) 3. wor- (männlich) 4. wul- (heiß)
1. nde hesre woɗeere worde wulnde
1. ndu hesru woɗeeru wordu wulndu
1. nge hese woɗeeye worge wulnge
1. ngo heso woɗeewo worgo wulngo
1. ko heso woɗeeho worko wulko
1. ɓe hes'be woɗeeɓe worɓe wulɓe
2. ngal kesal boɗeewal gorgal gulngal
2. ngel kesel boɗeeyel gorgel gulngel
2. ngol kesol boɗeewol gorgol gulngol
2. ki kesi boɗeehi gorki gulki
2. ɗe kese boɗeeje gorɗe gulɗe
2. ɗi kesi boɗeeji gorɗi gulɗi
2. 'o keso boɗeejo gorko * gulɗo
2. ɗum kesum boɗeejum gorɗum gulɗum
Mutation of initial consonant

38. Anlautstufe Klasse 1. hes- (neu) 2. woɗ- (rot) 3. wor- (männlich) 4. wul- (heiß)
3. ndi kesri mboɗeeri ngordi ngulndi
3. nga kesa mdoɗeewa ngorga ngulnga
3. ngu kesu mboɗeewu ngorgu ngulngu
3. ka kesa mboɗeeha ngorka ngulka
3. kon keson mboɗeehon ngorkon ngulkon
3. ɗam kesam mboɗeejam ngorɗam ngulɗam
1. Sg. mi -mi
2. Sg. ’a -ɗa, -ta, -a
3. Sg. (Pers.cl.) ’o -ɗo
1. Pl. inkl. ’en -ɗen, -’en
1. Pl. exkl. men —sic
2. Pl. ’on -ɗon, -ton, -’on
3. Pl. (Pers.cl.) ɓe -ɓe
Subject pronouns of
prefix and suffix
conjugation
Hans G. Mukarovsky, Wiener
ZeitschriK für die Kunde des
Morgenlandes Vol. 53 (1957), pp.
161-180.

39. Suffix conjugation: the verb is preceded by —
a) A relative pronoun:
Suka ˀon mo piˀū mi ‘this child is it which I beat’ (mi pi’i ‘I beat’; mo: class pronoun
as object);
b) a question word:
ndeye ngar ɗon ‘When did you (pl.) come?’ (’on war ‘you came’);
c) an adverbial expression:
jango kirsan mi nagge ‘tomorrow I‘ll slaughter a cow’
(mi hirsan nagge jango ‘I‘ll slaughter the cow tomorrow’)
d) a fronted object:
ko gerlal maungal waru mi ‘It is a big partridge what I killed’
(mi wari ‘I kill’; ko ‘it is’)

40. In all exx. mentioned, the focalised element was fronted;
often there is a deictic Element; and in all cases the verb
form or construction is different from the normal
utterances.
The languages dispose of a special conjugation for the
part clause.
There are also many cases of languages where the
focalised element is fronted, but the construction is
otherwise the same as in the normal utterance.
E.g., Yoruba (SW of Nigeria):
Aṣọ ni mo rà Mo rà aṣọ
cloth it-is I buy I buy cloth
‘It was cloth I bought.’ ‘I bought cloth.’

41. • In situ focalisation is effected by acoustic means (stress), like
Ger. Der Mann hat den Hund gesehen; not visible in writing.
• Fronting the focal element (like Den Hund hat der Mann
gesehen) is not possible in a language with rigid word order,
like Egn., except for topicalisation. Rigid word order is, on
the other hand, a must for languages that do not mark the
complement (object) otherwise.
• This leaves us with clefting: making the focal element
predicate, the remainder assuming the form of relative clause
or adjectival phrase, having the role of the subject: C’est le
chien que l’homme a vu / ỉw pw mȝ·n z / pȝ-ỉw pȝ ỉ·ptr pȝ-rmt /
ⲡⲉⲩϩⲟⲣ ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟϥ /

42. (1) In-situ focus: normal word order; it is realized
phonetically by a nuclear pitch accent. Typical of
Latin, Italian, German, Slavic languages.
Did you see there Peter or Tom? — I saw P e t e r !
Ich habe P e t e r gesehen! Я увидел П ё т р а !
(2) Clefting: The focalised element is presented in
a thetic expression; the remainder of the sentence
follows as a relative clause. Typical of French and
the Celtic languages, as well as many African
languages.
C’est Pierre que j’ai vu!
It is Peter whom I saw!
Is é Peadar chonaic mé!