Physical attractiveness and its ability to influence perceptions of criminal culpability was examined in the context of an online assignment of guilt task. Two-hundred and fifty participants were surveyed and asked to label photographs of adult males as either criminal or not criminal. A 3 (attractiveness) X 3 (ethnicity) repeated measures statistical analysis found highly significant main effects for physical attractiveness, ethnicity, and the interaction. The results suggest that physical attractiveness serves as a heuristic cue in the assignment of criminal culpability. These findings are highly relevant to those involved in the discretionary processes of the criminal justice system.

1. Physical Attractiveness and its Influence on Perceptions of Criminal CulpabilityRebecca R. Campbell, MA, Department of Forensic Psychology, The Chicago School of Professional PsychologyEvan R. Harrington, PhD, Department of Forensic Psychology, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology Contact: Rebecca Campbell rrcampb@gmail.com Results Abstract A two-way ANOVA, repeated-measures, statistical analysis was conducted and revealed a significant main effect for physical attractiveness (F (2, 498) = 501.25, p < 0.000, partial eta squared = .67), a significant main effect for ethnicity (F (2, 498) = 28.82, p < 0.000, partial eta squared = .10), and a significant interaction between attractiveness and ethnicity (F (2, 996) = 57.74, p < 0.000, partial eta squared = 0.19). Physical attractiveness was the most salient variable, as profound differences of assigning guilt were found between its three levels: Low 68%; Moderate 48%; High 29%. The variable of attractiveness accounted for 66.8%. Figure 2 illustrates participants’ perceptions of criminal culpability by physical attractiveness and ethnicity of stimulus photographs. A multiple linear regression analysis was used to explore the extent to which participant demographic characteristics of age, sex, and ethnicity influenced their assignment of guilt ratings. This model yielded non-significant results at α=0.05 (F (3, 249) = 1.171, p = 0.321). The model explains less than one percent of the variance in the assignment of guilt ratings (Adjusted R2 =0.002) Table 1 provides information for the predictors in this model. Physical attractiveness and its ability to influence perceptions of criminal culpability was examined in the context of an online assignment of guilt task. Two-hundred and fifty participants were surveyed and asked to label photographs of adult males as either criminal or not criminal. A 3 (attractiveness) X 3 (ethnicity) repeated measures statistical analysis found highly significant main effects for physical attractiveness, ethnicity, and the interaction. The results suggest that physical attractiveness serves as a heuristic cue in the assignment of criminal culpability. These findings are highly relevant to those involved in the discretionary processes of the criminal justice system. Stimulus Photographs Categorized as Low Attractiveness Introduction The present study explored the extent to which physical attractiveness is a significant variable in perceptions of criminal culpability when individuals are directed to utilize their experiential processing mode. The literature reviewed on the physical attractiveness phenomenon(PAP), the “what is beautiful is good” stereotype, the criminal stereotype, the attraction-leniency effect(ALE), and cognitive-experiential self-theory (CEST) lead to the development of the online assignment of guilt task. The PAP occurs when an individual treats another in a biased manner based on their perceived level of physical attractiveness, and the “what is beautiful is good” stereotype transpires when positive characteristics are attributed to physically attractive people. The criminal stereotype emerges when perceivers associate specific crimes to specific faces, which may relate to the attraction-leniency effect, which is defined by an attractive defendant receiving a less punitive sentence compared to an unattractive defendant. Cognitive-Experiential Self-Theory (CEST) assumes information is processed by two parallel operating-systems, the experimental and the rational. While interactive with one another, experiential processing occurs on an emotional level, whereas rational processing involves the abstract, logical level. The experiential system operates according to heuristic principles that may be related to societal norms. One of the important contributions of cognitive-experiential self-theory is that it offers a better understanding of how the psychological processes it describes affects perceptions of criminal culpability. The present study sought to answer the following research questions: When participants are directed to utilize their experiential processing mode to make judgments of guilt, will the physical attractiveness of the photographed individual influence participants’ perceptions? Will the characteristics of the participants have an effect on their perceptions of criminal culpability? The following are the study’s hypotheses: Participants will perceive stimulus faces as criminally culpable more frequently when the individual depicted is unattractive rather than attractive. Participant demographic characteristics will influence which photographs are rated as “guilty;” creating in-group biases between participants and stimulus photographs. Note. The stimulus photographs of individuals categorized as Low in physical attractiveness were perceived as “guilty” 68% of the time. Latinos Low in physical attractiveness were perceived as less criminally culpable than Caucasian and African American males categorized as Low in physical attractiveness. Figure 2Percent of stimulus photographs perceived as guilty by ethnicity and physical attractiveness (N = 250) 1 2 4 3 Stimulus Photographs Categorized as Moderate Attractiveness 5 Note. The stimulus photographs of individuals categorized as Moderate in physical attractiveness were perceived as “guilty” 48% of the time. African American males categorized as Moderate in physical attractiveness were perceived as less criminally culpable than Latino males categorized as Moderate in physical attractiveness, but more criminally culpable than Caucasian males categorized as Moderate in physical attractiveness. Table 1 The unstandardized and standardized regression coefficients for the variables entered into the linear regression model (N= 250) Stimulus Photographs Categorized as High Attractiveness Method The following research methods, expert rater survey and online assignment of guilt task, were conducted separately, but together answer this study’s research questions. Expert raters—A total of 28 graduate students from The Chicago School of Professional Psychology (TCS) served as expert raters for this present study. The expert raters were asked to evaluate 90 photographs: 30 Caucasian males, 30 African American males, and 30 Latino males on a 7-point physical attractiveness scale, as well as indicate each photograph’s perceived ethnicity by choosing from the options of Caucasian, African American, or Latino. Participants viewed the 90 photographs one at a time in a randomized order and indicated each depicted individual’s perceived ethnicity before being allowed to view and evaluate another photograph. Attractiveness ratings were processed as interval data to calculate the mean values and standard deviations. Stimulus photographs were selected based upon having appropriate mean values and high inter-rater consensuses. Research participants—Two-hundred and fifty participants were acquired through advertisements and were instructed to use their “intuition” to rate 54 stimulus faces of adult males, categorized by ethnicity and physical attractiveness, as either “guilty” or “innocent.” Of the participants 218 were Caucasian, 64 male and 154 female; 14 were African American, 3 male and 11 female; and 18 were Latino, 2 male and 16 female. Participants were asked to provide their demographics of ethnicity, gender, and age after reading the experimental instructions, but prior to beginning the experiment. Guilt ratings were aggregated by attractiveness and ethnicity levels creating a 3X3 repeated measures design. Figure 1 illustrates the mean attractiveness scores and standard deviations for the 54 photographs selected as experimental stimulus evaluated by the expert raters. Figure 1 Attractiveness ratings and CI of photographed individuals selected for the assignment of guilt online task by ethnicity (N = 28) Note. The stimulus photographs categorized as High in physical attractiveness were labeled as “guilty” 29% of the time. African American males categorized as High in physical attractiveness were perceived as less criminally culpable than Latino males categorized as High in physical attractiveness, but more criminally culpable than Caucasian males categorized as High in physical attractiveness. Discussion This present study found robust support of physical attractiveness serving as a heuristic cue for assigning criminal culpability. It incorporated the experiential processing mode of cognitive-experiential self-theory, utilized a diverse display of stimulus photographs, and employed a unique sample of participants. The purpose of this present study was to increase awareness of the criminal stereotype, as well as provide knowledge for understanding its complexities. Not only do we know that good-looking children, adolescents, and adults are treated more favorably by caregivers, teachers, and jury members than their unattractive counterparts, but they also receive leniency when being judged for transgressions. The criminal justice system is another outlet where physical attractiveness influences individuals’ perceptions of guilt, as they refer to some innate and consensual self-evident belief when resolving serious allegations. It is crucial to be aware of its effects so they can be controlled for and the discretionary elements within the criminal justice system can rightfully protect those accused and victimized. Footnotes Patzer, G. L. (2008). Looks: Why the matter more than you ever imagined. New York, NY: AMACOM. Dion, K., Berscheid, E., & Walster (1972). What is beautiful is good. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 24 (3), 285- 290. Shoemaker, D. J., South, D. R., & Lowe, J. (1973). Facial stereotypes of deviants and judgments of guilt or innocence. Social Force, 51, 427- 433. Steward, J. E. (1985). Appearance and punishment: The attraction-leniency effect in the courtroom. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 125 (3), 373- 378. Epstein, S., & Pacini, R. (1999). Some basic issues regarding dual-process theories from the perspective of cognitive-experiential self-theory. In S. Chaiken & Y. Trope (Eds.), Dual-process theories in social psychology (pp. 462-482). New York, NY: The Gilford Press.