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Immigrant Families 4
iStockphoto/Thinkstock
Learning Objec�ves
By the �me you reach the end of this chapter, you should be
able to do the following:
1. Discuss the history and implica�ons of immigra�on policies
for families and young children.
2. Describe immigrant families and children living within the
United States.
3. Explain the strengths and challenges of immigrant families
and children.
4. Discuss early educa�on programma�c and instruc�onal
prac�ces to support immigrant families.
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The percentage of immigrants in the U.S. popula�on was
highest at the beginning of
the 20th century, and it saw a decline from 1920 to 1970. In
the past 30 years, we
have seen a doubling of the percentage of the popula�on of
immigrants in the
United States.
The number of immigrants in the United States increased by
almost 10 million
between 2000 and 2011.
Introduction
Bianca, a 3-year-old Spanish and English bilingual preschooler
who recently emigrated from the Dominican Republic, has
joined Ms. Tonia's classroom
this week. Bianca's parents have described her as shy, and they
explain that she misses her abuela (grandmother) dearly.
Bianca and her abuela had a
strong rela�onship, and this is the first �me she has ever been
away from her for an extended period of �me. Ms. Tonia
overhears Laura, another
student, asking Bianca, "Why do you sound like that? Why are
you wearing a sweater when it is warm inside? Why do you
like to eat fried bananas?"
Bianca looks like she is about to cry. Ms. Tonia knows that
Laura is showing natural curiosity and that she is interested in
befriending Bianca. How can
Ms. Tonia help Bianca and Laura develop a friendship?
In this chapter, we will focus on immigrant families and
children and the role that early care and educa�on programs
and teachers can play in ensuring
that their challenges, strengths, and experiences are considered
in the classroom and across instruc�onal prac�ces. Key
instruc�on prac�ces and

strategies that enhance immigrant children's learning and
development and promote home-school partnerships will also
be discussed.
4.1 The Changing Face of U.S. Families
Our na�on is becoming more diverse, and recent trends in
immigra�on are the most important driver of U.S. diversity. As
shown in Figure 4.1, the
percentage of immigrants in the United States has waxed and
waned over the last century, but has steadily grown in the last
30 years. More specifically,
Figure 4.2 shows that the number of immigrants in the United
States has increased by 9 million over the past decade, while the
number of
unauthorized immigrants—individuals who entered the United
States illegally or are staying longer than permi�ed—has
slowed down during the same
period (Pew Research Center, 2013).
We are a na�on of immigrants, as well as, in the case of
African and Na�ve Americans, cap�ve and conquered people.
All areas of the United States
experience different levels of immigra�on; the majority of
immigrant children reside in California, New York, New Jersey,
Florida, Nevada, Hawaii, Texas,
Massachuse�s, Illinois, Arizona, and New Mexico (Hernandez,
2004; Iruka & Gárcia, 2012). However, over the past decade,
there have also been large
increases in southern states' immigrant popula�ons. The
na�onal average change in popula�on from 2000–2011 has
been a 29.8% increase in
immigrants; however, five southern states—Alabama, South
Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Kentucky—have seen the
greatest increases in
immigra�on, with 75%–93% increases (Migra�on Policy
Ins�tute, 2013). Immigrant families may be a�racted to these

states poten�ally due to low cost
of living, job opportuni�es, be�er educa�on, and low violence
and crime rates. However, the experience of being an immigrant
in these states presents
different challenges, given that state governments and residents
are not accustomed to providing educa�on, health, or social
services to this
popula�on. For more informa�on on immigrants by state, you
can visit the Migra�on Policy Ins�tute website
(h�p://www.migra�oninforma�on.org/datahub/acscensus.cfm)
.
Figure 4.1: Immigrants as a Percentage in the U.S. Popula�on,
From 1900 to 2010
Source: Camarota, S. A. (2012). Immigrants in the United
States: A profile of American's foreign-born popula�on.
Washington, D.C.: Center for Immigra�on Studies.
Figure 4.2: Immigra�on Trends
http://www.migrationinformation.org/datahub/acscensus.cfm
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Immigra�on policies are largely responsible for the
predominately White European popula�on of the United
States.
Image Asset Management Ltd./SuperStock

Source: Pew Research Center. (2013). A na�on of immigrants:
A portrait of the 40 million, including 11 million
unauthorized. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, Pew
Hispanic Center.
U.S. Immigration Policy
When and why a family immigrated to the United States has an
impact on the child's development and learning; it even affects
whether the child
a�ends an early childhood program. A child whose family
emigrates to the United States for economic opportunity or
seeking asylum, which is a
special form of protec�on from a foreign government (sought
by poli�cal ac�vists, refugees, and whistleblowers, for
example), may have no family
connec�ons when the family first arrives. In comparison, a
child whose family emigrated to the United States 70 years ago
may have genera�ons of
family members and networks in the United States and in his
family's home country; in fact, this par�cular child may not
iden�fy himself as an
immigrant because he, and his parents, were born here, but his
family's culture and tradi�ons, such as its religious and holiday
prac�ces and
celebra�ons, may s�ll be based on those from his family's
home country.
Typically, when such children have a family history of
immigra�on and they are from one of the pan-ethnic groups in
the United States, they are s�ll
considered part of an ethnic or cultural minority, even though
they are not first-genera�on immigrants ("foreign-born")—or
even second-genera�on. So
you will be�er understand these differences in immigrant lives,
we present a brief history of U.S. immigra�on.

Defining the Waves of Immigrant Popula�ons
In the 1700s, the early immigrants from England, France,
Germany, and other countries in
northwestern Europe came to the United States in search of
economic opportuni�es and
poli�cal freedom, yet they o�en relied upon the labor of
African slaves working on land
stolen from Na�ve Americans (Ewing, 2012). These
northwestern Europeans then mistrusted
and mistreated later immigrants who came from Italy, Poland,
Russia, and other parts of
southeastern and western Europe during the 1800s.
Subsequently, European immigrants have
in turn mistrusted and mistreated the most recent wave of
immigrants from La�n America,
Asia, and Africa who have come to the United States in the
1900s and 2000s.
Although the recent wave currently makes up our largest group
of immigrants, it is important
to understand that their level of emigra�on, and the �me period
for immigra�on, is, and has
always been, lower than the level of emigra�on for Europeans
(Ewing, 2012). Throughout the
course of history, the vast majority of U.S. immigrants have
been people of European descent;
thus, the fact that European Whites are the majority of the U.S.
popula�on is due to
immigra�on policies within this country.
Restric�ons on Immigra�on
The �ght restric�on on immigra�on began in 1875 with a law
that banned the importa�on of Asian laborers and pros�tutes

and immigra�on of foreign
criminals to the United States (Ewing, 2012). In 1921, the
United States created immigra�on quota laws that excluded
Asians and Africans and favored
northern and western Europeans over southern and eastern
Europeans. In 1965, the Immigra�on and Na�onality Act
abolished the na�onal origins
quota system and replaced it with a preference system that
focused on immigrants' skills and family rela�onships with
U.S. ci�zens and residents
(Ewing, 2012).
Although there remained some policies and prac�ces that
limited immigra�on into the United States, there was also an
economic need for immigrants.
As men were dra�ed during World War II, the United States.
experienced a shortage of farm workers. This resulted in the
influx of agricultural workers
from Mexico in 1942. Many of these workers who were in the
United States for several years or longer put down roots and had
children. It was
expected that these immigrants would return to their country or
apply for legal status a�er this temporary employment;
however, the cost and process
of becoming a legal immigrant was cumbersome for many of
these poor, uneducated workers.
The federal government launched "Opera�on Wetback,"
rounding up and depor�ng about one million Mexican
immigrants, as well as some legal
immigrants and U.S. ci�zens of Mexican descent (Ewing,
2012). Children's lives were disrupted, either because they were
separated from their parents
or they were sent back to a country they did not know. This
trauma for children in their early lives affected how they
connected with adults and peers

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The Immigra�on and Control Act of 1986 allowed families,
like the one pictured here, to apply for legal status instead
of being deported.
Richard Drew/AP/Associated Press
and how they behaved in the classroom, including genera�ng a
fear of change and a need
for strict rou�nes (Androff et al., 2011; Brabeck, 2010).
Policies limi�ng immigrants con�nued with the Immigra�on
Reform and Control Act (IRCA)
of 1986 (Ewing, 2012). The purpose of the IRCA was to allow
unauthorized immigrants to
apply for legal status, punish employers who knowingly hired
unauthorized immigrants,
and increase funding for border security and enforcement. In
1996, three laws passed
that had a devasta�ng impact on immigra�on. These laws did
the following: (a) expanded
the defini�on of aggravated felony, retroac�vely allowed
deporta�on of those with
nonviolent offenses, expedited the deporta�on of individuals
without formal hearings,
established mul�year bans for re-entry into the United States,
and enhanced border
security; (b) restricted immigrants from gaining access to public

benefits, such as Medicare
and Social Security, for ten years; and (c) expedited the
removal of individuals suspected
of terrorism, allowed deten�on and deporta�on based on
"secret evidence," and created
a more stringent criteria for gran�ng asylum (Ewing, 2012).
The September 11, 2001
terrorist a�acks created an addi�onal layer of immigra�on
control by linking it with
na�onal security. This singled out individuals from Muslim,
Arab, and South Asian
countries.
Though the U.S. immigra�on policies have tried to control
illegal immigra�on, U.S. employers have encouraged it,
implicitly and explicitly, by con�nuing
to rely on illegal immigrants as a low-wage labor force. This
conflict between law and economics has led some locali�es and
states, such as Arizona, to
ins�tute laws that allow police officers to be "de facto
immigra�on agents" and arrest any suspected unauthorized
immigrants.
Families Facing the Threat of Deporta�on
Children in families living under fear of deporta�on are likely
to have challenges in rela�on to a�achment, sleep, anxiety, and
other emo�onal problems
(Brabeck & Qingwen Xu, 2010). The families themselves are
less likely to provide the consistent and responsive environment
that children may need,
including interac�on with schools and teachers (Leidy, Guerra,
& Toro, 2012). O�en, immigra�ng to the United States means
leaving some loved ones
behind due to costs and restric�ons on how many people from a

family can travel, as was the case with Bianca in our opening
vigne�e.
To minimize retrauma�zing children in these situa�ons, early
childhood programs and educators need to provide safe and
nurturing environments for
children. This may entail providing individual �me or ways for
children to share how they are feeling, and finding ways for
other children to empathize
with the child through story books that talk about how people
feel when they have to leave their home or "favorite" rela�ve
behind. Programs and
teachers can also be clear in their communica�ons with parents
and families that their role is to support families and not to be
an "enforcer" of
immigra�on laws. ECE programs can ascertain how they can be
further suppor�ve through focus groups and conversa�ons with
families (this is
discussed further in Chapter 5).
Who Is an Immigrant?
Thinking about the children in your class, who would you
consider an immigrant? Would it be a child who moved to the
United States three years ago?
What about a child with a mother whose family has been in the
United States for 100 years and a father who arrived to the
United States five years
ago? Recall in Chapter 1 that an immigrant was defined as
either first-genera�on or second-genera�on. First-genera�on
immigrants are children who
have immigrated to the United States themselves, and second-
genera�on immigrants are children whose parents immigrated.
Here is an example, Peter and Jill emigrated to the United
States as a young married couple, and they brought their older

daughter, Sarah. As the years
went by, Peter and Jill had two other daughters, Stephanie and
Michelle, who were born in the United States. In this example,
Peter, Jill, and Sarah
would be classified as first-genera�on immigrants, and
Stephanie and Michelle are U.S. ci�zens who would be
described "socially" as second-genera�on
immigrants. The reason they are defined "socially" as
immigrants is because legally, the two daughters are not
immigrants at all; they are U.S. ci�zens.
Thus, second-genera�on immigrants are immigrants that have
only a cultural, ethnic, na�onal, or familial �e to another
country, yet they are actually
legal U.S. ci�zens. People who are "social" immigrants
typically have very strong emo�onal �es to their country.
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Mexicans make up the largest immigrant popula�on in the
United States, followed by immigrants from
East Asia. While immigrants from Mexico have remained
stable over the past decade, there has been
an increase in immigrants from countries in Africa, Asia,
and Europe.
4.2 Characteristics of Immigrant Families and Children
We all probably know individuals who were born in a different
country and have lived in the United States for decades, and
maybe have even obtained
U.S. ci�zenship, who s�ll consider themselves immigrants.

Knowing whether a child is a first-genera�on or a second-
genera�on immigrant may help
determine how the child and her family have acclimated to and
are familiar with U.S. culture. It may also provide a clue about
the child's home
language and learning style, as well as knowledge about U.S.
customs and tradi�ons. Knowing children's connec�ons to their
family's na�ve country,
including tradi�ons and values, helps teachers develop a
rela�onship with the child, and also helps the child acclimate
and navigate American customs
and norms, including the expecta�ons of the classroom and
interac�ng with peers.
Country of Origin, Education Level, and Socioeconomic Status
There are many differences among immigrants who relocate to
the United States, including their country of origin, educa�on
level, extended family, and
support networks in the United States. Immigrants are less
likely to have a high school educa�on than na�ves, though
immigrants and U.S. na�ves are
comparable with respect to college degrees. This means that
there are groups of immigrants who are less educated and others
who are highly
educated. Immigrants from Asia, Europe, and Africa are likely
to be of higher income and more educated compared to their
Mexican counterparts,
which means they are more likely to be able to support
themselves without social services.
Figure 4.3 shows immigrants by the regions of the world from
which they come and by decade. The largest numbers of current
immigrants are coming
from Mexico—almost 12 million out of 40 million total
(Camarota, 2012). In addi�on, 53% of immigrants came from

Mexico and La�n America (e.g.,
Central America, South America, and the Caribbean). While the
percentage of immigrants from Mexico has decreased from 33%
to 29% from 1980 to
2010, the percentage of immigrants from South Asia, the Middle
East, Africa, and Europe has increased. The top immigrant-
sending countries in the
past decade have been Mexico, India, China, the Philippines, El
Salvador, and Guatemala. This immigra�on pa�ern means that
you will likely have
children in your classroom who are from La�n America and
speak Spanish.
Figure 4.3: Percentage of Immigrants by Region and Year of
Arrival in the United States
States: A profile of America's foreign-born popula�on.
Washington, DC: Center
for Immigra�on Studies.
Being sensi�ve to the needs of children from immigrant
families requires understanding the resources and values their
families have, such as their
educa�on level and employment skills, as well as their
challenges. Research has found that the socioeconomic status
(SES) of the family—which
includes parental educa�on, employment status, income, wealth
(such as owning a home)—and the richness of the language
environment at home
have an effect on children's school readiness and future school
success (Mistry, Biesanz, Chien, Howes, & Benner, 2008).
About 28% of immigrants 25 to
65 years of age have not completed high school, compared to
about 7% of U.S. na�ves. However, there is only a 4%
difference between immigrants

(29%) and U.S. na�ves (33%) who have a bachelor's degree or
higher. Overall, immigrant families earn an average of $10,000
less than U.S. na�ves
($44,000 vs. $34,000) (Camarota, 2012, p. 20).
This income difference may mean that immigrant parents are
not able to provide their children with high quality early
educa�on experiences. Parents
may also have to work mul�ple jobs, which can limit their �me
with their children. More importantly, the income difference
may increase the likelihood
of children from immigrant families living in poverty, needing
public assistance, and poten�ally being exposed to crime and
other trauma. Na�onal data
shows that over 32% of children of immigrants are likely to be
in poverty, compared to 19% of children of U.S. na�ves
(Camarota, 2012, p. 27).
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The longer immigrants are in the United States, the more
likely they are to own a home, have
insurance, not live in poverty, and not use any welfare
program.
The majority of immigrants who are living in poverty are from
Honduras, Mexico, Guatemala, Hai�, and the Dominican
Republic (poverty rates range
from 20%–33%). In contrast, immigrants from the Philippines,
India, Germany, the United Kingdom, Poland, and Canada are

less likely to live in poverty
(poverty rates range from 5–9%). Overall, immigrants from
Asia, Africa, and Europe are less likely to be in poverty than
those from Mexico and La�n
America. This suggests that though immigrant families are more
likely to have less educa�on and to live in poverty than U.S.
na�ves, this does not
apply to all immigrants.
The biggest reason for many immigrants reloca�ng to the
United States is economic opportunity. Employment not only
provides income for families,
but it also exposes immigrant families to U.S. culture. Though
immigrants are concentrated in certain industries, such as
farming, housekeeping,
construc�on labor, and butchering, they also work as computer
programmers, engineers, and physicians. However, since the
majority of immigrant
families work as laborers and have nonstandard hours, teachers
should consider how communica�on and interac�on with
families may be limited or
varied because of the work schedules and stress families
experience. Further, the stress of the work environment and
hours may also affect parents'
styles and interac�ons with their children.
As a sign of accultura�on and middle-class SES, over 52% of
immigrants are homeowners, compared to 68% of na�ves.
While home ownership is a sign
of integra�on and economic success, immigrant families are
more likely to live in overcrowded condi�ons than U.S.
na�ves. The U.S. Department of
Housing and Urban Development defines a household as
overcrowded when there is more than one person per room.
Approximately 13% of
immigrants, especially immigrants from Mexico and Central

America, are considered to be in overcrowded households. This
is in comparison to 2% of
U.S. na�ves (though Asian and Hispanic American na�ves are
considerably higher at 7%) (Camarota, 2012).
Overcrowding is a concern for the well-being of young children
when they do not have a dedicated space to play, learn, or do
homework. A lot of noise
may prevent children from concentra�ng and focusing. Children
may not have dedicated space for sleeping or res�ng, which can
lessen their ability to
focus while in school.
The vast majority of immigrants coming to this country are
hard-working and eager to become part of the fabric of
American life. However, many
immigrant families face major stressors and challenges. Those
immigrants who come to the United States with li�le income
and educa�on and limited
English work mul�ple low-paying jobs, live in dangerous
neighborhoods, and use social services such as food stamps, if
they have the proper
documents, while learning the culture, language, and norms of
their new country. This may mean that children do not spend a
lot of �me with their
parents, they may not experience consistent child care
arrangements, and they may feel anxious because of the lack of
familiarity with the sounds,
smells, and language.
Even with the challenges faced by immigrant families, na�onal
data shows that the longer immigrants are in the United States,
the less likely they are
to be in poverty and lack health insurance and the more likely
they are to own homes. These are key indicators of economic
progress (Figure 4.4).

Figure 4.4: Indicators of Success by Length of Time in the
United States
Source: Based on data from Camarota, S. A. (2012). Immigrants
in the United States: A profile of America's foreign-born
popula�on.
Washington, DC: Center for Immigra�on Studies.
However, the use of welfare programs, such as cash and food
assistance and subsidized housing, par�cularly during the
ini�al decades living in the
United States, indicates that many immigrant families are not
secure in their living condi�ons, even though they may not be
living in dire poverty.
These unstable living condi�ons, o�en found in poor and
working families, and possibly due to lower educa�onal
a�ainment, household income, and
language ability, may cause food and housing insecurity. Food
and housing insecurity occur when adults or children perceive
that hunger and
homelessness are quite possible if just one factor changes—
e.g., the loss of a job or the loss of food stamp benefits—
because there are few or no
other op�ons to replace the lost income or benefits.
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The longer immigrants are in the United States, the be�er
their ability to speak

English. However, about 20% of individuals who have been
in the United States for
over 60 years s�ll report not speaking English only or very
well.
These family insecuri�es have been associated with poor
outcomes for children (Eckenrode, Rowe, Laird, & Brathwaite,
1995; Rose-Jacobs et al., 2008;
Simpson & Fowler, 1994). Food and housing insecuri�es can
affect children's mood and a�en�on. A child who is hungry,
who is living in a temporary
shelter, or who is con�nually moving may find it a challenge
to concentrate and engage in classroom ac�vi�es and may
display signs of anxiety or
problem behavior.
Approximately 34% of immigrants do not have health insurance
compared to 14% of U.S. na�ves, with this number being
higher for Hispanics and
African Americans (Camarota, 2012, p. 42). Further, over 50%
of immigrants from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, and El
Salvador have no insurance, in
contrast to less than 10% of immigrants from wealthier
countries, such as Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom.
The lack of health insurance may
mean that immigrant children are unable to get adequate health
care, which may prevent them from a�ending school regularly,
and this may hinder
their learning and their socio-emo�onal development. It may
also mean that children's health issues, such as fever and
asthma, as well as vision,
hearing, and dental problems, may not be addressed soon
enough—if at all—which can have serious consequences.
Failure to meet children's health care needs and ensure they get
proper nutrients and vitamins can harm their brain development,

especially during the
cri�cal periods of young childhood. Though programs such as
Head Start provide health screenings and dental care, ECE
teachers and programs can
connect families to organiza�ons that assist with providing
health insurance for children, as well as ensuring that families
have access to a regular
doctor.
Language Proficiency of Immigrant Families and Children
Immigrant families' familiarity and comfort with the English
language varies, as does that of their children. Some of the
families are likely mul�lingual,
meaning they speak three or more languages. The majority
(97.8%) of immigrants from English-speaking countries, such
as the Caribbean countries of
Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, as well as the United
Kingdom and Guyana, are likely to report that they speak
English well, and 85% of African,
Asian, and European immigrants speak English (Camarota,
2012, p. 39). In contrast, almost 50% of immigrants from
Spanish-speaking countries, such as
Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, and El Salvador, report that they
do not speak English well or at all. The longer immigrants are
in the United States, the
more likely they are to speak English very well (Figure 4.5).
Figure 4.5: English-speaking Ability and Length of Time in the
United States
States: A profile of America's foreign-born popula�on.
Washington, DC: Center for Immigra�on Studies.
Approximately 21% of school-age children are from immigrant

households and almost 80% of these children speak a language
other than English
(Camarota, 2012). Lack of fluency in English may limit parents'
ability to find employment, because English is a requirement for
most jobs. Children who
do not know English may have difficulty interac�ng with
teachers, other adults, and peers in the classroom, as well as
engaging in classroom ac�vi�es
and lessons without accommoda�ons for their language.
Though the ability to speak English makes it easier to succeed
in the United States, whether in
preschool or the workplace, it is not beneficial for children to
lose fluency in their home language or dialect. Research
indicates that different parts of
the brain, such as those for spa�al awareness and problem
solving, may develop more when children learn different
languages (Thomas & Johnson,
2008). Strategies by which teachers and family members can
maintain and value home languages for the benefit of children's
learning were discussed in
Chapter 1.
Comparison of Immigrant Children to U.S.-Born Children
In comparison to their White U.S.-born peers, immigrants show
a disadvantage on several key indicators of children's health and
well-being (Hernandez
& Napierala, 2012; Iruka & Gárcia, 2012): Lower rates of
health insurance coverage, lower a�endance in early educa�on
programs, lower rates of high
school gradua�on, lower household incomes, and higher
poverty rates. However, immigrant children show be�er
outcomes compared to their U.S.-born
peers from the same ethnic/racial group and socioeconomic
status, a characteris�c known as the immigrant paradox. For
example, Black and La�no

immigrant children have be�er outcomes related to child health
indicators, such as being less likely to be born at a low birth
weight or with chronic
health problems, and they are more likely to be breas�ed
(Crosby & Dunbar, 2012). Although De Feyter and Winsler
(2009) found that children of
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For a number of reasons, dual language learners, many from
immigrant families, have
lower academic achievement in reading and math compared to
children learning only
English.
immigrants scored lower than their U.S.-born peers from the
same racial/ethnic groups on academic outcomes, Crosby and
Dunbar (2012) report that
this is not true when comparing Black immigrants with U.S.-
born Blacks in the area of classroom behaviors and academic
skills. When socioeconomic
status indicators, such as family income, are accounted for,
Black immigrants actually outperform even White na�ves in
such skills as reading.
The Child and Youth Well-Being Index (CWI), funded by the
Founda�on for Children Development, is the most
comprehensive measure of how well
America's children are faring (Hernandez & Napierala, 2012).
This index includes measures of family economic well-being

(levels of poverty,
employment, family income, health insurance), health (rates of
infant mortality, low birth weight, mortality, child health,
obesity), safe/risky behavior
(rates of teen birth, cigare�e smoking, use of alcohol or drugs,
being a vic�m of crime, being a crime offender), educa�onal
a�ainment (reading and
math test scores), community engagement (rates of high school
dropout, preschool enrollment, achieving a high school diploma,
achieving a bachelor's
degree, vo�ng), social rela�onships (single parent households,
mobility), and emo�onal/spiritual well-being (rates of suicide,
religious a�endance,
importance of religion). This informa�on can help ECE
teachers determine how well the families in their classrooms
and program are doing compared
to other children in areas such as health insurance and living in
a poor household.
Presented below are some summary sta�s�cs for the well-being
of children of immigrant families in comparison to children
from na�ve families, based
on the CWI (Hernandez & Napierala, 2012).
Achievement Scores. The Na�onal Assessment of Educa�onal
Progress (NAEP, also known as our "Na�on's Report Card")
does not collect
data on whether children are from immigrant families, but by
using the term "Dual Language Learners" as a proxy for
children from
immigrant families and "English Only Learner" as a proxy for
children from na�ve families, one can approximate the level of
immigrant
children's achievement and learning compared to their na�ve
peers. NAEP dis�nguishes students who are performing at or
above the

proficient level for their grade in reading and math from
students who are performing below grade level. Results from
the 2011 NAEP
assessment indicate that fewer Dual Language Learners than
English Only students were proficient in the fourth-grade
reading and math
tests (Figure 4.6). This low achievement may be linked to the
par�cipa�on rates of immigrant and DLL children in pre-K
programs or to
the quality of programs children are likely to a�end
(Hernandez, 2004; Vandell, Belsky, Burchinal, Steinberg, &
Vandergri�, 2010).
Figure 4.6: Academic Proficiency in Reading and Math by
Language
Source: Hernandez, D. J., & Napierala, J. S. (2012). Children in
immigrant families: Essen�al to America's future, FCD
Child and Youth Well-Being Index (CWI) Policy Brief. New
York, NY: Founda�on for Child Development.
Family Income and Poverty Rates. The median family income
in 2010 for immigrant families was 29% lower than for U.S.-
born families.
This translates to a median income for immigrant families of
approximately $41,500 compared to U.S.-born families at
$58,862. This
discrepancy in median income exists despite comparable
employment; it is also related to the poverty rates of children
in immigrant
families compared to children in U.S.-born families (30% vs.
19%). These poverty rates are high for both groups.
Overall Child Well-Being. Children in immigrant families
experience a somewhat lower level of overall well-being than
children with U.S.-

born parents—99 vs. 103 points. This lower general well-being
is due to specific factors, such as immigrant children's lower
health
insurance coverage, reading and mathema�cs test scores,
preschool enrollment, high school gradua�on, and median
family income, as
well as higher poverty rates than U.S. na�ves. These life
challenges have implica�ons for children's learning and
development.
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In Hispanic cultures, there is a high value placed on strong
rela�onships between immediate and extended family
members, as well as contact between mul�ple genera�ons
of the same family.
Siri Stafford/Lifesize/Thinkstock
Toddler teacher, Kyoko Uchida, describes the benefit of
having immigrant children in the classroom. Immigrant
children and families bring different languages and
customs, which provide different experiences for
children, opening up their mind to different
possibili�es.
Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons
1. Kyoko says that exposing children to different
cultures can happen naturally, even outside of

formal classroom instruc�onal ac�vi�es. What
natural occurences in everyday classroom
interac�ons might you use to help children
appreciate and value cultural diversity?
2. How might you use such an opportunity to
encourage children to think about diversity?
Cultural Competence in Prac�ce
4.3 Immigrant Families' Strengths and Unique Needs
To make progress, immigrants need social capital, the
collec�ve or economic benefits derived from the coopera�on
between individuals and groups.
Indicators of social capital include educa�on, economic
resources, and language ability, as well as networks that
improve the lives of families and
children. People with networks can tap into them when they
need a job or want to get their child into a be�er school. Think
about how the networking
site LinkedIn® works. One connec�on leads to others who may
have access to employment or other helpful informa�on.
Teachers and schools and
other ins�tu�ons can help build immigrant families' social
capital by providing opportuni�es to connect with other
immigrant families and U.S. na�ves.
Family Networks as a Strength
O�en�mes, people immigrate to loca�ons where they have
family or close friends that can support them economically, at
least temporarily, and help
them adjust to their new surroundings. To minimize the
isola�on of leaving family behind, many immigrants relocate to
areas of the United States

where they can connect with individuals or other families from
their na�ve country.
In Hispanic cultures, the term familismo denotes the close
kinship and �es within
immediate and extended families. A high value on family is
also common in other
cultures. You o�en hear Black immigrants, and also na�ve-
born Blacks, refer to non-blood
rela�ves as cousins, sisters, aunts, or uncles; anthropologists
call this fic�ve kinship. This
type of kinship provides families with social capital, which are
opportuni�es and resources
to help them become economically self-sufficient, as well as
offering emo�onal support
and deeper social rela�onships, which is o�en helpful to
prevent the nega�ve effects of
isola�on.
Strong family �es are key survival mechanisms for all
families, but especially for immigrant
families. Many share housing because they are seeking ways to
help one another while
also pooling resources (e.g., money, food) and support (e.g.,
child care).
Though overcrowding has drawbacks, as men�oned earlier,
shared housing also has some
protec�ve benefits. Some studies have found that being
surrounded by family can protect
against depression and isola�on because it provides
individuals with security and
minimizes the impact of stress (Kawachi & Berkman, 2001).
The importance of family �es and bonds for immigrant families
is represented in the low rates of divorce among certain

immigrant groups and the fact
that children of immigrant families are more likely to live in
two-parent households compared to U.S. na�ves (Hernandez,
2004).
Funds of Knowledge: Incorporating Culture in Environment and
Instruction
The term funds of knowledge (FoK) is an anthropological term
first coined by Wolf in 1966;
it means "resources and knowledge that households manipulate
to make ends meet in the
household economy. These include caloric funds, funds for rent,
replacement funds,
ceremonial funds, and social funds" (Hogg, 2011, p. 667).
Researchers from the University of
Arizona recognized the importance of this concept in school
se�ngs and with minority
children, par�cularly immigrant children in the United States.
In order to indicate its
implica�on for minority families, Moll and Greenberg (1990)
defined FoK as "the essen�al
cultural prac�ces and bodies of knowledge and informa�on that
households use to survive,
to get ahead, or to thrive" (p. 321).
Thus, immigrant children and families have knowledge and
resources that teachers can use
to support children's learning. For example, some of the
immigrant parents in your
classroom may have exper�se in a skill like hun�ng. This skill
could be used to teach
students different parts and types of animals, as well as how
human body parts differ from
animals'. In other words, families can contribute "intellectual
resources" to classroom

instruc�on and provide resources to teachers "to draw on
student experiences and priori�es
in schooling, thus valida�ng student knowledge and life values,
and enabling them to
scaffold student learning from the familiar" (Hogg, 2011, p.
667).
To learn about these family resources, teachers can conduct
home visits that focus on
learning and observing family rituals. During these visits,
teachers can also observe how parents and children
communicate, how children communicate
with their siblings or other children in the household, how
families deal with challenges, what children enjoy doing,
children's roles in the family, and
rituals and rou�nes of families. The Cultural Reflec�on
feature, "Exploring the Funds of Knowledge of an Immigrant
Family," will give you a chance to
see how this works.
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Cultural Reflec�on: Exploring the Funds of Knowledge of an
Immigrant Family
You are at the home of Mariela and Manuel Paez and their son
Michael, who is in your class. During this home visit, the
Paezs have a
few friends who drop by unexpectedly, which Mariela explains
happens o�en. You also meet other rela�ves, including

Michael's
grandfather, grandmother, and cousin. You observe that Michael
and the other kids play with marbles and some homemade wood
toys.
You also no�ce that the children are quiet when they come near
the adults. They do not interrupt the adults when they are
talking; the
parents acknowledge the children by a slight touch or look.
You no�ce that the family members and their friends take their
�me in saying good-bye, as if they are not in a rush. You also
no�ce that
there does not seem to be a place in the living area for Michael
to do his school work. You see a lot of musical instruments in
the
corner, and you see Spanish-language newspapers in the living
room. At one point, you no�ce the grandmother telling a story
to the
kids. At the end of the story, she expresses its moral: If you
promise to do something, you must keep your word.
Reflec�on Ques�ons:
1. What fund of knowledge can you ascertain from this home
visit and your observa�ons of Michael in the classroom?
2. Do you understand be�er a�er this visit why Michael does
not always come to school on �me and does not always adhere
to the
precise schedule you set? How might you incorporate the
homemade wooden toys into a class ac�vity? What about the
musical
instruments? What do they tell you about the family's interests
and skills? How might the family share these with the class?
What do
the Spanish-language newspapers in the home indicate about the

family?
3. What other funds of knowledge do you see, and how can you
incorporate them in your classroom?
Needs and Challenges of Immigrant Families
Along with their many strengths and resiliencies, immigrant
families have unique needs and challenges. They may not
understand some subtle�es of
the U.S. English language, including sarcasm, even if they
come from an English-speaking country. This may create
difficul�es and misconcep�ons during
interac�ons. Beyond language, there are also poten�al
differences in caregiving and paren�ng, such as whether
children should always obey all adults
without disagreeing or whether children learn best from
listening rather than doing.
Many of the types of jobs open to immigrants (e.g., farming,
housekeeping) are low wage. This leads to immigrants making
less per hour than their
na�ve counterparts, so o�en they need more than one job.
Low-paying jobs also o�en require working varying shi�s,
including overnights, weekends,
and holidays. These types of jobs are hourly and do not provide
insurance or benefits, such as sick or vaca�on hours (Or�z,
2002), resul�ng in
immigrant families taxing their bodies, health, and minds. Low-
wage jobs are likely one reason that children of immigrants are
more likely to live in
poverty than children of na�ve families (23% vs. 14%)
(Camarota, 2012, p. 27).
There are further implica�ons of working low-wage jobs,
including the stress of not being able to engage with children's

early educa�on programs and
communicate regularly with teachers. (See the Real World
Dilemma feature, "Children of Migrant Workers.") The child's
cogni�ve and emo�onal
development may be affected by the parents' stress level and
unavailability to support their learning and emo�onal health. In
turn, this may have an
effect on the child's rela�onships and interac�ons with the
teacher and peers in the classroom. Studies have shown that
parents who face economic
difficul�es are less sensi�ve and nurturing, which is associated
with children's lower cogni�ve and emo�onal outcomes
(Cabrera, Shannon, West, &
Brooks-Gunn, 2006; Iruka, LaFore�, & Odom, 2012).
Real World Dilemma: Children of Migrant Workers
The Migrant Health Promo�on (2013) website defines a migrant
farmworker as "someone who has le� his or her permanent
residence . . . to work for months or an en�re season in
agriculture" ("Who are. . .?" para. 1). Migrant farmworkers
generally leave their
homes and move to follow the growing season, usually during
the months of February to June, and the harves�ng season,
usually
during the months of July to September. This may require that
migrant families relocate several �mes during the year (U.S.
Department
of Labor, 2000). In addi�on to not having much formal
educa�on, over the past decade migrant workers have faced less
stable work
condi�ons and earned low wages, resul�ng in the likelihood of
their living in poverty.
Migrant workers of all kinds also face many job hazards,
substandard working and living condi�ons, long hours, and

isola�on. They suffer
poorer-than-average health and have a lower life expectancy
than other workers due to the stresses of their job (Migrant
Health
Promo�on, 2013).
Children of migrant families have many challenges, including
increased mobility and chaos. The federal government funds
programs such
as Head Start to provide developmental and educa�on programs
to migrant children to help minimize the impact of school
disrup�ons,
family poverty, cultural and linguis�c barriers, and lack of
resources. The mobility of families may limit children's
language and socio-
emo�onal skills because of inconsistent learning opportuni�es.
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4.4 Programmatic and Instructional Practices and
Considerations for
Immigrant Children and Families

ECE programs and teachers can effec�vely support immigrant
children's and families' integra�on into U.S. society. Based on
Vesley and Ginsberg's
(2011) framework, Table 4.1 summarizes the roles of early
educa�on programs and teachers in poten�ally minimizing the
challenges and future
dispari�es experienced by immigrant families and children.
Table 4.1: Ways That Early Childhood Educa�on can Minimize
Dispari�es for Immigrant Children
Value Descrip�on
Economic func�on Availability of affordable, quality ECE
allows both parents to be employed outside of the home,
providing more
economic stability, poten�ally reducing the poverty rates.
Increase in economic stability would also support more posi�ve
and engaged paren�ng prac�ces, as well as
strengthen health and emo�onal well-being.
Educa�onal
func�on
Early educa�on programs that are of high quality with
developmentally appropriate prac�ces are associated with
posi�ve outcomes for children's reading, math, and language
skills, as well as socio-emo�onal outcomes.
Language skills are par�cularly important as many immigrant
children o�en reside in households where parents
have limited English proficiency.
These early cogni�ve outcomes are associated with be�er
school outcomes and gradua�on rates and children
being able to be�er integrate into U.S. society.
Social func�on Early educa�on environments help children

learn how to interact in the United States.
Early educa�on teachers can help immigrant families integrate
into U.S. culture through their rela�onships with
the families.
Early educa�on programs and teachers can bridge the cultural
gap between immigrant families and other
families by providing opportuni�es for connec�ng through
specific events and mee�ngs.
Source: Adapted from Vesley, C. K., & Ginsberg, M. R.
(2011). Explora�on of the status of services for immigrant
families in early childhood educa�on programs. Washington,
DC: Na�onal
Associa�on for the Educa�on of Young Children.
In their NAEYC report focused on ways to strengthen ECE
programs for immigrant families, Vesely and Ginsburg (2011)
iden�fy four core principles that
support immigrant families: (1) increasing the availability of
high-quality ECE to immigrant families, (2) programs building
rela�onships with and
understanding immigrant families, (3) strengthening immigrant
parents' iden�ty development as well as representa�on and
advocacy in the local
community, and (4) programs providing ongoing ECE staff
development and well-being. We will discuss these principles
one by one in the following
sec�ons.
Providing Access to Quality ECE Programs for Immigrant
Families
ECE programs and staff can be instrumental in ensuring that
immigrant families and their children have access to high-
quality experiences. Staff can
connect families to community programs that service immigrant

families; offer to visit and talk with families about their
programs and classrooms; and
post informa�on at specific events, loca�ons, and online
community forums.
ECE programs and staff can also ask immigrant families of
children in the program to provide informa�on to other families
in their network about their
ECE programs, as well as talk about how their child's high
quality ECE program benefits them and their child. This
informa�on sharing will likely
minimize the reluctance that some immigrant families have
about using ECE programs, because their reluctance may be due
to their lack of
understanding and ability to access high quality programming in
their communi�es.
In addi�on to increasing the number of immigrant families that
can access high quality ECE programs, early childhood
educators must also be educated
about social services in the community. Recommenda�ons for
ECE teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.2.
Table 4.2: Recommenda�ons for Providing Access to Quality
ECE Programs for Immigrant Families
Se�ng Prac�ce
Classrooms Teachers understand what high-quality ECE and
developmentally appropriate prac�ces are.
Teachers consistently consider how their classroom quality may
be improved.
Teachers use available resources to improve quality.

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In this video, toddler teacher Kyoko Uchida discusses
the value and importance of developing a rela�onship
with diverse groups of families for both the family and
teacher.
Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons
1. Kyoko says that she enjoys working with
immigrant families because it "keeps her
learning." What are some examples of the types
of things she might be referring to?
2. What do you think she means when she says the
challenges are mostly for the teacher?
Programs Program staff provide outreach to and educa�on of
parents of young children.
Teachers across all classrooms in a program are convened to
discuss best developmentally appropriate prac�ces
for working with immigrant families.
Community High-quality programs (center- or home-based) are
developed in all communi�es.
Programs develop rela�onships with local public schools.
Programs partner with immigrant-serving organiza�ons to
enroll families in programs.
Source: Vesely, C. K., & Ginsberg, M. R. (2011).

Explora�on of the status of services for immigrant families
in early childhood educa�on programs. Washington, DC:
Na�onal Associa�on for
the Educa�on of Young Children.
Building Relationships With Immigrant Children and Families
Researchers have found that parents are very interested and
invested in their children's ECE experiences; they welcome and
seek out opportuni�es to
discuss their children's progress with their teachers, but
teachers receive li�le guidance or prepara�on for working with
immigrant children and families
(Tobin, 2009). As discussed earlier, the reasons o�en given for
immigrant children's lower achievement are their language
ability, poverty, lack of
mo�va�on, and family challenges. "Commi�ed and dedicated
teachers may truly believe in, and despair of, their students'
perceived constraints," says
educa�on professor Linda Hogg, "but tragically this deficit
theorizing mindset ul�mately leads to expecta�on and
acceptance of low academic
achievement" (2011, p. 666).
Researchers have challenged this deficit perspec�ve by asking
teachers to self-reflect on how their biases and cultural
experiences may affect the
experiences they provide for children, and how they can
incorporate children's cultures in their school experiences (see
the Cultural Reflec�on feature,
"Checking Our Biases"). Teachers need to become involved in
and aware of the lives and resources of immigrant children and
their families.
Cultural Reflec�on: Checking Our Biases

Respond to the following ques�ons and reflect on how your
percep�ons may affect your views of and interac�ons with
immigrant
children and families. How can you improve your cultural
competence and sensi�vity towards immigrant children and
families? What are
some key steps you can take?
1. When you think about immigrant families, who do you see?
What do they look like, what language(s) do they speak, what is
their
educa�on level, where do they work, where do they live, what
are their normal rou�nes?
2. When you think about an immigrant child, who do you see?
What does he or she look like? How does the child interact with
you, and
how does the child interact with peers? How "smart" is the
child? Is she or he aggressive, shy, talka�ve, quiet,
coopera�ve? What will
the future be like for this child?
3. What similari�es do you see between your family and your
image of an immigrant family? What are the differences?
4. Have a conversa�on with someone who has immigrated to
the United States. How similar or different is this individual
from your
imagined "immigrant"? What percep�ons were validated? What
percep�ons were ques�oned?
For ECE programs and teachers to be most effec�ve with
children and families, there has to be a founda�on of trust,
which emerges from a strong
rela�onship. That is, in order for children to experience the
rich benefits of the classroom, they have to feel comfortable and

engaged. Similarly,
families must also feel comfortable and value the work of ECE
programs and teachers. For example, immigrant families may
view the "play-based child-
centered approach" of many high quality ECE programs as
an�the�cal to how they view schooling (Tobin, 2009).
Programs that have found success in building a strong
connec�on with immigrant families
and children started this rela�onship before school started,
during the enrollment or
registra�on period. During these early periods, as well as
during orienta�on or Open House,
program staff can learn more about families and children, a
common prac�ce with Head
Start programs. This not only allows programs and teachers to
learn about the child and
family, but is also an opportunity for families and children to
learn about the program and
perhaps meet the teacher for the upcoming school year. The
rela�onship between families
and children and teachers and programs can be further
strengthened through conversa�ons
during pick-up or drop-off �mes or through specific periods
during the school year.
In some ECE programs such as Head Start, family support
specialists are linked to specific
families. They usually have a human service background, such
as social work or psychology,
and their role is to support families (e.g., providing support for
health, employment,
educa�on, housing) and to support the teacher in developing a
strong rela�onship with the
family and child. This means that family support specialists
spend �me in the classroom

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observing and interac�ng with the children, as well as �me in
the home with families. This
helps them provide informa�on to the teacher about how to
build a closer rela�onship with the parent and child, as well as
make the classroom
environment and instruc�on more culturally relevant for the
child.
Other methods to develop a strong rela�onships with immigrant
families include home visits, which allow teachers to learn
more about parents'
rou�nes and tradi�ons and poten�ally trigger ideas for
materials and ac�vi�es for the classroom; parent-teacher
mee�ngs; and workshops that can be
geared toward immigrant families' needs with informa�on
gathered through surveys, focus groups, or informal
conversa�ons. Recommenda�ons for ECE
teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.3.
Table 4.3: Building Rela�onships with Families
Se�ng Prac�ce
Classrooms Teachers and family service workers have daily
interac�ons with individual parents.
Teachers incorporate ar�facts provided by families into the
classroom décor and curriculum.

Programs Program has family service workers on staff.
Home visits are conducted by both teachers and family service
workers.
Materials for families are translated.
Staff diversity is promoted in order to be�er understand the
linguis�c and cultural needs of parents.
Community Programs are centrally located in immigrant
neighborhoods.
Individuals from the neighborhood are hired and trained to work
in the program.
Teachers are encouraged to par�cipate in community ac�vi�es
(e.g., cultural fes�vals).
Empowering Immigrant Families Through Leadership
Opportunities
Head Start programs have a parent policy council that governs
and monitors the programma�c prac�ces of programs and
classrooms. Parents are the
leaders of this council. Though other ECE programs do not
have this structure, other leadership and governing roles can be
provided to families through
the advisory boards or commi�ees that likely exist. These
leadership opportuni�es can provide a way for immigrant
parents to gain a be�er sense of
how the ECE program func�ons, and they also provide an
opportunity to incorporate their culture into the program.

Leadership avenues are also a way for families to advocate for
their children, which is empowering. In addi�on to the
informa�on about social services,
ECE programs and teachers can help families learn how to
navigate social service agencies and other ins�tu�ons (e.g.,
public schools, clinics, and
immigra�on), further empowering families. Immigrants can
use these experiences to advocate for themselves and their
children, as well as other
immigrant families and children. Recommenda�ons for ECE
teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.4.
Table 4.4: Recommenda�ons for Empowering Immigrant
Families
Se�ng Prac�ce
Classrooms Parents and families are encouraged to observe and
help in classroom. Staff meet with parents about goals for
themselves and their children.
Teachers and staff take �me to learn about parents' everyday
lives, including employment, economic situa�on,
assets and constraints, social networks, and poli�cal
par�cipa�on.
Programs Provide a structure whereby teachers and staff can
come to understand each family's unique situa�on (e.g.,
through home visits or regular conferences focusing on the
whole family).
Community Programs create links with or house other
community programs (health care, social services) to provide
services
to immigrant families.

ECE Staff Development
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A key part of ECE staff development is to ensure that the
demographics of ECE staff match the demographics of children
and families served, or at least
include staff who have some credibility with the community.
When it is not possible to have a diverse staff represent the
program, parents and other
members of the community can serve as resources for the ECE
program and teachers. They can begin by volunteering in the
program and classrooms,
so they become accustomed to the structures and expecta�ons.
Ideally, these parents and community members can be trained
to be employed by the
program as teachers, assistant teachers, family specialists, and
directors.
Having a diverse staff can help in many ways, including
developing the rela�onships among teachers and families and
children and understanding
cultural norms and tradi�ons (e.g., cultures where women are
not allowed to talk or be around men who are not their
rela�ves). A diverse staff can

also help with language and communica�on challenges, such as
teachers needing a translator to communicate with parents and
children.
In addi�on, cultural competence of all staff must be developed,
regardless of their cultural or ethnic backgrounds. Cultural
competence is par�cularly
important for teachers to ensure that their instruc�onal
prac�ces and approaches are culturally relevant and meaningful
for all children, especially for
children from immigrant families. This means going beyond the
no�on of having a "doll of color"; it means using books,
music, and ar�facts that
represent children's culture and asking parents about things they
do at home that can be incorporated into classroom ac�vi�es
(i.e., inves�ga�ng and
employing their funds of knowledge). Recommenda�ons for
ECE teachers and programs are provided in Table 4.5.
Table 4.5: Recommenda�ons for ECE Staff Development
Se�ng Prac�ce
Classrooms Program provides in-classroom mentoring and
coaching using a master teacher.
Program provides co-teaching among teachers of diverse
backgrounds.
Programs Program provides all staff and teachers with adequate
�me away from children for reflec�on.
Teachers receive trainings on various issues, including race,
implemen�ng curriculum with ELL children, second-
language acquisi�on, u�lizing the local social welfare system,
understanding what different documenta�on
statuses mean for immigrant families.
Program provides language, communica�ons skills, and

cultural competence training for staff.
Community Other community programs collaborate with ECE
programs to teach staff how to find local services for families.
Local universi�es and colleges collaborate with ECE programs
on pre- and in-services, as well as ongoing
evalua�ve research of programs.
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Chapter Summary
Discussion Ques�ons
1. How can early childhood educa�on programs make access to
high-quality educa�on easier for immigrant families?
2. Describe the stressors that immigrant families face and how
these stressors may affect children in the classroom.
3. Describe the posi�ve func�ons that early childhood
programs can have on the lives of immigrant families and their
young children.
Further Reading

Immigra�on Policy Center (2008, November 25). De-
roman�cizing our immigrant past: Why claiming "my family
came legally" is o�en a myth. Retrieved
from h�p://www.immigra�on policy.org/just-facts/de-
roman�cizing-our-immigrant-past-why-claiming-my-family-
came -legally-o�en-myth
(h�p://www.immigra�onpolicy.org/just-facts/de-
roman�cizing-our-immigrant-past-why-claiming-my-family-
came-legally-o�en-myth)
Johnson, A., Baker, A., & Bruer, L. (2007). Interdependence,
garbage dumping, and feral dogs: Exploring three lifeworld
resources of young children in a
rural school. Early Childhood Educa�on Journal, 34(6), 371–
377. doi:10.1007/s10643-007-0160-0
Souto-Manning, M. (2007). Immigrant families and children
(re)develop iden��es in a new context. Early Childhood
Educa�on Journal, 34(6), 399–405.
doi:10.1007/s10643-006-0146-3
Key Terms
Click on each key term to see the defini�on.
asylum
(h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�o
ns/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE4
05.13.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sec�ons/cove
A form of protec�on from their own governments that some
immigrants seek when coming to the United States (e.g.,
refugees, poli�cal ac�vists,
whistleblowers).
Child and Youth Well-Being Index (CWI)

The most comprehensive measure of how well America's
children are faring.
familismo
Chapter 4 Summary
http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/just-facts/de-romanticizing-
our-immigrant-past-why-claiming-my-family-came-legally-
often-myth
https://content.ashford.edu/books/AUECE405.13.1/sections/cov
er/books/AUECE405.13.1/sections/cover/books/AUECE405.13.
1/sections/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sections/cover/books/A
UECE405.13.1/sections/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sections/c
over/books/AUECE405.13.1/sections/cover/books/AUECE405.1
3.1/sections/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sections/cover/books/
AUECE405.13.1/sections/cover/books/AUECE405.13.1/sections
/cover#
/cover#

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Spanish term referring to the strong rela�onship within
families, including extended family.
fic�ve kinship
Forms of kinship or social �es that are not based on blood �es
or marriage.
funds of knowledge
Essen�al cultural prac�ces and bodies of knowledge that
households use to survive, to get ahead, or to thrive.
immigrant paradox

U.S. immigrants showing be�er outcomes compared to U.S.-
born peers from the same ethnic/racial group and
socioeconomic status.
mul�lingual
Ability to speak three or more languages.
overcrowded
In housing, when there is more than one person per room in a
household.
social capital
Collec�ve or economic benefits derived from the coopera�on
between individuals and groups.
socioeconomic status (SES)
Indicators of family resources that support children's learning
and development, such as levels of educa�on, employment,
income, and wealth (such as

a home or investments).
unauthorized immigrants
Individuals who entered the U.S. illegally or are staying longer
than permi�ed.
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/cover#

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Building Partnerships With Culturally Diverse
Families Across Home, School, and
Community
5
Ingram Publishing/Thinkstock
Learning Objec�ves
By the �me you reach the end of this chapter, you should be
able to do the following:
1. Discuss the changing structure of families in the United
States.
2. Explain how teachers can promote cultural socializa�on.
3. Describe ways teachers can connect to culturally diverse
families and promote family engagement.
4. Describe how early educa�on teachers and programs can
leverage community resources to support children's
learning.
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While the majority of children live in a two-parent
household, since the late 1960s there has been a
significant increase in single-parent, female-headed
households.
Introduction
Natasha has been a Head Start teacher for almost three years,
and she really enjoys interac�ng with the families; she tries
hard to find ways to involve
them in the classroom, such as having parents be a classroom
aide for a day, chaperone field trips, or provide supplies and
snacks. Even with all of her
outreach to families, she is s�ll a bit frustrated that many
fathers are not involved—and some even seem hos�le or
indifferent to her a�empts to
involve them. For example, David, a recently divorced father
who does not come to school o�en, told her, "You don't
understand my life, and asking
me to bake cookies and cut paper does not make me want to
come to this classroom."
How can Natasha begin to get more fathers involved in the
classroom? How can she provide support for David's son during
this �me of major family
transi�on?
In this chapter, we will discuss the diversity of and changes to
the structures and living situa�ons of American families. We
will discuss what it means
for early educa�on teachers when a child in their classroom
comes from a single-parent, male-headed household; has two

mothers; is raised by a
grandmother; or has a mother in prison. We will discuss how
family culture, including tradi�ons and communica�on style,
influences children's
development, learning, and interac�ons and rela�onships with
adults in their lives—including teachers. The final sec�on of
this chapter will discuss how
a teacher can foster family and community engagement in a way
that is culturally meaningful and sensi�ve.
5.1 The Changing Structure of American Families and
Communities
Chapters 1 and 4 focused on the diversity of children and
families in the United States, including immigrant families.
Just as there has been a change in
U.S. racial and ethnic demographics in the past 50–60 years,
there has also been a change in the American family— or what
is considered a "family."
According to the U.S. census, a family is a group of people
who are related by birth, marriage, or adop�on, but social
scien�sts have broader
defini�ons of families that are not necessarily dependent on
biological or legal rela�ons. For example, they might define a
family as a group of people
who are emo�onally connected and commi�ed to the
development and care of one another.
The Rise of "Nontraditional" Families
The "nuclear family," consis�ng of a married mother and father
and their biological and/or adopted children, has long been
considered the "tradi�onal"
family. However, in the last half of the 20th century, economic
factors and changes in views of marriage and love have led to
many different kinds of
families. Women no longer have to marry for economic

reasons; many can now choose whether they want to be married
(Coontz, 2005). Many people
now marry or live in cohabita�ng households for emo�onal
reasons—love—and they divorce or separate for emo�onal
reasons— lack of love.
This flexibility and acceptance of choice has resulted in more
single-parent, gay and lesbian, grandparent, step-family, non-
rela�ve, and nontradi�onal
households (Organisa�on for Economic Coopera�on and
Development, 2011). As shown in Figure 5.1, over the past 50
years there has been a decrease
in two-parent families and an increase in single-parent families,
especially female-headed households, for all children. There
are also racial and ethnic
differences in the types of families that young children are
likely to live in. As shown in Figure 5.2, less than a third of
African American or Black
children are likely to live with two married parents, compared
to 85% of Asian American children.
Figure 5.1: Living Arrangement of Children From 1960 to 2012
Sources: U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). 1960 Census of
Popula�on, PC(2)-4B, Persons by Family Characteris�cs
(Tables 1 and 19). Current
Popula�on Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplements,
1968–2012. Retrieved from
h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/children.html
(h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/children.html)
http://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/children.html
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Asian children are most likely to live in a tradi�onal
family se�ng with two married parents, while
only one–third of African American children live in a two-
parent family.
Toddler teacher, Kyoko Uchida, describes how best to
respond to children who have ques�ons about different
types of families.
Cri�cal Thinking Ques�on
1. Kyoko shares how she would respond when
another child asks why a child is making two
Mother's Day cards. How would you respond to
this child? Why?
Figure 5.2: Living Arrangements of Children by Race and
Ethnicity in 2011
Source: U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). America's Families and
Living Arrangements: 2011 (Table C-2). Retrieved from
h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2011.html
(h�p://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2011.html)
Single-parent families, gay/lesbian, and step-families are also
becoming more common, but the collec�on of data for these
types of families are not as
precise as other types of families (Brown, 2004). For example,
if a child lives with a biological father who has remarried, then
her living arrangement

will s�ll be captured under "living with two married parents,"
rather than with a step-family. In a blended family (step-
family), either one or both
parents have children from a previous rela�onship. Children
from a step-family may live with one biological parent and visit
their other biological
parent, or they may live with each biological parent for a period
of �me. Thus, the arrangements of blended families vary.
Reflecting the Diversity of Nontraditional Families
In their brief, en�tled, "Crea�ng Welcoming and Inclusive
Environments for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered
Families in Early Childhood
Se�ngs," Burt, Gelnaw, and Lessner (2010) stress that though
teachers may have a personal discomfort with, general bias
against, or nega�ve
assump�ons about the LGBT community, or have a
moral/religious belief about homosexuality being improper, it
is important that teachers perform the
du�es of their job by teaching and interac�ng with all families
in a respec�ul and inclusive manner. Children from all
different types of families view
their own families in comparison to their peers' families and
what they see in books or on television. Consequently, it is
important that the books and
artwork in classrooms reflect the diversity of the children's
families.
The family type can also affect how early educators and
families collaborate to support each
child's development, even in the school environment and
materials that are provided. The
nuclear family is s�ll assumed to be the norm in many ways.
For example, when families
enroll children in school or early childhood programs, the

forms o�en ask for mother's and
father's name and offer only one line for contact informa�on,
based on the assump�on that
the child has two parents who live in the same home. A mother
who has had her child
through sperm dona�on may feel uncomfortable with the
assump�on that there should be
a known father in her child's life, and she may see the program
and its teachers as
poten�ally insensi�ve and non-inclusive.
The variety of today's family structures should be reflected in
how early childhood programs
engage families during enrollment and throughout the school
year, the materials and visuals
used by the program and in learning ac�vi�es in the
classrooms, the types and �ming of
events held for families, and communica�on with families.
Ways that early childhood teachers can show sensi�vity to the
diversity of family structures include the following:
Forms. Ensure that forms asking about family informa�on do
not assume a mother and father who live in the same home.
Provide space for
informa�on about the child's family and primary caregiver
without assump�ons about rela�onships and the structure of
the household.
Communica�on. When communica�ng with a child's caregiver,
do not assume a specific family type. Use of the term "family"
instead of "mother
and father" may be most appropriate.
Elici�ng feedback about family needs. Focus groups with
specific types of families (e.g., single mothers/fathers, adop�ve
parents) can help to
ensure that the program is being inclusive and respec�ul and to

determine unique challenges within the different types of
families. For example, a
single father may have thoughts about how the program may be
more responsive to his needs as they differ from those of single
mothers.
Ways to support diverse families and children in the program
and classroom include the following:
http://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2011.html
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Early childhood educators need to pay special a�en�on to the
family structures of the children in their classrooms so they
can
understand poten�al stressors that might affect the children.
iStockphoto/Thinkstock
Materials. Ensure that materials and visuals represent diverse
families. This may require adap�ng materials, such as making
new pictures to replace
standard pictures. Songs that exclude some types of families can
be revised or adapted to be more inclusive. Storybooks can be
chosen to portray a
variety of family types.
Interac�ons. Discuss similari�es and differences among
families, focusing on the uniqueness, value, and importance of
different kinds of families.
These classroom interac�ons can occur through children's

story-telling, drawing and pos�ng pictures, etc. Ensure that
children and staff do not
nega�vely discuss children who come from different types of
families.
Ques�ons. Find out from children who they consider to be their
family, such as who takes care of them most of the �me.
Differences in Outcomes Among Family Types
Though nontradi�onal families are no longer as s�gma�zed as
they once were, studies have shown that family types are
associated with differences in
outcomes for children. Children who reside in single-parent
households, for example, are more likely than children in two-
parent households to exhibit
poor outcomes, especially problem behaviors.
Researchers suggest several reasons that some family types,
especially single-parent, female-headed households, may be
correlated with nega�ve child
outcomes: youth, limited educa�on, lack of parental resources,
parental mental health problems such as higher rates of
depression or stress, poor
rela�onship quality between child's parents, lower paren�ng
quality, and lack of father involvement (Carlson & Corcoran,
2001; Iruka, 2009; Lansford,
Ceballo, Abbey, & Stewart, 2001; Waldfogel, Craigie, &
Brooks-Gunn, 2010). Compared to two-parent households,
single-parent households are less
likely to have resources—namely income, books, clothes, and
extracurricular ac�vi�es. These families are also more likely to
live in poorer school
districts and neighborhoods, which means that children will
likely be a�ending lower quality elementary schools and early
childhood programs.

Poorer paren�ng quality is strongly associated with limited
resources, stress, and feelings of depression. Single mothers
are more likely to report
depression than married mothers, and depression o�en results
in parents being less emo�onally available for their children;
however, single mothers
are not necessarily insensi�ve or ina�en�ve to their child's
needs.
Examina�on of other family structures, such as adop�ve and
step-families, shows some minimal differences in terms of
father engagement, family
cohesion, and child externalizing problems compared to two-
parent households, but there were no differences in children's
well-being and rela�onships
or parental well-being and rela�onship (Lansford et al., 2001).
Supporting Nontraditional Families
Early childhood teachers should seek to determine the stressors
that families may be experiencing and how they may impair
children's cogni�ve and
socio-emo�onal well-being. For example, highly stressed
families may not return forms or phone calls in a �mely
fashion, volunteer in the classroom,
engage in learning ac�vi�es sent home, or a�end school events
or mee�ngs. Though it is important to understand how family
structure is associated
with paren�ng behaviors and child outcomes, including parents'
engagement in children's learning, it is even more cri�cal to
focus on the sensi�vity
and quality of interac�ons between children and their parents
(Lansford et al., 2001; McLanahan, 1983); these are things that
early childhood teachers
and programs can strengthen and improve upon.

In the opening vigne�e Natasha, a preschool teacher, has a
communica�on incident with a
father who is going through a divorce. This father is facing
dras�c changes in his life, including
having to move out of the family home and no longer being able
to see his child every day.
These life changes have resulted in anxiety, stress, anger, and
isola�on, which have damaged
his rela�onships with friends, coworkers, and now his son's
teacher. The change in the family
structure is likely to lessen his involvement and engagement in
his child's school.
Some things that Natasha can do for him, as well as other
parents who do not seem to be
involved or engaged, include the following:
At the first mee�ng, or at any mee�ng with parents, Natasha
can find out the best form
of communica�on, including use of technology, such as text,
Skype®, or e-mail, and the
frequency of communica�on that is most comfortable for them.
Natasha can determine from parents the best �me for mee�ngs
or home visits, such as
evenings or weekends. She should also find out if parents have
any conflicts that will
prevent them from a�ending school events; for example, if they
are working mul�ple
jobs or are unable to take �me off to a�end school events.
Rather than focusing on the parents' a�endance at school
func�ons, Natasha can focus on what they are doing at home to
support their child's
learning. Natasha can provide addi�onal support with
supplemental ac�vi�es and ideas. Such an offer would likely
have shown the father that
Natasha cares about the development of his child and is willing

to help in any way possible.
Natasha can make sure that she reaches out to both the mother
and father during classroom communica�ons, and that the
parental involvement
ac�vi�es she plans include things fathers are likely to be
interested in.
The Effects of Poverty
Chapter 1 explains how poverty and economic hardship limit
families in various ways, including access to materials and
resources like food, clothing,
adequate housing, and health care. Poverty also limits children's
access to high-quality elementary schools and early care and
educa�on programs, as
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A ques�onnaire like this one can shed light on poten�al
reasons for changes in a child's behavior at
school.
well as to academically-enriching community ins�tu�ons such
as libraries and museums. They miss out on s�mula�ng and
rich experiences that
enhance their language development and prepara�on for school.
If families do not have the economic ability to live in more
advantageous communi�es, the children may be subject to
chronic stressors that harm them

physically, emo�onally, and socially. Though many poor
urban communi�es provide resources to families, such as
clinics, social service agencies, and
schools, many of them are also prone to violence and other
trauma�c experiences (Beyers, Bates, Pe�t, & Dodge, 2003;
Brooks-Gunn, Duncan,
Klebanov, & Sealand, 1993; Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Aber,
2000). Being a vic�m of violence or witnessing violence
(Dahlberg, 1998) is likely to lead to
anxiety and other psychological issues for both adults and
children (Graham- Bermann & Seng, 2005).
Children who live in poor and disadvantaged communi�es are
also more likely to be exposed to health hazards, such as toxic
materials in substandard
buildings (e.g., lead paint, asbestos, mold), which can have
dire health and cogni�ve effects, including development of
learning disabili�es and asthma
(Aber, Benne�, Conley, & Li, 1997). Living in a poor and
disadvantaged community can also mean children are less likely
to receive proper nutri�on and
health care, which can limit their a�endance in the early
childhood classroom, which in turn limits their readiness for
school.
Early childhood teachers and programs can play a key role in
diminishing some of the nega�ve effects that poor families and
children experience. In
addi�on to providing educa�on, health and nutri�on services,
some Head Start programs help families manage stressors
(Curenton, McWey, & Bolen,
2009) through parent support groups and referrals to mental
health agencies. Programs and teachers can provide services to
support families' well-
being and self-sufficiency, as well as an environment where
children feel protected, safe, and s�mulated through a variety

of nurturing learning
ac�vi�es and sensi�ve interac�ons.
Although not every child from a low-income household lives in
a poor community or a family with unmanageable stress, it is
important for early
childhood educators who work with children from low-income
families and other disadvantaged families to be aware of
children's emo�onal state and
any life events that may affect children's normal rou�ne. For
instance, if the family structure has changed due to a
separa�on or divorce or new family
members, if the family has moved to a new home, if the
primary caregiver's work hours have changed, or if the child
has witnessed violence, these
events may impair the child's func�oning and feeling of safety.
Behavioral signs include feelings of anxiety before and a�er
school, less energy, limited
concentra�on or a�en�on, frequent absences, and moments of
outbursts.
Early childhood teachers can communicate with parents about
poten�al changes in the family that may cause changes in the
child's func�oning. Figure
5.3 provides examples of ques�ons to ask caregivers about
factors that can affect children's func�oning.
Figure 5.3: Life Events Scale
Source: © Educare Implementa�on Study, Frank Porter Graham
Child Development Ins�tute, University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill,
2007.
The Real World Dilemma feature, "The Case of Undocumented
Students," describes a par�cular type of family in poverty and

some of the stressors that
can exacerbate the problems of poverty.
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Real World Dilemma: The Case of Undocumented Students
Undocumented students are those who live in the United States
illegally, with or without their parents or guardians.
Approximately 1.5
million, or 15%, of undocumented immigrants are children
(Gonzales, 2007). Over two-thirds of undocumented students
are from
Mexico or La�n America, but the next largest group of
undocumented students are from South or East Asia.
Children under the age of 5 may be U.S. ci�zens themselves,
but live with families who are undocumented. In situa�ons such
as this,
the child may be legally able to a�end the program, but the
family may be unable to meet the expense, par�cularly if
members are
having difficulty finding employment because of their
documenta�on status. What can teachers and programs do in
this case? How can
they help families access resources and funding to ensure
children a�end high-quality programs?
In Sec�on 5.3, we will discuss how early educa�on teachers
can support parents' social capital and network by providing

access to
informa�on, services, and resources. In the case of
undocumented families, teachers can find out which agency is
able to help parents,
especially those in immigrant families, find financial support
for full-�me childcare. They can also find out from other
families which
contacts and resources have been helpful to secure financial
support for their childcare needs.
In some instances, families may not need financial support, but
instead a sense of safety and security that their documenta�on
status
will not be released or used against them. In one example from
East Harlem, New York, a partnership between an Early Head
Start/Head
Start program and a local precinct was formed. This was
prompted by the need to strengthen the rela�onship between
Mexican parents
and the local precinct to address community safety. The parents
ini�ally did not want to get involved because of deporta�on
fears.
However, through two-way collabora�on and the help of Head
Start programs, parents took tours of police precincts, and
police spent
�me in the Head Start programs in non-threatening ways.
Further, the Head Start program and police held community
forums to
educate families about their rights, and parents organized
trainings for police to be sensi�ve to the needs of the
community.
Since undocumented parents are unlikely to engage with
community agencies and organiza�ons, including social
services, collabora�ons
like these can help ensure that young children from

undocumented families receive access to services. To read more
about this example
and ways early childhood programs can support undocumented
families and children, see the Harvard Family Research Project.
(h�p://www.hfrp.org/)
http://www.hfrp.org/
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The Plains Indian Museum Powwow, pictured here, is a
gathering of Na�ve American dancers, drum groups, and
ar�sts. For a child, exposure to an event such as this can
aid
in their cultural socializa�on.
Nomad/SuperStock
5.2 Cultural and Racial Socialization
Parents ins�ll values, morals, and ethics in their children
through many mechanisms. Parents decide how, when, and why
children are exposed to
certain things and what these things are. All parents, whatever
their ethnic or heritage groups, adopt a cultural model of
paren�ng that includes the
goals, ideology, values, and beliefs of their par�cular cultural
group (Super & Harkness, 1986).
Many ethnic minority parents choose to ins�ll pride in their
ethnic culture and history (Crowley & Curenton, 2011; Hughes,
2003; Hughes et al., 2006),

called cultural socializa�on. Cultural socializa�on prac�ces
are deliberate or implicit paren�ng prac�ces and interac�ons
that teach children about their
ethnic/cultural heritage and history; these prac�ces encourage
the sharing of cultural customs and tradi�ons and that promote
children's cultural, racial,
and ethnic pride (Hughes et al., 2006).
There are many ways that families culturally socialize their
children, including discussions
about important historical and cultural figures (e.g., Rosa
Parks, Mar�n Luther King, Jr.,
Sacajawea, Cesar Chavez, Geronimo). Families may also expose
children to cultural
tradi�ons and celebra�ons (e.g., Cinco de Mayo, Mar�n
Luther King Holiday, El Dìa de los
Muertos [Day of the Dead], Caribbean Fes�val, Calle Ocho
Fes�val, Pow- Wows, Chinese
New Year), and visit their ancestral homeland and extended
families. Exposing children to
aspects of their culture by a�ending family events, such as
weddings, and community
events reinforces cultural tradi�ons, beliefs, and values, as
well as the language of the
culture.
On a daily basis, ethnic minority families might engage in
cultural socializa�on by exposing
children to culturally relevant books, music, art, and stories;
by ea�ng ethnic foods; and
by using their home language. Parents differ to the extent with
which they may engage in
ac�vi�es that promote cultural pride, depending on the
relevance of their culture in their
life experiences, the child's age and gender, current events, and
other issues in their life.

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