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Chapter One: Who Pays for Your Coffee?
The long commute on public transportation is a commonplace experience of life in
major cities around the world, whether you live in New York, Tokyo, Antwerp, or
Prague. Commuting dispiritingly combines the universal and the particular. The
particular, because each commuter is a rat in his own unique maze: timing the run
from the shower to the station turnstiles; learning the timetables and the correct end
of the platform to speed up the transfer between different trains; trading off the
disadvantages of standing room only on the first train home against a Seaton the last
one. Yet commutes also produce common patterns—bottlenecks and rush hours—
that are exploited by entrepreneurs the world over. My commute in Washington DC
is not the sambas yours in London, New York, or Hong Kong, but it will look
surprisingly familiar.

Farragut West is the Metro station ideally positioned to serve the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund, and even the White House. Every morning, sleep-
deprived, irritable travellers surface from Farragut West into the International Square
plaza, and they are not easily turned aside from their paths. They wanton get out of
the noise and bustle, around the shuffling tourists, and to their desks just slightly
before their bosses. They do not welcome detours. But there is a place of peace and
bounty that can tempt them to tarry for a couple of minutes. In this oasis rare delights
are served with smiles by attractive and exotic men and women—today, a charming
barista whose name badge reads” Maria.” I am thinking, of course, of Starbucks. The
café is placed, inescapably, at the exit to International Square. This is no quirk of
Farragut West: the first storefront you will pass on your way out of the nearby
Farragut North Metro is—another Starbucks. You find such conveniently located
coffee shops all over the planet and catering to the same desperate commuters. The
coffee shop within ten yards of the exit from Washington’s Dupont Circle Metro
station is called Cosi. New York’s Penn Station boasts Seattle Coffee Roasters just
by the exit to Eighth Avenue. Commuters through Shinjuku Station, Tokyo, can enjoy
a Starbucks without leaving the station concourse. In London’s Waterloo station, it is
the AMT kiosk that guards the exit onto the south bank of the Thames.
At $2.55 a tall cappuccino from Starbucks is hardly cheap. But of course, I can afford
it. Like many of the people stopping at that café, I earn the price of that coffee every
few minutes. None of us care to waste our time trying to save a few pennies by
searching out a cheaper coffee at 8:30 in the morning. There is a huge demand for
the most convenient coffee possible—in Waterloo Station, for example, seventy-four
million people pass through each year. That makes the location of the coffee bar
crucial.

The position of the Starbucks café at Farragut West is advantageous, not just
because it’s located on an efficient route from the platforms to the station exit, but
because there are no other coffee bars on that route. It’s hardly a surprise that they
do a roaring trade.

If you buy as much coffee as I do you may have come to the conclusion that
somebody is getting filthy rich out of all this. If the occasional gripes in the
newspapers are correct, the coffee in that cappuccino costs pennies. Of course, the
newspapers don’t tell us the whole story: there’s milk, electricity, cost of the paper
cups—and the cost of paying Maria to smile at grouchy customers all day long. But
after you add all that up you still get something a lot less than the price of a cup of
coffee. According to economics professor Brian McManus, mark-ups on coffee are
around150 percent—it costs forty cents to make a one-dollar cup of drip coffee and
costs less than a dollar for a small latte, which sells for$2.55. So somebody is
making a lot of money. Who?

You might think that the obvious candidate is Howard Schultz, the owner of
Starbucks. But the answer isn’t as simple as that. The main reason that Starbucks
can ask $2.55 for a cappuccino is that there isn’t a shop next door charging $2.00.
So why is nobody next door undercutting Starbucks? Without wishing to dismiss the
achievements of Mr. Schultz, cappuccinos are not in fact complicated products.
There is no shortage of drinkable cappuccinos (sadly, there is no shortage of
undrinkable cappuccinos either). It doesn’t take much to buy some coffee machines
and a counter, build up a brand with a bit of advertising and some free samples, and
hire decent staff. Even Maria is replaceable.

The truth is that Starbucks’ most significant advantage is its location on the desire
line of thousands of commuters. There are a few sweet spots for coffee bars—by
station exits or busy street corners. Starbucks and its rivals have snapped them up.
If Starbucks really did have the hypnotic hold over its customers that critics complain
about, it would hardly need to spend so much effort getting people to trip over its
cafés. The nice margin that Starbucks makes on their cappuccinos is due neither to
the quality of the coffee nor to the staff: it’s location, location, location.

But who controls the location? Look ahead to the negotiations for the new rental
agreement. The landlord at International Square will not only be talking to Starbucks
but to other chains like Cosi and Caribou Coffee, and DC’s local companies: Java
House, Swing’s, Capitol Grounds, and Teaism. The landlord can sign an agreement
with each one of them or can sign an exclusive agreement with only one. She’ll
quickly find that nobody is very eager to pay much for a space next to ten other
coffee bars, and so she will get the most advantage out of the exclusive agreement

In trying to work out who is going to make all the money, simply remember that there
are at least half a dozen competing companies on one side of the negotiating table
and on the other side is a landlord who owns a single prime coffee-bar site. By
playing them off against each other, the landlord should be able to dictate the terms
and force one of them to pay rent, which consumes almost all their expected profits.
The successful company will expect some profit but not much: if the rent looks low
enough to leave a substantial profit, another coffee bar will be happy to pay a little
extra for the site. There is an unlimited number of potential coffee bars and a limited
number of attractive sites—and that means the landlords have the upper hand.

This is pure armchair reasoning. It’s reasonable to ask if all of this is actually true.
After I explained to a long-suffering friend (over coffee) all of the principles involved,
she asked me whether I could prove it. I admitted that it was just a theory—as
Sherlock Holmes might say, a piece of “observation and deduction,” based on clues
available to all of us. A couple of weeks later she sent mean article from the Financial
Times, which relied on industry experts who had access to the accounts of coffee
companies. The article began, “Few companies are making any money” and
concluded that one of the main problems was “the high costs of running retail outlets
in prime locations with significant passing trade.” Reading accounts is dull; economic
detective work is the easy way to get to the same conclusion.

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Who Pays For Your Coffee

  • 1. Chapter One: Who Pays for Your Coffee? The long commute on public transportation is a commonplace experience of life in major cities around the world, whether you live in New York, Tokyo, Antwerp, or Prague. Commuting dispiritingly combines the universal and the particular. The particular, because each commuter is a rat in his own unique maze: timing the run from the shower to the station turnstiles; learning the timetables and the correct end of the platform to speed up the transfer between different trains; trading off the disadvantages of standing room only on the first train home against a Seaton the last one. Yet commutes also produce common patterns—bottlenecks and rush hours— that are exploited by entrepreneurs the world over. My commute in Washington DC is not the sambas yours in London, New York, or Hong Kong, but it will look surprisingly familiar. Farragut West is the Metro station ideally positioned to serve the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and even the White House. Every morning, sleep- deprived, irritable travellers surface from Farragut West into the International Square plaza, and they are not easily turned aside from their paths. They wanton get out of the noise and bustle, around the shuffling tourists, and to their desks just slightly before their bosses. They do not welcome detours. But there is a place of peace and bounty that can tempt them to tarry for a couple of minutes. In this oasis rare delights are served with smiles by attractive and exotic men and women—today, a charming barista whose name badge reads” Maria.” I am thinking, of course, of Starbucks. The café is placed, inescapably, at the exit to International Square. This is no quirk of Farragut West: the first storefront you will pass on your way out of the nearby Farragut North Metro is—another Starbucks. You find such conveniently located coffee shops all over the planet and catering to the same desperate commuters. The coffee shop within ten yards of the exit from Washington’s Dupont Circle Metro station is called Cosi. New York’s Penn Station boasts Seattle Coffee Roasters just by the exit to Eighth Avenue. Commuters through Shinjuku Station, Tokyo, can enjoy a Starbucks without leaving the station concourse. In London’s Waterloo station, it is the AMT kiosk that guards the exit onto the south bank of the Thames.
  • 2. At $2.55 a tall cappuccino from Starbucks is hardly cheap. But of course, I can afford it. Like many of the people stopping at that café, I earn the price of that coffee every few minutes. None of us care to waste our time trying to save a few pennies by searching out a cheaper coffee at 8:30 in the morning. There is a huge demand for the most convenient coffee possible—in Waterloo Station, for example, seventy-four million people pass through each year. That makes the location of the coffee bar crucial. The position of the Starbucks café at Farragut West is advantageous, not just because it’s located on an efficient route from the platforms to the station exit, but because there are no other coffee bars on that route. It’s hardly a surprise that they do a roaring trade. If you buy as much coffee as I do you may have come to the conclusion that somebody is getting filthy rich out of all this. If the occasional gripes in the newspapers are correct, the coffee in that cappuccino costs pennies. Of course, the newspapers don’t tell us the whole story: there’s milk, electricity, cost of the paper cups—and the cost of paying Maria to smile at grouchy customers all day long. But after you add all that up you still get something a lot less than the price of a cup of coffee. According to economics professor Brian McManus, mark-ups on coffee are around150 percent—it costs forty cents to make a one-dollar cup of drip coffee and costs less than a dollar for a small latte, which sells for$2.55. So somebody is making a lot of money. Who? You might think that the obvious candidate is Howard Schultz, the owner of Starbucks. But the answer isn’t as simple as that. The main reason that Starbucks can ask $2.55 for a cappuccino is that there isn’t a shop next door charging $2.00. So why is nobody next door undercutting Starbucks? Without wishing to dismiss the achievements of Mr. Schultz, cappuccinos are not in fact complicated products. There is no shortage of drinkable cappuccinos (sadly, there is no shortage of undrinkable cappuccinos either). It doesn’t take much to buy some coffee machines and a counter, build up a brand with a bit of advertising and some free samples, and hire decent staff. Even Maria is replaceable. The truth is that Starbucks’ most significant advantage is its location on the desire line of thousands of commuters. There are a few sweet spots for coffee bars—by
  • 3. station exits or busy street corners. Starbucks and its rivals have snapped them up. If Starbucks really did have the hypnotic hold over its customers that critics complain about, it would hardly need to spend so much effort getting people to trip over its cafés. The nice margin that Starbucks makes on their cappuccinos is due neither to the quality of the coffee nor to the staff: it’s location, location, location. But who controls the location? Look ahead to the negotiations for the new rental agreement. The landlord at International Square will not only be talking to Starbucks but to other chains like Cosi and Caribou Coffee, and DC’s local companies: Java House, Swing’s, Capitol Grounds, and Teaism. The landlord can sign an agreement with each one of them or can sign an exclusive agreement with only one. She’ll quickly find that nobody is very eager to pay much for a space next to ten other coffee bars, and so she will get the most advantage out of the exclusive agreement In trying to work out who is going to make all the money, simply remember that there are at least half a dozen competing companies on one side of the negotiating table and on the other side is a landlord who owns a single prime coffee-bar site. By playing them off against each other, the landlord should be able to dictate the terms and force one of them to pay rent, which consumes almost all their expected profits. The successful company will expect some profit but not much: if the rent looks low enough to leave a substantial profit, another coffee bar will be happy to pay a little extra for the site. There is an unlimited number of potential coffee bars and a limited number of attractive sites—and that means the landlords have the upper hand. This is pure armchair reasoning. It’s reasonable to ask if all of this is actually true. After I explained to a long-suffering friend (over coffee) all of the principles involved, she asked me whether I could prove it. I admitted that it was just a theory—as Sherlock Holmes might say, a piece of “observation and deduction,” based on clues available to all of us. A couple of weeks later she sent mean article from the Financial Times, which relied on industry experts who had access to the accounts of coffee companies. The article began, “Few companies are making any money” and concluded that one of the main problems was “the high costs of running retail outlets in prime locations with significant passing trade.” Reading accounts is dull; economic detective work is the easy way to get to the same conclusion.