Lucy Philpott, LCD "Research Summary: Girls' participation in Primary Education in Dedza Malawi"
1.
2. This report has been compiled by Lucy Philpott, a student studying MSc Africa and
International Development at the University of Edinburgh, on behalf of Link Community
Development.
lucyphilpott@yahoo.co.uk
3. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE
List of Tables and Figures............................................................................................................. ....................iv
Acronyms..................................................................................................................... ..........................................v
Acknowledgements............................................................................................................................................vi
Executive Summary............................................................................................................ ..................................1
1.0 Introduction....................................................................................................................... ..............................2
1.1 Purpose of Study........................................................................................................................... ......................2
1.2 Research Focus and Aims...................................................................................................................................2
1.3 Research Objectives............................................................................................................................ .................2
1.4 Research Background........................................................................................................................ ..................2
1.4.1 Girls’ Education in Malawi.............................................................................................................2
1.4.2 Girls’ Education in Dedza...............................................................................................................3
1.5 Overview of the Report......................................................................................................................................5
2.0 Review of the Literature....................................................................................................................... .........6
2.1 Primary Education within Development Discourse......................................................................................6
2.2 Gender, Education and Development.................................................................................................... ..........7
2.3 Girls’ Education in Sub-Saharan Africa.................................................................................................. .........9
2.4 Conclusion and Implications...........................................................................................................................10
3.0 Methodology.................................................................................................................................................12
3.1 Methods............................................................................................................................................................ ..12
3.2 Sample.................................................................................................................... .............................................12
3.3 Interviews............................................................................................................................. ..............................13
3.4 Focus Group Discussions............................................................................................................................ .....13
3.5 Ethics........................................................................................................................ ...........................................14
3.6 Limitations............................................................................................................................. .............................14
4.0 Findings..........................................................................................................................................................15
4.1 National Level Findings...................................................................................................................................15
4.1.1 Overview of Gender-Related Education Policy.........................................................................15
4.2 District Level Findings....................................................................................................... ...............................16
4.2.1 Knowledge of Gender-Related Policy.........................................................................................16
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4. 4.2.2 Dissemination of Gender-Related Policy....................................................................................17
4.2.3 Information and Monitoring of Gender Issues..........................................................................18
4.3 Local Level Findings............................................................................................................. ............................19
4.3.1 Knowledge and Implementation of Gender-Related Policy....................................................19
4.3.2 School-Level Structures for Supporting Girls’ Education........................................................20
4.3.2.1 School Staff...................................................................................................................20
4.3.2.2 PTAs and SMCs...........................................................................................................20
4.3.2.3 Mother Groups.............................................................................................................21
4.3.2.4 Female Teacher Networks..........................................................................................22
4.3.3 Monitoring Female Dropout.........................................................................................................22
4.3.4 Gender-Specific Barriers to Girls’ Education..............................................................................22
4.3.4.1 Internal Factors............................................................................................................ 22
4.3.4.1.1 Lack of Girl-Friendly Facilities...............................................................23
4.3.4.1.2 In-School Harassment..............................................................................24
4.3.4.1.3 Academic Achievement and Post-Primary Prospects.........................24
4.3.4.1.4 Female Role Models.................................................................................25
4.3.4.2 External Factors............................................................................................................25
4.3.4.2.1 Poverty.......................................................................................................25
4.3.4.2.2 Parental Attitudes towards Education..................................................26
4.3.4.2.3 Gender Roles and Expectations..............................................................26
4.3.4.2.4 Gender-Based Violence............................................................................27
4.3.4.2.5 Adverse Cultural Practices......................................................................27
4.3.4 NGO Intervention............................................................................................................. ..............28
5.0 Conclusion.....................................................................................................................................................29
5.1 The Nature of Current Gender-Related Policy.............................................................................................29
5.2 Existing Structure for Disseminating Policy Information...........................................................................30
5.3 The Reality of Gender-Specific Barriers.........................................................................................................30
6.0 Recommendations........................................................................................................................................31
6.1 National Level Recommendations..................................................................................................................31
6.2 District Level Recommendations........................................................................................... .........................31
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5. 6.3 Local Level Recommendations.............................................................................................. ..........................31
References............................................................................................................................................................33
Bibliography........................................................................................................................................................37
Appendices..................................................................................................................................... .....................41
Appendix.1: The Readmission Policy...................................................................................................................41
Appendix.2: The Readmission Policy Revised Guidelines................................................................................42
Appendix.3: EMIS Annual Return Questionnaire..............................................................................................45
Appendix.4: DEMIS Monthly Return Form........................................................................................................61
Appendix.5: Local-Level NGO Interventions.....................................................................................................63
iii
6. LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Fig.1: Female enrolment throughout the education system
Fig.2: Female enrolment across primary and secondary education in Dedza
Fig.3: Dropout rate by Standard, inc. national average for girls
Fig.4: Survival rate by Standard in Dedza
Fig.5: Promotion rates by Standard in Dedza, inc. national average for girls
Fig.6: National pass rates for PSLCE for boys and girls
Fig.7: Interviews conducted at national and district level
Table.1: Sample of schools
Fig.8: District education structures for gender issues
Fig.9: Example of an EMIS data return for dropout from a Dedza School
Fig.10: PSCLE results and pupils selected for secondary education at Chilanga Primary School, 2011
Fig.11: Proportion of male and female teachers in Dedza
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7. ACRONYMS
CARER – Centre for Rights, Research and MoE – Ministry of Education
Education on Rights
MoEST – Ministry of Education, Science and
CPEA – Coordinating Primary Education Technology
Adviser
NESP – National Education Sector Plan
DCDO – District Community Development
Officer NGO – Non-Governmental Organisation
DEM – District Education Manager NGP – National Gender Policy
DEO – District Education Office PEA – Primary Education Adviser
DEP – District Education Plan PSLCE – Primary School Leaving Certificate of
Education
DEMIS – District Education Management
Information System PTA – Parent Teacher Association
EMIS – Education Management Information SFP – School Feeding Programme
System
SIP – School Improvement Plan
EfA – Education for All
SMC – School Management Committee
FAWEMA – Forum for African Women
SSA – Sub-Saharan Africa
Educationalists, Malawi Chapter
TDC – Teacher Development Centre
FGD – Focus Group Discussions
UNESCO – United Nations Educational,
FPE – Free Primary Education
Scientific and Cultural Organisation
FPO – Focal Point Officer
UNGEI – United Nations Girls Education
FTN – Female Teacher Network Initiative
GABLE – Girls Attainment in Basic Literacy UNICEF – United Nations Children Fund
and Education Programme
UNSD – United Nations Statistics Division
GBV – Gender-Based Violence
UPE – Universal Primary Education
GoM – Government of Malawi
USAID – United States Agency for
LCD – Link Community Development International Development
MDG – Millennium Development Goals WAD – Women and Development
MG – Mother Group WID – Women in Development
MGDS – Malawi Growth and Development
Strategy
v
8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the LCD staff in Edinburgh and Malawi, all of whom assisted me in the
design, organisation and implementation of this project.
I would like to thank my Dissertation Supervisor and Programme Director for their
guidance, advice and feedback.
I would like to thank the participants of the study, without whom this research would not
have been possible.
Lucy Philpott
vi
9. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Background
Despite achieving equal access, gender disparities remain throughout the primary education system across
Malawi, and girls remain disadvantaged. This is particularly true in Dedza District, where large numbers
of girls are dropping out of school and those in school are performing below national averages for
academic achievement. This study aimed to investigate local-level perspectives on gender issues in order to
present an initial scoping of the complex issues relating to gender and education in the targeted district of
Dedza. This was done through examining national policy, district and local structures and gender-specific
barriers directly influencing girls’ participation in education.
Methods
Data was collected at national, district and local levels using semi-structured interviews and FGDs. Key
informants were interviewed at national and district levels to investigate gender issues within a wider
educational context, and in-school FGDs with school staff and community members were used to gain
local-level perspectives on the current issues impacting on girls’ education in Dedza.
Findings
This study highlights that multiple challenges exist in relation to girls’ education, evident across national,
district and local levels:
National gender-related policy currently lacks coherence and relevance and is therefore
inadequate for its intended purpose
Current structures for disseminating policy information to all relevant stakeholders at district and
local levels, including the NGO community, are insufficient
Inadequate policy has led to limited translation and misinterpretation of national aims and targets
There is no clear framework for action to implement gender-related policy and associated
strategies at district and local levels, and there are insufficient resources for implementation
External factors that impact on girls’ participation in education existing beyond the school
environment at community-level appear to have had an inadequate level of consideration
Conclusions
The complexities of gender inequalities extend far beyond the education system and are being
continuously perpetuated by parental attitudes, cultural practices and gender-based violence. It is
crucial that policy adopts an expanded vision of gender equality in order to reflect the realities of
gender-specific barriers to education; a vision which goes beyond a framework of ensuring equal
treatment of girls and boys and acknowledges the individual and differential needs of girls. In
addition to policy design, the presence of effective structures for disseminating policy information at
district and local levels is of equal importance, to ensure that gender-related targets and associated
strategies are communicated in a coherent and consistent way to all stakeholders who are responsible
for their implementation.
Recommendations
Recommendations presented are organised around the national, district and local levels of the
education system and focus on policy design, dissemination and implementation. They include
strengthening gender-related policy and existing structures for dissemination, strengthening school-
level structures and understandings of gender issues, building the capacity of relevant school-level
structures, increasing community involvement and coordinating the practice of external agencies.
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10. 1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 PURPOSE OF STUDY
The study outlined in this report has been conducted on behalf of Link Community
Development (LCD) with the aim of providing a local-level perspective on gender issues in
education within a targeted district in Malawi. This report represents an initial scoping of the
complex issues relating to gender and education and the findings will inform future LCD
research and intervention.
1.2 RESEARCH FOCUS AND AIMS
The study was conducted within the targeted district of Dedza, located in the Central Region.
Dedza is one of the two districts in which LCD operate within Malawi and was purposely
selected for this study in order to provide a broad understanding of locally-specific challenges
with regards to gender issues in education. The primary purposes of the study are twofold:
To identify policies and structures relating to gender and education at national, district
and local levels
To investigate gender-specific barriers which influence girls’ participation in primary
education in Dedza
1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
The study consisted of conducting research at national, district and local levels and aimed to
cover the following objectives:
To identify and document existing national gender-related education policy
To identify district structures responsible for gender issues in education in Dedza
To identify current issues and challenges regarding gender and education at school-level,
including gender-specific barriers to education
To identify other NGOs working in Dedza in relation to gender and education and to
summarise on-going and future interventions
To provide recommendations to propose possible future intervention
1.4 RESEARCH BACKGROUND
1.4.1 Girls’ Education in Malawi
Like many other countries, Malawi is committed to achieving the international development
targets which relate to educational access and gender equality (see Box.1:p3) and considerable
effort has been made to improve education, particularly for girls. A number of interventions at
policy level, including the GABLE programme in 1991 and the introduction of FPE in 1994
(Kadzamira,2008; Al-Samarrai & Zaman,2007; Inoue & Oketch,2008), have led to a significant
improvement in primary enrolment. Girls, who had previously been under-represented
compared to their male counterparts, currently make up 51% of primary enrolments
(GoM,2011:24), showing considerable progress toward the achievement of eliminating gender
disparities.
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11. BOX.1: INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION TARGETS
INCREASING ACCESS TO EDUCATION
MDG 2: Ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course
of primary schooling.
EfA 2: Ensuring that by 2015 all children, particularly girls, children in difficult circumstances and those
belonging to ethnic minorities have access to complete free and compulsory education of good quality.
GENDER EQUALTY AND EDUCATION
MDG 4: Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels
of education, no later than 2015.
EfA 5: Eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005 and achieving gender
equality by 2015, with a focus on ensuring girls’ full and equal access to (and achievement in) basic education
of good quality.
(UNESCO,2000; UN,2011)
However, despite a significant increase in female primary enrolment, very few girls make the
transition to secondary school and even fewer enrol at tertiary level (see fig.1). Furthermore, the
surge in primary enrolments has compromised the internal efficiency of the primary education
system: the average pupil/teacher ratio is 76:1; the average pupil/classroom ratio is 105:1; and a
third of primary pupils fail the PSLCE exam (GoM,2011). Despite ongoing efforts to mainstream
gender throughout every aspect of education, it is believed that the current conditions within the
education system have a greater impact on girls, who remain disadvantaged in terms of
retention and achievement in education.
Fig.1: Female enrolment throughout the education system (data from UNSD,2012)
1.4.2 Girls’ Education in Dedza
Dedza, located in the Central Region of Malawi, is divided into 19 zones with a total of 217
primary schools and 36 secondary schools (GoM,2011). The problems that exist at national level
appear to be reflected and magnified in Dedza. At primary level, the pupil teacher ratio is 80:1,
and the permanent pupil classroom ratio is 199:1 (GoM,2011).
3
12. Further to this, female pupils remain marginalised within Dedza. Despite equal access being
achieved with 50.4% of primary enrolment being females (GoM,2011), gender disparities remain
throughout the education system, and the retention and achievement of girls fall below national
averages.
Fig.2 Female enrolment across primary and secondary education in Dedza (data from GoM,2011)
Female dropout is a particular area of concern in Dedza. A greater number of girls drop out of
school compared to boys, especially in the senior classes (Standard 5 – Standard 8), and female
dropout is consistently above the national average across every standard, with senior classes
presenting the biggest problem. Failure to retain girls, particularly past Standard 5, is also
reflected through district survival rates, which show the percentage of a cohort of pupils enrolled
in Standard 1 who are expected to reach successive standards.
Fig.3: Dropout rate by Standard, inc. national average for Fig.4: Survival rate by Standard in Dedza (data from
girls (data from GoM,2011) GoM,2011)
In addition to poor retention, girls consistently have lower levels of academic achievement
compared to boys, as well as performing below national averages for girls. Last year, fewer girls
were promoted from each standard to the next with the exception of standard 4 (see fig.5). The
under-achievement of girls is reflected nationally, whereby fewer girls are passing the PSLCE
(see fig.6). Further to this, the 2008 National Census revealed that Dedza was one of the four
4
13. lowest achieving districts for female literacy, with the female literacy rate being 43%, which is
11% lower than the male equivalent and 16% lower than the national female average (NSO,2008).
Fig.5 Promotion rates by Standard in Dedza, inc. national Fig.6 National pass Rates for PSLCE
average for girls (data from GoM,2011) for boys and girls (data from GoM,2011)
1.5 OVERVIEW OF THE REPORT
The rest of this report is organised into 5 further sections:
Section 2 presents a literature review outlining current academic debates surrounding
gender, education and development in an African context.
Section 3 describes the research methodology, outlining methods, sample, ethics and
limitations.
Section 4 presents research findings from national, district and local level, focusing on
gender related policy and gender-specific barriers which impact specifically on girls’
participation in education.
Section 5 draws conclusions from the research findings.
Section 6 outlines recommendations for future implementation.
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14. 2.0 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
A literature review was initially completed to provide a contextual basis for the research project
based on contemporary academic debates on the research focus. The following review is
structured around three sections: ‘Primary Education within Development Discourse’, ‘Gender,
Education and Development’ and ‘Girls’ Education in Sub-Saharan Africa’.
2.1 PRIMARY EDUCATION WITHIN DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSE
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) formalise contemporary development thinking and
incorporate multiple disciplines, including education (Cremin & Nakabugo,2012). The second
MDG, ‘Achieve universal primary education (UPE)’ (UN,2011:16), highlights that expanding
access to education is an international target; a target which is reflected in the Education for All
(EfA) framework (UNESCO,2000). While UPE is an undisputed global priority, several
theoretical perspectives exist demonstrating contrasting motivations underpinning the
justification for UPE: human capital approach, rights-based approach and human capabilities approach
(Robeyns,2006; Barrett & Tikly,2011; McCowan,2011; Walker,2012).
The human capital approach, firmly situated in an economic school of thought, emphasises the
instrumental role education plays in national development through drawing a direct relationship
between education and economic productivity (Schlutz,1971; Becker,1975). From this
perspective, “[t]he central rationale for investing in education...lies in the contribution that
education can make to economic growth” (Barrett & Tikly,2011:4), based on a cost-benefit
analysis where the rates of return justify any investment in education (Heward,1999;
Soudien,2002; Canton & Lindahl,2007; McCowan,2011).
In contrast, the rights-based approach prioritises the intrinsic value of education (Robeyns,2006).
Underpinned by international legal frameworks, including the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UN,1948:Article 26.1) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN,1989:Article 28-
29), the motivation for UPE stems from the declaration that education is a fundamental human
right (McMillan,2010; Barrett & Tikly,2011; McCowan,2011). From this perspective, education is
believed to promote development outcomes through providing the opportunity to raise
awareness of rights in a wider context, thereby securing rights beyond education, which rights
advocators argue to be the driving force for development (Subrahmanian,2005; Greany,2008).
The human capabilities approach, inspired by the works of Amartya Sen and Nancy Fraser, is built
on ideas of individual freedoms and social justice (Sen,2005; Walker,2005; Barrett & Tikly,2011;
Cremin & Nakabugo,2012). This approach views education as a tool to enable individuals to
operate their ‘capability set’, their full potential (Walker,2005), as well as providing the
opportunity to enhance their capacity to achieve further capabilities (McCowan,2011). Education
is therefore valued both instrumentally and intrinsically, “Being knowledgeable and having
access to an education that allows a person to flourish is generally argued to be a valuable
capability....[b]ut being well-educated can also be instrumentally important for the expansion of
other capabilities” (Robeyns,2006:78), which is believed subsequently to fuel development
outcomes.
While the human capital and human rights approaches are widely recognised for their important
contribution to ongoing discussions regarding education and development, many argue the
6
15. emerging capabilities approach provides a more comprehensive framework for understanding
the role and status of education because it incorporates and extends on the fundamental ideas of
both human capital and human rights (Unterhalter,2005; Robeyns,2006; Barrett & Tikly,2011;
McCowan,2011; Walker,2012). McMillan (2010) highlights a shared limitation of the human
capital and human rights approaches is the disregard for the process, and thereby the quality, of
education, claiming both approaches agree on promoting ‘education’, yet neither promotes a
particular definition, therefore implying it is a fixed concept (Robeyns,2006; McCowan,2011).
Many authors argue the reason why the capabilities approach is of higher merit is that ‘quality’
is inherently acknowledged as an essential element to the process of education, thereby
extending beyond simply acknowledging the importance of access to education and
acknowledging the content of what is being taught and subsequently learned (Robeyns,2006;
McCowan,2011). Barrett & Tikly (2011:7) argue that framing education through human
capabilities provides more ‘form and substance’, by forcing the acknowledgement of factors
internal to the process of education, such as inclusion and relevance, which impact on
individuals’ ability to operate their capability sets. This is further supported by Unterhalter
(2005:120), who claims the capabilities approach moves beyond the rhetoric of human capital
and human rights and addresses underlying social factors necessary to allow learners to reach
their full potential.
The concept of quality shapes a significant debate within the literature, whereby many argue
that, in order to meaningfully meet education targets and achieve possible development
outcomes which education can promote, the quality of the education process is an essential
component. Pigozzi (2006), Lewin (2009) and Barrett (2011) urge for an ‘expanded vision’ of
access to education, whereby factors relating to the content and quality of education (for
example, learning environment, teaching methods, facilities and resources) are simultaneously
considered alongside the need for increased enrolment. The importance of quality in education
has been acknowledged by several multi-national agencies, such as the World Bank (2002:432)
and UNESCO (2003), and has been operationalised by UNICEF (2005:4), who offer a
comprehensive framework of quality education through their ‘Child Friendly Schools’ initiative
which aims to promote “...a multi-dimensional concept of quality and address the total needs of
the child as a learner”.
2.2 GENDER, EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT
Women’s contribution to development has been widely recognised since Ester Boserup’s (1970)
feminist critique of mainstream development theories, ‘Woman’s Role in Economic Development’,
where she argued gender was an important factor to consider in development thinking and
initiatives. As shown by Visvanathan (1996:18-19), Heward (1999:1-2) and Datta & McIlwaine
(2010:370-371), Boserup’s work subsequently sparked the Women in Development (WID) and
Woman and Development (WAD) approaches, which further highlight women’s contributions
and emphasise the need to include females in development processes. Equal inclusion of women
and men within development has been internationally recognised, with MDG3 outlining the aim,
“Gender equality and the empowerment of women” (UN,2011:20).
Many authors have documented evidence that educating females can enhance their
contributions, having a transformational impact on a wide range of development aims,
promoting desirable social, cultural and economic outcomes (UNESCO,2003; Barrett &
7
16. Browne,2006; Akyeampong & Lewin,2009; Cremin & Nakabugo,2012). A study conducted by
Ainsworth et al. (1996) found a relationship between education levels and fertility rates, showing
women who had received higher levels of education were more likely to use contraception and
therefore had fewer children. This finding is supported by Pitt (2005), who additionally identifies
a positive relationship between maternal education and child health and survival. The children
of an educated woman are more likely to go to school, showing female education has a
generational impact, which Akyempong and Lewin (2009) argue has implications for the
sustainability of the UPE target. Additionally, Barrett & Browne (2006) conclude that educated
women are more confident to make business-related decisions, making them more economically
productive. The benefits of educating females is believed to be more pronounced in developing
country contexts, where women bear more responsibilities, including the upbringing of children,
care of the home and farming, which impact on both human development and national
economic growth (Barrett & Browne,2006).
The relationship between gender, education and development has been recognised among global
education and development actors. In addition to UPE, the international community is
committed to eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education,
operationalised through the MDGs (UN,2011:20) and EfA (UNESCO,2000:8) targets. The focus
on gender equality in education has resulted in widespread successes, with many developing
countries either reaching gender parity or significantly reducing the gender gap in enrolments at
primary level (UN,2011:20).
However, many authors contest whether equal access to education is an adequate measure of
gender equality in school, claiming that enrolment rates only give a partial account of gender
inequalities (Unterhalter,2005; Subrahmanian,2005).
Dunne et al. (2006:78) state,
“International efforts to increase educational participation, especially of girls, in the poorer
countries of the world and attempts to improve the quality of the school experience have
tended to assume that the institution of the school is universally benign or at least ‘neutral’.
However...the school is a social arena marked by asymmetrical power relations.”
This statement highlights the need to consider gender issues internal to the process of education,
thereby including gender when addressing the concept of ‘quality education’. Aikman et al.
(2011:46) support this by claiming there is a need to examine “gender dynamics within
classrooms”, and urge for an expanded vision of gender equality, whereby qualitative factors, as
well as quantitative, are considered. Robeyns (2006) and Barrett & Tikly (2011) apply the
capabilities approach to outline how to address gender inequalities in education in a more
comprehensive and meaningful way, demonstrating that framing education in terms of
capabilities forces the acknowledgement of gender-specific challenges within the school
environment, which consequently can impact on the ability of boys and girls to reach their full
potential. Further to this, a relationship between gender, quality education and development is
demonstrated by Ainsworth et al. (1996), who show the relationship between female education
and lower fertility rates only occurred as a result of sustained education that was of good
quality.
UNICEF (2005) argue the process of schooling must cater for physical, emotional and
psychological needs of both boys and girls, as well as academic needs, in order to be considered
8
17. ‘quality education’, using the example that girls require different sanitation facilities, especially
during menstruation. Aikman et al. (2005), Subrahmanian (2005) and Unterhalter (2005) argue
for gender-sensitivity throughout the education process, for example gender-sensitive teaching
methods, curricula, assessment modes and resources. Gender-sensitive pedagogy is a concept
which has been adopted by several international organisations, for example FAWEMA (2011)
and UNICEF (2005), who both run gender-sensitive teacher training projects in numerous
developing countries.
2.3 GIRLS’ EDUCATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
It is widely documented that, despite successes of increased access, sub-Saharan Africa (SSA)
remains the most disadvantaged area in terms of educational success (Daun,2000;
UNESCO,2000,2005; Akyeampong & Lewin,2009; EfA-FTI,2011; UNGEI,2012). Globally, there
are around 67 million children out of school (EfA-FTI,2011), and around a third of these children
live in SSA (Akyeampong & Lewin,2009). Further to this, of the total number of children out of
school in SSA, over half are girls (Lewin,2009; EfA-FTI,2011).
While there is an agreement that improving the quality of education by incorporating gender-
sensitive approaches is a crucial component in improving the educational experience for girls in
SSA, many additionally argue that this is only part of a broader equation. Aikman et al. (2011:45)
argue addressing gender inequalities,
“...demands an understanding of how gender inequalities are experienced, maintained and
reinforced, not only in school and through schooling but in society where the economic,
political and social context may deny rights to girls and boys differently and undermine their
experience of education and the value it could have for their lives beyond school.”
This view is reflected in a growing body of literature which presents the argument that, in
addition to addressing the aspects of quality and gender internal to education, external factors
within the wider social context need to be considered in order to fully understand, and
subsequently begin to address, the gender inequalities and disparities that exist
(Subrahmanian,2005; Unterhalter,2005; Dunne et al.,2006;Akyeampong & Lewin,2009; Barrett &
Tikly,2011; Chisamya et al.,2011; McCowan,2011). This highlights the existence of both internal
and external factors which influence girls’ participation in education.
Subrahmanian (2005) outlines the complexity of gender inequalities, showing they are
historically and culturally embedded within societies, stating,
“The construction of gender inequality has rested on ‘naturalising’ a range of differences
between women and men in order to legitimize their differential treatment and inequality of
resource distribution...masked as ‘culture’, [gender] identities and ideologies become
stubbornly defended as traditional and immutable”.
(ibid:398)
This view is supported by Unterhalter (2005), Aikman et al. (2011) and UNESCO (2003), all of
whom agree that gender inequalities in education are part of a wider context, which reflect
deeply embedded social norms and gendered attitudes, roles and expectations.
Several authors document a relationship between household income, gender and participation in
education, evident within several nations in SSA, and conclude that girls from poor families are
9
18. the most disadvantaged (Daun,2000; UNESCO,2003; Lewin,2009; UNGEI,2012). This has led to
the conclusion of a strong relationship between poverty and girls’ engagement in education
(UNESCO,2003; Aikman et al.,2011). Poverty has also been associated with further external
factors that influence girls’ education, such as child labour, where poor families encourage their
children to work instead of going to school (UNESCO,2003), and early marriages, which are
viewed as a way of securing daughters’ financial futures (Chisamya et al.,2011).
Gendered attitudes and differential expectations of men and women are also documented as
external factors which influence girls’ engagement in education. Drawing on research in Malawi
and Bangladesh, Chisamya et al. (2011) demonstrate that gendered attitudes can have a direct
impact on girls’ education, for example parental attitudes that educating boys is more valuable
than educating girls, as well as an indirect impact, for instance the expectation that girls should
marry young and then take responsibility of a home and family rather than going to school.
Negative cultural practices are shown to have a detrimental impact on girls’ education. UNESCO
(2003:124) state, “Many [cultural practices] are linked to the construction of sexuality of young
boys and girls, and in most cases result in restrictions being placed particularly on the freedoms
of girls to enjoy their right to education”. This view is supported by Colclough et al. (2000) who
found girls in societies where initiation ceremonies occur often drop out of school following their
initiation due to the induced misconception that they are now adults; a phenomenon that
UNICEF (2010) term ‘false adulthood’.
A further factor which has been shown to influence gender inequalities within education is
gender-based violence (GBV) (Subrahmanian,2005; Bisika et al.,2009; Aikman et al.,2011). As
stated by Bisika et al. (2009), there is a limited body of knowledge documenting the extent and
impact of GBV within developing countries, but it is a factor which is attracting increasingly
more focus. The topic of GBV has been comprehensively addressed in a recent publication by the
United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative (UNGEI,2012), which concludes GBV is a major
barrier to achieving gender equality, both in education and within society. There are several
studies which document the existence of GBV both within schools and within communities,
suggesting violence against girls is both an external and internal influencing factor
(Subrahmanian,2005; Bisika et al.,2009; Aikman et al.,2011; UNGEI,2012).
With the acknowledgment that gender inequalities in education are a reflection of broader
inequalities within society, many authors argue that addressing gender inequality in education
cannot be done in isolation but that broader inequalities need also to be addressed, transforming
“...power structures that maintain girls or boys in positions of marginality or
disadvantage”(Aikman et al.,2011:57). Highlighting this, Subrahmanian (2005:398) argues,
“...gender ideologies are encrypted in institutions that govern daily life, and thus translate
into deeper structural inequalities that are not likely to be removed unless there are clear
efforts to rethink and rewrite the basic rules that underpin institutional thinking.”
2.4 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
It is clear from the literature that there are potential development gains to be made from
educating girls, especially in developing country contexts such as SSA. However, it is evident
that a complex network of challenges currently exists, hindering the progress of achieving the
necessary targets relating to education and gender equality. A dominant theme in the literature
10
19. suggests ‘quality’ of education is a crucial component in achieving international education
targets. Furthermore, it seems gender-sensitive approaches need to be incorporated into the
vision of ‘quality education’ in order to meaningfully meet the target of gender equality in
education. However, it is evident that establishing gender-sensitive school environments is not
enough to fully address the challenges which relate to girls’ education as gender inequalities
extend beyond the school environment and are embedded within societies. External factors, such
as poverty, attitudes, cultural practices and GBV, must additionally be considered to fully
improve the educational experience of girls.
This literature review provides a comprehensive contextual basis in which to situate the
subsequent research project. Firstly, it provides a theoretical justification of why girls’ education
is an important area of focus. Secondly, it presents methodological implications, highlighting the
need to focus beyond the education system by incorporating further stakeholders, such as
community members, with the aim of uncovering external socio-cultural influences. Finally, it
provides an explanation as to why it is important to conduct locality-specific research. Building
on the acknowledgement that the social, cultural and historical context in which girls are located
is crucial in understanding gender-specific challenges and inequalities, Aikman et al. (2011:57)
argue there is a need for, “...a close examination of the complexities of gendered power in the
local as well as regional and global settings”, suggesting a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach to
addressing gender inequality in education is insufficient and understanding individual social
contexts is crucial.
11
20. 3.0 METHODOLOGY
3.1 METHODS
Data was collected across three levels of the education system, national, district and local, using
qualitative approaches:
National policy was identified and evaluated
Semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants at national and district
levels to investigate gender issues in a broader educational context
In-school FGDs were used to gain a local-level perspective of current issues regarding
gender related policy and girls’ education in Dedza
The research design was created in collaboration with LCD Malawi, and the methods used were
based on previous successes of LCD projects. Primary data was collected over a six-week period,
between 5th May and 15th June 2012, and the findings are based on the collective themes which
emerged throughout the study.
3.2 SAMPLE
A total of 18 national and district key stakeholders were interviewed. Participants were selected
based on their involvement with gender issues and education:
Fig.7: Interviews conducted at national and district level
A total of 9 schools were visited in Dedza (8 primary and 1 secondary). The schools were located
in a number of different zones and were purposely selected on the basis of the distribution of the
three main ethnic groups in Dedza – the Chewa, Ngoni and Yao. It was ensured at least one
school had a female head teacher and one UNICEF-sponsored school was selected. A secondary
12
21. school was included to gain an insight into post-primary challenges regarding gender and
education.
SCHOOL ZONE DOMINANT GENDER OF
ETHNIC HEAD
GROUP TEACHER
Chilanga Primary Chilanga (TDC) Chewa / Yao Male
Dedza Boma L.E.A. Dedza Boma Chewa Female
(TDC)
St. Joseph’s Bembeke Ngoni Male
Demonstration
School
Dzenza Primary Mthandiza Chewa Male
Chilamba Primary Kalinyeke Ngoni Male
Linthipe Secondary Linthipe Chewa / Yao Male
Chipudzi Primary Mankhamba Ngoni Male
Kanyenda Primary Kanyenda (TDC) Yao Male
Kapesi Primary Dedza Boma Chewa Female
School (UNICEF-
sponsored)
Table.1: Sample of schools
Numerous stakeholders participated in each school:
Head Teacher
Sample of teachers (mixed sex groups)
Sample of female pupils
Sample of male pupils
Representatives of school community groups (PTA, SMC and MG)
Sample of girls who have dropped out of school
Pupils were selected from Standard 5 and above as these classes have been identified as having
higher dropout rates. A sample of village heads and religious leaders were also chosen to
participate in order to explore external factors which influence girls’ education.
3.3 INTERVIEWS
A semi-structured design was used with questions organised around four central themes -
knowledge and engagement with national/district policy, current interventions, current challenges, and
possible future action. This design allowed participants to speak freely about issues relating
directly to them in order to gather rich qualitative data. Interviews were adapted to suit the
different categories of participants. All interviews were conducted face-to-face and in English.
3.4 FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS
Each participating group at school level formed separate FGDs in order to explore multiple
perspectives, and also as a way to ensure data triangulation. Focus groups were planned to have
no more than six participants, however FGDs with school community groups and community
members (village heads, religious leaders and girls who have dropped out) varied in numbers
for they consisted of participants who attended on invitation.
13
22. All FGD participants were asked similar questions, adapted to meet the needs of the particular
group. All questions focused on issues relating to national policy and girls’ education
specifically. A translator was used in all FGDs so participants could articulate responses in
vernacular, with the exception of samples of teachers where FGDs were conducted in English.
The translator varied between schools – an LCD staff member was used in some cases, and
where this was not possible at school-level teachers fulfilled this role.
3.5 ETHICS
All primary research was passed by the University of Edinburgh Social and Political Sciences
Ethics Review, and all research done with children was conducted in line with the LCD Child
Protection Policy. All participants were given the option to withdraw from the study at any time
and all participants named in this report have given consent.
3.6 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
The topic of the study is extremely broad and, although it meets the aim of providing an
initial scoping of current issues, gathering sufficient data to understand each issue in
depth was not possible due to the limited time available.
A limited number of schools were included (9 out of 217) due to the timescale of the
project, making it difficult to make generalisations for Dedza as a whole. Additionally, 3
of the 9 participating schools were located at Teacher Development Centres, meaning
they may have more input from PEAs, which may be misrepresentative of schools in
general.
Several key informants were unavailable meaning that their perspectives are missing
from the data. Additionally, a limited number of NGO representatives were interviewed
due to time constraints.
All data at local-level was collected in schools, meaning it was difficult to fully
understand community-based influences and it was not possible to talk to children who
had never engaged with the education system.
The use of a translator in interviews and FGDs may have led to inaccuracies and
misinterpretation of responses, especially where school teachers fulfilled this role. There
were several occasions where the translator gave answers when FGD participants had
not spoken – these occasions were noted in transcripts to avoid over-reliance on spurious
data.
Many interviews and FGDs raised highly sensitive issues that participants were reluctant
to talk about, making it difficult to understand in detail some of the key factors affecting
girls’ education – this applied in particular to culturally-specific practices (e.g. initiation
ceremonies and GBV).
A lack of detailed knowledge and experience of local social structures, language and
culture may have led to the inadvertent misinterpretation of some of the issues raised.
14
23. 4.0 FINDINGS
4.1 NATIONAL LEVEL FINDINGS
4.1.1 Overview of Gender-Related Education Policy
Whilst there appears to be a number of national gender-related policies, they are disorganised
and inconsistent, making them incoherent and inaccessible to those who are expected to
implement them at district and local levels. The National FPO for Gender explained that “no
policy in Malawi is black and white”, claiming policies take on many different forms, including
letters and memos which have been adopted as policies.
It is clear that both gender and education are embedded
“Girls’ education needs to be put
within several national policies and there are numerous
on the education agenda...it needs
national strategies which aim to achieve gender equality in to be made a priority in itself”
education. However, despite wide acknowledgement that
Fieldwork Interview: Representative
girls remain marginalised in education, there is yet to be a
of UNICEF Malawi
formal policy relating to girls’ education specifically.
The following policies outline national targets that relate to gender and education. It is evident
that policy recommendations align into two distinct strands:
Tangible Components – various practical and measurable factors, such as pupil seating
plans, enrolment and selection, and infrastructure improvements
Conceptual components – more abstract elements, such as incorporating gender-
sensitive teaching methods and addressing deeply entrenched attitudes based on gender
stereotypes
Malawi Growth and Development Strategy
The MGDS (GoM,2007) outlines the overarching strategy for national development with the
ultimate aim of poverty reduction. Gender and education are recognised to be two crucial
components in the process of development. The MGDS highlights the need to improve the
internal efficiency of the education system for both boys and girls, but makes no reference to
girls’ education in isolation. Gender is presented as a cross-cutting issue and the existence of
large gender disparities are acknowledged, where women remain marginalised both socially and
economically. The MDGS outlines an overall target of ‘mainstreaming’ gender to enhance equal
opportunities for both sexes, through building the capacity of relevant institutions, strengthening
policy coordination and implementation and breaking down the cultural beliefs which
perpetuate gender inequalities, as well as using education as a key tool for empowering women.
National Gender Policy
The NGP is currently undergoing a review following the expiry of the pre-existing policy which
ran from 1999 to 2005, meaning there is currently no policy in operation which relates
specifically to gender. The revised policy currently exists in draft form and is not yet widely
accessible but is due for national release within the next 6 months according to participants. The
revised NGP reiterates the notion that gender is a cross-cutting issue and reflects the national
15
24. target of mainstreaming gender, acknowledging that women and girls currently remain
marginalised. Education is presented as a crucial tool for achieving gender equality and
numerous targets to improve the internal efficiency of the education system are outlined,
particularly targeting girls, promoting girl-friendly learning environments, gender-sensitive
teacher training and curriculum reviews, and extensive community involvement to reduce
entrenched cultural attitudes which naturally marginalise girls in education.
National Education Sector Plan
The NESP (MoEST,2008) reflects the aims and targets outlined in the MGDS and the draft NGP.
The NESP incorporates primary, secondary and tertiary education, as well as early childhood
education, adult literacy and out-of-school children. All targets and proposed interventions are
organised around three priority areas - Access and Equity, Quality and Relevance, and Governance
and Management – and gender is incorporated under each. In terms of girls’ education, the NESP
outlines targets to increase female enrolment and completion, particularly in senior classes
(standards 5-8), through eliminating gender-biases and making the school environment ‘girl-
friendly’. The NESP additionally advocates for the introduction of Mother Groups, school
feeding programmes and monetary incentives for the needy. There is a clear focus on improving
girls’ access to secondary education through a target of 50-50 selection and the aim of
introducing additional boarding hostels for girls.
Readmission Policy
The Readmission Policy was introduced in 1996 as a direct response to the high levels of female
dropout due to pregnancy. The policy aims to allow girls to return to school after having a baby,
stating,
“...a girl who is pregnant be withdrawn from school for one academic year and be re-admitted upon
application as long as there is assurance of safe custody of the child. Such an opportunity shall be
given once in a girl’s education”
(appendix.1: p.41)
The policy has since been reviewed upon reflection of implementation difficulties and additional
guidelines are now available, which clearly outline the necessary procedure for the withdrawal
and readmission of girls who become pregnant (appendix.2: p.42).
4.2 DISTRICT LEVEL FINDINGS
4.2.1 Knowledge of Gender-Related Policy
The disorganisation that exists at national level regarding gender-related policy appears to be
reflected within the DEO. Due to the ambiguous nature of national policy documentation, it is
unsurprising that policy documents are not readily available at district level; throughout the
course of this study, no policies were available to view within the DEO or at the Ministry of
Gender, Child and Community Development Dedza office. The overarching District Education
Plan (DDC,2010) acknowledges aspects of national policy but only briefly acknowledges the
concept of gender, instead focusing predominantly on improving school infrastructure.
16
25. The Readmission Policy is recognised as the only formal gender-related policy. However, there is
evidence to suggest that further policy components have filtered down from national to district
level but this information is not recognised by district-level stakeholders as policy. Based on the
responses of participants within the DEO, understandings of national gender-related policies
seem to have been broadly translated as the equal treatment of boys and girls, whereby the more
tangible aspects of such policy are predominantly acknowledged at district-level:
50-50 enrolment at primary-level
50-50 selection at secondary-level
Equal opportunities to complete all school subjects
Equal and separate sanitary facilities
Equal designation of school duties
Mixed sex seating plans
Equal distribution of female teachers
However, the more conceptual components of gender-related policy, such as gender-sensitive
pedagogy and addressing gendered attitudes and stereotypes, appear to have received little
acknowledgement.
4.2.2 Dissemination of Gender Related Policy
There are multiple district-level stakeholders responsible for operationalising national education
strategies, including disseminating and supervising the implementation of gender-related policy:
National Level
District Education
Manager
(male)
Coordinating Primary District Focal Point Officer for
DEMIS Officer
Advisor Gender, Disability,
(female)
(male) HIV/AIDS, School Health
and Nutrition
Assistant DEMIS
Assistant Coordinating (male)
Officer
Primary Advisor (also PEA
(male)
for Bembeke zone)
(female) Assistant District Focal Point
Officer for Gender, Disability,
Primary Education HIV/AIDS, School Health and
Advisors (1 PEA for Nutrition (female)
each zone)
(6 female, 13 male)
School Level
School Staff Mother Group FTN
Fig.8: District education structures for gender issues
17
26. The PEAs and the District FPO for Gender are the main stakeholders responsible for
disseminating policy-related information, and the flow of information between district and
school levels relies on these members of staff making direct visits to each individual school.
However, there appears to be a number of challenges regarding the dissemination of gender-
related policies:
There is no clear framework of information for district officials to provide to appropriate
school level stakeholders, which appears to be a direct result of the disorganised nature
of national policy.
There is no reliable procedure for the dissemination of policy information – the PEAs and
District FPO for Gender outlined sporadic training sessions and open days with school-
level stakeholders, stating the frequency of such events was restricted due to time and
transport constraints, thereby highlighting the level of contact between the DEO and
separate schools is varied.
4.2.3 Information and Monitoring of Gender Issues
There are 2 main systems for school level data collection:
The EMIS is a national level system, where comprehensive data relating to pupil
participation, school infrastructure and school staff is collected on an annual basis via
a questionnaire booklet (appendix.3: p.45).
The DEMIS is a district level system, where similar data is collected on a monthly basis
via a ‘monthly return’ form, completed manually by school level staff and returned to
the DEO via PEAs (appendix.4: p.61) - the DEMIS is a USAID initiative and is
currently in the third year of piloting in targeted districts, of which Dedza is one, with
plans to roll it out nationally over the next 6 months according to participants.
All data in both the EMIS and DEMIS is disaggregated by gender where possible, in order to
identify priority intervention areas based on gender.
The DEMIS requires schools to document enrolment, attendance and exam results by gender
and by standard, as well as information relating to teachers, school infrastructure and school
expenditure. This information is used at district level only and aims to inform district
education officials where disparities exist, for example where numbers of female teachers are
low, in order to inform future interventions and support strategies. However, the DEMIS
Assistant Officer explained a number of challenges relating to data collection:
There are difficulties in getting the DEMIS forms returned each month as it relies on
school staff or PEAs going directly between the schools and the DEO; for this reason,
data is often late.
Data is often inaccurate which subsequently affects the overall effectiveness of the
DEMIS system.
School-level staff have received limited training on how to complete EMIS and DEMIS
data forms, whereby only Head Teachers have been trained - it has been proposed
that district officials go to each school and support data collection but this option is
limited by time and transport constraints.
18
27. Additionally, in reference to documenting dropout figures, it appears there are problems with
the way in which this information is collected. In all participating primary schools, Head
Teachers were unable to provide dropout figures for the current year as this information is
recorded annually at the end of each academic school session as part of the EMIS data. This
suggests there is limited monitoring of dropouts throughout the school year. The example
below shows an EMIS data return from a Dedza school in 2011, which documents high
numbers of dropouts but reasons for dropout are unknown. This, again, has a significant
impact on the effectiveness of the data systems, by simply mapping the quantitative
magnitude of dropouts and overlooking the qualitative reasons behind the figures.
Fig.9: Example of an EMIS data return for dropout from a Dedza school
4.3 LOCAL LEVEL FINDINGS
4.3.1 Knowledge and Implementation of Gender-Related Policy
Aspects of national gender-related policy have filtered down to school-level but, similarly to
district-level, this information is not formally recognised as national policy. Knowledge of policy
at school-level appears to be limited solely to the more tangible components, and the notion of
equal treatment of boys and girls is again the main translation of national targets. School-level staff
in all 8 participating primary schools highlighted the same four gender-related strategies, which
are additionally reflected in SIPs:
Mixed sex seating plans
Mixed sex group work
Equal questioning during lessons
Equal distribution of school and extra-curricular activities, responsibilities and chores
However, despite there being awareness of these components of gender-related policy, there
appears to be challenges regarding implementation:
During lesson observations in all participating schools, it was apparent that mixed sex
seating plans were not in place despite teachers outlining this as a requirement.
19
28. School chores appeared to be gender-specific in several schools – for example, in
Chilanga primary school, girls could be seen fetching water to clean classrooms, while
many boys were using farming tools to weed and dig in the garden.
Despite there appearing to be equal access to all extra-curricular activities, it was
apparent in several schools that gender-specific extra-curricular clubs existed which
appear to reinforce gender-stereotypes, for example girl guides clubs teach girls how to
cook and sew and boy scouts clubs teach outdoor activities including football.
Similarly to district-level, the Readmission Policy was recognised in all participating schools and
most school-level participants were aware of the policy content, including the female pupils
themselves. However, it appears the Readmission Policy is inadequate in fully addressing the
problems which exist in practice; only 2 out of the 8 primary schools reported having had 1 or 2
girls return to school after having a baby despite citing pregnancy as one of the most common
reasons why girls dropout. Participants outlined that often girls are unable to return to school
because they receive no support in looking after their child and sometimes girls choose not to
return to school for fear of embarrassment or isolation due to the negative stigma attached to
young mothers.
4.3.2 School Level Structures for Supporting Girls’ Education
Girls’ education was recognised as an area of concern in all 8 participating primary schools, and
gender issues feature on the agenda of a number of school-level structures, including school
staff, PTAs and SMCs, as well as MGs and FTNs which have been established with the sole
purpose of supporting girls’ education.
However, there appears to be no exclusive provision which aims to support girls’ education in
practice. The majority of school-level strategies include boys and girls together due to the
overarching interpreted aim of providing equal treatment to both sexes, thereby restricting
school-level support for girls. Additionally, MGs and FTNs appear to be facing a number of
challenges which are further restricting their ability to support girls in education.
4.3.2.1 School Staff
All participating schools claimed to have a female member of staff responsible for supporting
girls through any problems they faced. However, this was rarely cited by girls themselves who
stated they usually talk to their class teacher, Head Teacher or simply confide in friends.
4.3.2.2 PTAs and SMCs
The PTA and SMC groups in all 8 participating primary schools outlined that they consider boys
and girls together, rather than separately, when discussing ways to improve the educational
experience for children. Both groups acknowledged several gender-specific factors which
influence girls’ participation in education at community-level, such as early pregnancy and early
marriage, but appeared to have limited strategies in place to limit the impact of such factors. The
activity of the PTA and SMC varied between schools but the common focus of their work was
predominantly on improving school infrastructure, although some groups alluded to working to
reinforce the notion of equal treatment for boys and girls with teachers and members of the local
community.
20
29. 4.3.2.3 Mother Groups
Mother Group at Chipudzi Primary School
The MGs in all participating schools appear to possess the most comprehensive awareness of
issues affecting girls’ participation in education. In reference to girls’ education specifically, MGs
expressed a desire to improve school infrastructure in a way that would create a girl-friendly
environment, for example improving female sanitary provisions. All MGs outlined a number of
strategies in place to support girls in school, but highlighted that they now offer their services to
both girls and boys to ensure equal treatment:
Guidance and counselling sessions
Community awareness campaigns on the importance of education
Generating and providing financial support to needy pupils
However, it became apparent that MGs face various challenges which affect the implementation
of such strategies; this was reflected in the variation in implementation and intensity of MG-led
interventions between individual schools (see Box.2).
BOX.2: MOTHER GROUP ACTIVITY
CHIPUDZI MOTHER GROUP DZENZA MOTHER GROUP
The Mother Group at Chipudzi Primary School meet The Mother Group at Dzenza Primary School meet
every Tuesday and provide a wide range of services once a month to talk about issues affecting both boys
within the school and the community. In meetings and girls in the school. They provide guidance and
they explore factors which deter girls and boys from counselling to girls and advise them on how to dress
school and devise possible strategies to overcome appropriately, especially during their monthly
such factors. In school, they meet with pupils to periods, and discourage sexual relationships. They
discuss the importance of education and offer currently focus their effort within the school and
guidance and counselling on various aspects, such as have limited input within the community.
expected behaviour, appropriate dressing, hygiene
and sanitation, HIV/AIDS and child rights. In the The Mother Group at Dzenza is no less enthusiastic.
community, they identify girls and boys who have They expressed their desire to help pupils, especially
dropped out of school and work with them and their girls, within the school but said they lacked the
families to encourage them to return to education; so necessary resources to provide the help that is
far 7 children have returned to school as a direct required, for example providing uniforms, learning
result of this. The MG additionally encourages materials, food and soap.
parents to become more involved in their child’s
schooling by looking through exercise books and “We are so poor...we have nothing to
asking about school each day. provide to girls, we can only give
instruction and this is not enough”
Additionally, they manage an income-generating
business on the school site, whereby they have Fieldwork FGD: translation of Dzenza
planted cotton plants which they plan to sell in order MG member’s response
to assist needy children with educational needs.
21
30. 4.3.2.4 Female Teacher Networks
FTNs have been introduced with the aim of supporting girls’ education and providing a support
network for the female teachers who work within the district. However, there appears to be a
number of challenges relating to the activity of the FTNs:
There are difficulties in arranging FTN meetings due to time and transport constraints –
usually meetings are held in TDCs which can mean teachers are expected to travel long
distances.
There is a lack of ideas on how to support girls in education – the chairperson of the
Bembeke FTN explained several previous interventions had failed and they have run out
of ideas, and motivation, to progress forward.
There are difficulties starting up new interventions due to a lack of resources – even
where interventions aim to generate income, challenges exist in the initial start-up phase.
4.3.3 Monitoring Female Dropout
Monitoring dropout during each school year is difficult due to the way in which dropout figures
are documented. Despite being unable to state how many children had dropped out during the
current year, the Head Teachers in all 8 participating primary schools claimed to have a
procedure in place to follow up dropout cases, whereby if a child is persistently absent the
family would be contacted to discuss the child’s academic future. If this was unsuccessful, the
MG would be asked to intervene. However, there appear to be several problems regarding this
system:
Many registers in the participating schools are incomplete so identifying a child who has
been absent presents difficulties.
In half of the schools there were discrepancies between the official enrolment rates and
the actual numbers of children in each standard, again making absenteeism and dropout
difficult to identify.
No Head Teacher was able to state how many times this procedure had needed to be
implemented within the current academic year.
No Head Teacher was able to state how many children had dropped out and later
returned as a result of this procedure.
4.3.4 Gender-Specific Barriers to Girls’ Education
This study highlighted a number of gender-specific barriers affecting girls’ participation in
education. The problems cited appear to align with the current academic debates presented in
the literature review, and can be categorised into internal and external factors. It is evident that
many of the following challenges are interlinked and interrelated but for the purpose of
presenting research findings each factor will be presented individually.
4.3.4.1 Internal Factors
There are a number of factors internal to the school environment, which appear to be pushing
girls out of education:
22
31. 4.3.4.1.1 Lack of Girl-Friendly Facilities
A lack of girl-friendly facilities is believed to affect girls’
motivation to participate in school, causing absenteeism
and disengagement, which is believed to be a
contributing factor to eventual dropout. During
menstruation girls have additional needs and current
facilities appear to be inadequate to meet these needs,
presenting several unique challenges for girls.
Over half of the participating schools had a lack of
classroom furniture, which means children are forced to
A classroom lacking necessary
infrastructure at Dzenza Primary School sit on the floor. Children are expected to
stand when answering questions and
girls, who usually wear ‘Chitenjes’ (a wrap of cloth), have to arrange them each
time they stand to avoid embarrassment, especially as some children are
unable to afford underwear. This challenge is heightened for girls during
menstruation because girls fear leakages which may show on their clothes
when they stand.
Additionally, in all participating schools, the toilet facilities for girls were a
major area of concern. All schools had separate female facilities but they are
considered to be inadequate for the needs of girls, particularly during
menstruation. None of the schools had washing facilities, which can present
problems for a girl experiencing her period. Sanitary towels are rarely
available to girls in Malawi so pieces of cloth are most commonly used as
alternative protection. A PTA Member at Chiramba Primary School said,
“There are no pads available...girls think it is better to go home and find water to
wash” (fieldwork FGD), causing absenteeism for up to a week each month
The ‘Chitenje’
among female students.
Examples of toilet facilities from participating schools
23
32. 4.3.4.1.2 In-School Harassment
In 5 out of the 8 participating schools, girls reported that they had experienced various forms of
harassment at school, which subsequently creates a non-conducive learning environment for
girls making them feel vulnerable and uncomfortable. Girls reported having received verbal and
physical forms of harassment from male students, in the form of inappropriate touching of their
breasts and buttocks and verbal teasing related to sexual issues.
In all schools where such reports were made, Head Teachers denied the existence of such
behaviours and there appeared to be no structures in place to try to eliminate these behaviours
or to support girls through such issues.
4.3.4.1.3 Academic Achievement and Post-Primary Prospects
School-level staff in all participating primary schools said boys consistently out-perform the
girls, although teachers believe the gap is closing. Participants raised concerns that low academic
achievement can be a cause of dropout because it lowers a girl’s self-esteem, as well as reducing
the chances of successfully progressing on to secondary education which is believed to lower the
motivation to complete primary school.
Throughout this study, 9 girls who have dropped out of school were interviewed and 4 of them
said they had done so because they were unable to read and write. Christina, 16, who was in
Standard 4 when she chose to leave Chipudzi Primary School in 2011, said the fact she did not do
as well as her friends made her feel embarrassed and she did not like coming to school.
Further to this, although limited numbers of girls pass the PSLCE, it appears that of those that do
the chances of being selected to secondary education are also limited. There are significantly less
secondary schools in Dedza compared to primary schools, which means places are restricted.
Last year at Chilanga Primary School, although few girls passed the PSLCE, no girls were
selected to secondary school. This is also true for boys, where just 1 boy out of 26 successful
candidates was selected. In 5 schools, concerns were raised over the numbers of girls, and boys,
who had been successful throughout primary school but were then not selected for secondary
school; this is believed to have a negative impact on younger children by lowering their
motivation to complete primary school knowing they too may fail to be selected despite working
hard.
Fig.10: PSCLE results and pupils selected for secondary education at Chilanga Primary School, 2011
24
33. 4.3.4.1.4 Female Role Models
A lack of female role models was cited as a major barrier to girls’
participation in education in 5 out of the 8 participating primary
schools. Female teachers currently only make up 38% of the total
primary-level teaching force, and increasing the numbers of female
teachers is believed to be a strategy to raise the numbers of female
role models in schools. However, participants in 4 schools shared
the view that, although it is important to have female teachers in
schools, this is not an adequate strategy to fully address the limited
role models available to girls (see Box.3).
Fig.11: Proportion of male and
female teachers in Dedza (data
from GoM,2011)
BOX.3: ROLE MODELS IN ST JOSEPH’S DEMONSTRATION PRIMARY SCHOOL
“Female teachers are not really role models because we are too familiar”
Fieldwork FGD: female teacher,
St. Joseph’s Primary School
St. Joseph’s Demonstration Primary School in Bembeke has 13 female
teachers and just 4 male teachers. However, teachers still cited a lack of female role models as
a major barrier to girls’ participation in education. In an FGD, a male and female teacher
discussed their concern over the lack of role models for girls, saying that the teachers
themselves were not enough to act as role models because the children are too used to them.
The male teacher explained that during a previous research project run in the school in 2009,
girls were asked who their role models were to which they replied, “We have only teachers”.
Both teachers said there is a need for successful female professionals, such as female MPs,
police women, bankers, mechanics and drivers, to come into the school and work with girls to
break down gender stereotypes and inspire girls to achieve through education.
4.3.4.2 External Factors
In addition to internal factors, there appear to be numerous external socio-cultural factors
existing within Dedza which appear to be pulling girls out of education, all of which emulate
current findings within associated literature:
4.3.4.2.1 Poverty
Poverty was consistently cited as a major barrier to education, particularly the education of girls,
by all study participants. Many of the challenges that exist external to the school environment at
community-level can be seen to stem from the overarching barrier of poverty:
Hunger - In 6 schools, children reported feeling hungry at school and said they usually
only eat one meal per day each evening, which subsequently affects their performance
and attendance due to tiredness – hunger was said to be a bigger problem between
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34. December and February when food is scarce. All schools where hunger was reported
were not part of a school feeding programme.
Lack of resources - In 7 schools, the lack of resources and necessary learning materials
was said to affect girls’ participation in school – many parents said they were unable to
afford uniforms and exercise books, but also cited the inability to provide necessary
basics, such as soap, which is believed to have a greater impact on girls, especially during
menstruation.
Child Labour – 5 of the participating schools are located near to a trading centre and all
of these schools cited child labour as a factor that severely disrupts children’s
engagement in education. School staff explained that many children are often absent on
market days, which can be up to twice a week, meaning they can drop behind in their
studies which often eventually leads to dropout due to low achievement. It was also
highlighted that girls are sometimes encouraged to take on paid domestic work in order
to contribute to a family’s income.
4.3.4.2.2 Parental Attitudes towards Education
Parental attitudes were cited as a barrier to girls’
“Uneducated people do not make the participation in education by stakeholders at
connection between education and success national, district and local levels, including MoE
and just believe educated successful people staff, DEO staff, NGO representatives, teachers
are born that way” and school community groups, where
participants stated that many parents do not
Fieldwork Interview: Representative
Of Concern Universal, Dedza value education and therefore do little to
encourage their children to attend school. It is
believed that these views are accentuated by the high levels of adult illiteracy within Dedza,
currently at 52% (DDC,2010).
Additionally, it is believed, where the importance of education is acknowledged, cultural beliefs
dictate that educating a boy is of more value than educating a girl, meaning many families
prioritise the education of a son over educating a daughter.
4.3.4.2.3 Gender Roles and Expectations
It appears that expectations put on girls are often incompatible with
school, and subsequently disrupt girls’ participation in education:
Household Responsibilities - Girls are expected to complete
various tasks within the home, such as cooking, cleaning,
fetching water and looking after younger siblings, which
consequently impacts on education by causing absenteeism and
lateness, as well as interfering with out-of-school time to spend
on studies. During FGDs at school-level, boys and girls claimed
to be given similar household tasks, but 8 out of the 9 girls who
have dropped out said they now spend their time fulfilling
household chores and duties.
Child-Headed Households – Concerns were raised in 5 schools
regarding orphaned children because, most commonly, girls are Girls seen fetching water
during school hours
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35. expected to take on the responsibility of looking after the home and family if one or both
parents are lost. There are currently 2233 girls in schools in Dedza who have lost both
their parents (GoM,2012), which is encouraging, but the number out of school is
unknown.
Early and Forced Marriages - There is an expectation that once girls have reached
puberty they should marry and are then expected to take on the role of being responsible
for the home and bringing up children, thereby leaving school. Girls in 5 schools
reported knowing girls who had married and had subsequently left school. Girls in
several schools claimed marriage is often forced by parents because it is believed to
secure a daughter’s financial future. Additionally, members of several MGs said it was
sometimes seen as shameful for a girl to become pregnant out of marriage so, to ensure
this does not happen, parents encourage their daughters to marry young.
4.3.4.2.4 Gender-Based Violence
Girls in 6 of the participating primary schools mentioned child abuse as a challenge which they
face within their communities, with girls saying rape is a common occurrence. Both boys and
girls in 5 schools said they know of girls who have been raped and as a result have stopped
coming to school. During a FGD, one girl at Kapesi Primary School said she is scared to go out
alone in her village because she knows that rape sometimes occurs. It is a particularly worrying
issue where girls are travelling long distances to and from school unsupervised.
GBV is an issue which is acknowledged nationally
within Malawi, featuring as an area of concern in
“Girls say that some adults entice them
the MGDS (GoM,2007), yet there appears to be no with money and then rape them...also
procedures in place to overcome it, especially for because we are in a trading centre many
children. The National FPO for Gender stated, people pass through and take advantage
“there is a culture of silence about [GBV]...no one of the girls”
talks about it. It is not seen as abuse, it is seen as
Fieldwork FGD: Translation of male
‘negative culture’. We have to catch it but we cannot pupil’s response, Chiphuzi Primary School
catch it through the silence” (fieldwork interview),
and highlighted that there are limited procedures in place for reporting cases of violence and
limited support services available for victims. During FGDs, pupils said girls are often too scared
to report abuse and are even sometimes threatened by abusers.
4.3.4.2.5 Adverse Cultural Practices
Stakeholders from national, district and local levels raised concerns over the detrimental impact
cultural practices have on education, particularly that of girls. The three main ethnic groups in
Dedza (Chewa, Ngoni and Yao) each have differing
“Initiation training is more relevant to cultural traditions and practices, including initiation
a girl than academic schooling as it fits ceremonies for young boys and girls. Initiations differ
with the roles and responsibilities she between the three groups but it is believed that all
has been expected to fulfil throughout
contain a ‘training’ element, whereby young boys
her life”
and girls are given guidance and counselling about
Fieldwork Interview: DCDO, Ministry of Gender, their maturing needs and are trained for the roles of
Child and Community Development, Dedza
being a man or woman in society.
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36. Throughout this study, it was difficult to ascertain clear information on the various cultural
practices that occur. Based on the responses of various study participants, there are concerns that
elements of initiation training can adjust girls’ thinking towards education, whereby girls are
told they become an adult after initiation and begin to believe getting married and having
children is a greater priority than attending school.
There are particular concerns regarding the Yao initiation as it is believed to contain various
sexually orientated components. According to study participants, girls are taught how to
perform sexually and are encouraged to practice sex with men in the community, which has
implications on the further issues of sexual abuse and unwanted pregnancies. Referring to the
Yao, the National FPO for Gender raised concerns over the sexualised elements of cultural
practices, stating “they call it ‘traditional cleansing’ but actually it is rape. Ironically, what is called
‘cleansing’ is actually making them more unclean” (fieldwork interview). Further to this,
participants voiced worries that such elements consolidate the cultural notion that women hold
an inferior position in society, thereby perpetuating deeply embedded gender inequalities.
4.3.4 NGO Interventions
The gender-specific barriers affecting girls in Dedza have been acknowledged by a number of
NGOs, and this study highlights some of the ongoing interventions being implemented with the
aim of improving girls’ education (appendix.5: p.63). Although the study was only able to
incorporate a small number of NGOs, several challenges are evident relating to the interpretation
of national policy and ongoing local-level interventions:
Interpretation of national policy – Although most NGOs appear to work in line with
national policy, as with district and school levels, the disorganised nature of government
gender-related policy also appears to be reflected within the NGO community. The
incoherence of national policy, and thus national targets and aims, mean NGOs have
had to interpret national goals in their own way. Additionally, many of the NGO
representatives interviewed demonstrated that the concept of gender equality had been
translated into the equal treatment of girls and boys.
Interventions - Despite there being collaboration between NGOs and the DEO at
district-level and the MoE at national-level, it seems there is limited collaboration
between the different NGOs themselves. For this reason, many NGO interventions
appear to be similar in nature, as well as overlapping in practice. A representative from
UNICEF Malawi raised concerns over the lack of coordination and collaboration
between various NGOs operating within Malawi as a whole, and shared her desire for a
more holistic and collaborative approach to tackling the challenges being faced in terms
of girls’ education.
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