2. 5.1 English Verbs
⢠5.1.1 Verb forms
⢠5.1.2 The syntactic environment
⢠5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence: the
perfect construction
⢠5.1.4 Projections: heads and phrases
⢠5.1.5 Infinitives and tensed verbs
⢠5.1.6 Structure of tensed clauses
⢠5.1.7The position of main verbs and auxiliaries
in the clausal structure
⢠5.1.8 Summary of verbs distribution
3. Verbs function as the head of Verb Phrases
(P.258)
VP VP VP
V V DP V PP
DP
laugh kiss Juliet give P DP
flowers
to Juliet
4. 5.1 English Verbs
5.1.1 Verb Forms
Non-finite verb forms
Infinitive to use to show
Participles: past participle used shown
passive participle used shown
present participle using showing
Finite verb forms
Past tense used showed
Present tense uses shows
5. ⢠Verbs inflected for past or present tense
and agreement are often referred to as
finite verbs.
⢠The other verb forms as non-finite verbs.
6. 5.1.2 The syntactic environment
The perfect auxiliary have co-occurs with a
past participle.
a. Many students have liked Romeo and Juliet.
The passive auxiliary be co-occurs with a
passive participle.
a. Juliet was loved by Romeo.
7. 5.1.2 The syntactic environment
⢠Progressive be co-occurs with a present
participle.
a. Many students are reading Romeo and Juliet.
8. Infinitives
As the complement of a modal
a. Many students could read Romeo and Juliet.
As the complement of a causative verb or a
verb of perception.
a. They let Romeo and Juliet die.
b. They saw Juliet kiss Romeo.
9. Infinitives
In different types of infinitival complements
to-infinitivals
a. Many student try to read Romeo and Juliet.
for-to infinitivals
a. Many professors want very much for their
students to read Romeo and Juliet.
11. ďŹmain clause
a. Romeo loved Juliet.
b.*Romeo loving/to love Juliet.
ďŹembedded clause
a. I believe that Romeo loved Juliet.
b. I donât know if Romeo loved Juliet.
12. Generalizations
⢠Particular verbal forms co-occur with
particular auxiliaries.
⢠Particular verbal forms co-occur with
particular types of clauses.
13. 5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence :
the perfect construction
R1 (first version)
A sentence containing the perfect
auxiliary have must contain a past
participle.
14. 5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence :
the perfect construction
Check
a. *Many students seen have Juliet.
b. *Seen many students have Juliet.
c. *Many students have see Juliet died .
+V +pp
The past
participles must
stay close to
auxiliariesâ right
side.
15. 5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence :
the perfect construction
VP1
have VP2
V [+past participle] DP
read Hamlet
16. 5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence :
the perfect construction
R2 (second version)
Have requires or demands a complement
which contains a past participle.
17. 5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence :
the perfect construction
Bad case Good case
have VP VP
= complement of have have = complement of have
V VP
V +past part
V
+past
part
Too Far
18. 5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence :
the perfect construction
This part of the
structure must
contain the past
VP
participle
VP
In other
words, it
needs a
immediate
complement
.
19. 5.1.3 The properties of co-occurrence :
the perfect construction
R3 (third version)
Have requires or demands a past
participle in its âimmediateâ complement.
20. 5.1.4 Projections: heads and phrases
VP PP AP
V P A
Heads determine the category of their
projection in syntax.
21. 5.1.4 Projections: heads and phrases
⢠Heads in morphology
â Suffixes c-select the morpheme that they
attach to.
-ize c-selcets N change N to V symbol-ize
-ment c-selcets V change V to N establish-ment
The category of the newly formed word is determined
by the right most suffix
22. 5.1.4 Projections: heads and phrases
V N A
N V A N N A
baby sit green house nation wide
⢠Compound have heads
⢠In English, compounds are head-final.
23. 5.1.4 Projections: heads and phrases
have VP [+past part]
V
[v see +past part]
Since the past participle is the head of
the VP complement, the VP projection is
marked +past participle.
24. 5.1.4 Projections: heads and phrases
R4 (final)
Have requires or demands (=selects) a
past participle complement.
25. Building Larger Structures
a. (Passive) be requires a [+passive participle] complement.
b. (Progressive) be requires a [+present participle] complement.
Example:
This play should have been being read by the students.
(perfect have, progressive be, passive be, main V)
26. VP
V VP + past part
have
V [+en] VP + present part
been V [+ing] VP + passive part
being V [+ed] DP
read [e] this play
27. 5.1.5 Infinitives and tensed verbs
For Kate to defy Petruccio takes courage.
This
The for DP to VP string
acts as
constituent is
a single constituent. called
infinitive CP
28. 5.1.5 Infinitives and tensed verbs
to VP
To is a realization To always combines
of the category with an infinitival VP
T (tense) to its right.
29. 5.1.5 Infinitives and tensed verbs
⢠Conclude that TP contains two layers of
structure:
a. one layer in which the head combines
with a complement to its right, forming a
constituent Tâ.
b. a higher layer where Tâ combines with a
specifier forming TP
31. 5.1.5 Infinitives and tensed verbs
Accusative subject pronouns can only
appear if for is present.
a. For her (*she) to be loved.
32. 5.1.5 Infinitives and tensed verbs
⢠heads demand certain types of
complements.
⢠the complement is the sister of the head.
33. Tensed clauses
A tensed clause demands a finite verb.
- main clause
a. Katherina defied (*defy/*to defy) Petruccio.
-embedded clause
a. Many students concluded that katherina defied
(*defy/*to defy) Petruccio.
34. Tensed clauses
CP
What does
this reveal
that VP [+T] about the
mental
grammar?
Katherina defied Petruccio
35. Main clauses require tensed verbs
CP The C node
happens to be silent
C + decl, +main VP [+T]
in main tensed
clause
DP
A silent
head exists
Katherina
V+T DP in English
defied Petruccio
36. C [+decl, +main], c-selects +Tense, C
is not pronounced.
C[+decl, +embedded], c-selects
+Tense, C is pronounced as that.
37. Languages with an overt complementizer in
all declarative clauses
Korean (nom= nominative, dec= declarative)
romio-ka culiet-kwa kicaĹ-e ka-ss-ta
Romeo-nom Juliet-with theater-to go-past-decl (matrix)
âRomeo went with Juliet to the theater.â
The building blocks of syntax are heads
which can be either silent or overt.
38. Comparing infinitives and tensed clauses
CP CP
[cthat] VP[+T
[cfor] TP ]
DP Vâ
DP
Katherina V+T DP
[+to] VP
Katherina
V DP defies P
defy P
39. Comparing infinitives and tensed clauses
a. Infinitive to is a free standing morpheme
in T.
b. Finite tense is expressed as a suffix on
the verb.
c. The subject in the infinitival is located in
a different structural position than the
subject of a tensed clause.
40. Enriching the structure of tensed complements
CP CP
that TP[+T
for TP[+T] ]
Tâ DP Tâ
DP
VP[+T]
[Tto] Katherina R+Tense
VP[+inf]
Katherina
V DP V+T DP
defy P defies P
41. 5.1.6 on the structure of tensed clauses
Auxiliaries:
a. Juliet has gone to the nunnery.
b. Juliet is sad.
Modals
a. Juliet will go to the garden.
Main verbs
a. Juliet wrote to Romeo.
42. 5.1.6 on the structure of tensed clauses
Auxiliaries and modals can precede the subject in
yes-no questions.
a. Is she going to the garden?
b. Should she go the garden?
c. Has she gone to the garden?
43. VP ellipsis
Although Regan has not been a good
daughter to Lear, Cordelia has.
(been a good daughter to Lear)
This process that allows the
VP to be silent
is referred as VP ellipsis
44. VP ellipsis
Although Regan has not been a good
daughter to Lear, Cordelia has.
(been a good daughter to Lear)
The pronounce part is
referred as the remnant
of VP ellipsis
45. VP ellipsis
TP [+tense] It needs
support
!!
DP Tâ
VP
ellipsis
[+T-ed] VP
V DP
This is
incorrect defy P
46. Do-support
TP [+tense]
DP Tâ
VP
ellipsis
[ do+ [t-ed] ] VP
Insert do to DP
V
support (=save)
a stranded suffix defy P
in T.
47. Affix-hoping
Input Affix-hoping Output
T VP T VP
-ed
V V
defy
defy +ed
49. VP ellipsis for VP2
⢠[TPEmilia [[T-s] [VP1 be [VP2 listening to Iago]] too]]
It is
impossible to VP ellipsis of VP2
ellipsis of
VP1
50. a. Finite forms of HAVE and BE are in tensed T.
b. Finite forms of MAIN VERBS are in VP.
51. 5.1.7 The position of main verbs and
auxiliaries in the clausal structure
⢠Not
â not/nât
â finite forms of the auxiliaries have, be, and do
must precede not (and nât)
â non-finite forms of the auxiliaries follow not
52. 5.1.7 The position of main verbs and
auxiliaries in the clausal structure
Non-finite form
auxiliary (have)
follow not
He wonât have climbed the mountain yet
The Finite
auxiliary (will)
precedes not
53. Distribution of adverbials
⢠certain adverbials intervene between T and
the main V in English:
a. Olivia will probably leave tomorrow.
T Adv V(inf)
b. You must recently have read Macbeth.
T Adv V (pp)
54. Distribution of adverbials
⢠When the main verb is inflected, these
adverbs precede the main verb:
a. Olivia probably left yesterday.
Adv V+T
b. You recently read Macbeth.
Adv V+T
55. Yes-no questions: Subject-Aux Inversion
matrix yes-no questions start with either a
modal, or a finite auxiliary (have, be or do)
a. Has Othello died?
b. Is Othello dying?
c. Did Othello die?
56. Yes-no questions: Subject-Aux Inversion
embedded yes-no questions start with a
particular C (complementizer), either if or
whether:
(89)
a. I wonder if Othello died quickly.
b. I wonder whether Othello died quickly.
57. Yes-no questions: Subject-Aux Inversion
⢠Subject-Aux-Inversion:
â Subject-Aux-Inversion must apply in matrix yes-
no questions.
â Subject-Aux-Inversion cannot apply when there
is an overt complementizer present in the C
node.
58. Yes-no questions: Subject-Aux Inversion
a. *I wonder if did Othello die quickly.
No Need !!!
Incorrect !!
C selects values
of T
59. Yes-no questions: Subject-Aux Inversion
⢠The lexical complementizer if/whether and
the inverted T are in complementary
distribution
60. The C level: properties of individual
complementizers
a. Othello thought THAT Desdemona lied.
C âQ
b. Othello wondered IF Desdemona can be
It
lied.
silent
C+Q
It is overt
61. Why main Vs fail to move to +Q
a. Main verbs cannot appear in T[+T].
b. Main verbs cannot appear in C[+Q].
â˘main V to T is a prerequisite for further
movement to C
62. 5.1.8 Summary of distribution of
English verbs
⢠the distribution of verbs
⢠C is a zero morpheme in main clause
declaratives and questions.
⢠C is that in embedded declaratives.
⢠C is whether or if in embedded yes-no
questions.
64. ⢠5.2.1 The nature of linguistic variation
⢠5.2.2 Language variation and parameters
⢠5.2.3 C, T, and V across languages
⢠5.2.4 Other languages
⢠5.2.5 Languages with no visible change in
word order: VP ellipsis
⢠5.2.6 Further extensions: The noun
system: DP
65. 5.2.1 The nature of linguistic
variation
⢠Heads ( = morphemes)
â the building blocks of syntactic structures
â pronounced (overt material)
silent
â lexical categories (N, V, A, P)
functional categories (T, C, Q, âŚ)
66. ⢠Structure
â local head-complement relations
â Spec-head relations
⢠Movement
â co-courrence restrictions between positions
68. ⢠head-initial languages
â ordering the head before the complement
â VSO / SVO
⢠head-final languages
â ordering the head after the complement
â SOV
71. ⢠wh-in-situ
wh-phrases occur in the same positions where
DPs appear
72. ⢠Chinese have in situ wh-elements
⢠"John bought what?"
"John bought bread"
⢠with what in the same position in the
sentence as the grammatical object would
be in its affirmative counterpart
74. English (E) and French (F)
⢠the ordering of pre-VP adverbials and finite
verbs
(109)
a. Romeo carefully words his letters
b. *RomĂŠo soigneusement formule ses lettres
(110)
a.*Romeo words carefully his letters
b.RomĂŠo formule soigneusement ses lettres
⢠E: Adv-finite main V
⢠F: Finite main V- Adv
75. English (E) and French (F)
(111)
⢠English: Finite main V in VP
[TPDP[Te] Adv [VP [V T] ]
⢠French: Finite main V in tensed T
[TPNP[T V T] Adv [VP[ve] ]
76. English (E) and French (F)
When the sentence contains a finite
auxiliary, they show the same order:
(112)
a. Romeo has carefully worded his
letters.
b. RomĂŠo a soigneusement formulĂŠ ses
lettres.
English: Finite-AUX-Adv-Participle
French: Finite-AUX-Adv-Participle
77. English (E) and French (F)
(113)
⢠a. Romeo is often sick.
⢠b. Jean est souvent malade.
(114)
⢠a. In French, finite auxiliaries and main vs
are in [+T]
⢠b. (i) In English, finite auxiliaries are in [+T]
(ii) In English, finite main verbs are in [+T]
78. English (E) and French (F)
⢠verb in different positions:
⢠( [ve] indicates the original position of V)
(115) [T vsisite] [ve] ses voisins]
⢠a. RomÊo [Te] [visits his neighbors]
⢠b. Romeo
79. English (E) and French (F)
negative sentences
⢠(116)
⢠c. RomÊo ne visite pas[ve] ses voisins]
[
⢠the V raises to T over negation pas
80. English (E) and French (F)
⢠the differences in word-order patterns
result from the position finite verbs occupy;
they are in +T in French, but in T in
English.
⢠(117) The position a particular head
occupies is one source of language
variation.
81. English and Germanic
languages
(118)
matrix: [ [ CVf] [DP âŚ
embedded: [ [ CC [DP Vf
⢠In matrix clauses, all finite verbs would
raise to the C position.
⢠Embedded clauses always have an overt
C, with the finite verb remaining in T.
82. Dutch
â verb-second:
the finite verb always follows a constituent in
first position (the finite verb therefore is in
second position in this clause type)
â (119)
a. Morgen goat Juliet met Romeo naar de film
Tomorrow goes Juliet with Romeo to the movies
83. Dutch
â XP first in matrix clauses:
the initial position of certain types of root
clauses in Dutch (say, Spec, CP) must always
be filled with some constituent (otherwise the
verb would be first!)
â XP first in matrix clauses:
Spec, CP (Matrix) must contain an overt
constituent
84. 5.2.4 Other languages
⢠language variation is due to variation in
movement
â Vata
in Vata, V movement is quite
transparent, because it results in word-order
differences.
85. 5.2.5 Languages with no visible
change in word order: VP ellipsis
⢠the strict head-final nature of the
projections in strictly head-final
languages, like Japanese or Korean for
example, no material can intervene
between C, T, and V positions
86. Irish
⢠Irish shows VSO order in both matrix and
embedded tensed sentences
DĂşirt sĂŠ go dtiocfadh sĂŠ
say(past) he C come(condit) he
âHe said that he would comeâ
87. Irish
⢠VSO order is a characteristic property of finite clauses: non-
finite clauses show either SVO order(125) or even SOV
order(126)
⢠(125) SVO order
Bhreathnaigh mĂŠ uirthi agus Ă ag imeacht uaim
looked I on-her and her leave(prog) from-me
âI watched her as she was leaving me.
⢠(126) SOV order
NĂor mhaith liom iad a chĂŠile a phĂłsadh
I-would-not-like them each-other marry(inf)
âI would not like them to marry each other.â
88. Irish
⢠This suggests that the word order in tenses
clauses is derived, with the verb in finite
clauses moving out of the VP, to some
position higher than the subject. As a result
of this movement, the subject intervenes
between the finite verb and its object.
⢠The finite verb cannot be in C, since it co-
occurs with the finite complementizer: VSO
order is a property of all tensed clauses, main
or embedded. Therefore it is in T.
90. Irish
⢠Support for V being outside VP comes from the
process of VP ellipsis in Irish. Irish has no words for
yes, or no.
⢠(128)
Question:
Ar chuir tĂş isteach air?
InterC put[PAST] you in on-it
âDid you apply for it?â
Answer:
Chuir NĂor chuir
put[PAST] NEG put[PAST]
âYesâ âNoâ
91. Irish
⢠The part that disappeared is understood in
the answer. Elliptical sentences occur in
roughly the same range of contexts as
English VP ellipsis:
92. ⢠(129)
DĂşirt mĂŠ go gceannĂłinn ĂŠ agus cheannaigh
said I C buy [Condit:S1] it and bought
âI said that I would buy it and I did.â
⢠(130)
A: Chennaigh siad teach
buy[PAST] they house
âThey bought a house.â
B: NĂor cheannaigh
NEG[PAST] bought
âThey did not.â
93. ⢠Tag questions
⢠(131)
Chennaigh siad teach, nĂĄr
cheannaigh
bought they house NEG INTERR C
buy[PAST]
âThey bought a house, didnât they?â
94. ⢠Thus, this looks like VP ellipsis, except for
the fact that the remnant contains the finite
main V! This situation can arise if the V is
outside of the constituent on which silence
is imposed.
⢠Since the V is not within the VP, but in T, it
must be pronounced.
⢠The subjects in Irish must be silent as well.
97. ⢠VP ellipsis thus provides an excellent
argument for V to T movement in Irish!
98. DP occurs in different position
TP English subjects
DP
T VP Irish subjects
DP
99. 5.2.6 Further extensions: The noun
system: DP
⢠Just like clauses, DPs come in different
kinds as well:
â as definite (or specific) DPs (the men, these
women)
â quantified DPs (two men, every man)
â generic DPs (people)
⢠We can consider D as being the head of an
NP
100. ⢠(140)
a. the frequent visits to his parents
(E)
b. les visites frĂŠquentes ĂĄ ses parents
(F)
101. The N moves to Num in French, but not in English
DP
French Nouns
D NumP
NP English Nouns
Num
visites
AP NP
frequent visits
102. The Hebrew nouns move to D
DP Hebrew Nouns
D NumP French Nouns
beyt
NP English Nouns
Num
visites
AP NP
frequent visits
104. ⢠the syntactic input consists of words, silent
morphemes, and some inflectional
morphemes
⢠the head-complement relation regulates
the distribution of verbal forms, and forms
the basic backbone of a clause.
105. ⢠the property that distinguishes declarative
clauses, questions, etc, is located at the C
level
⢠TPs fall into different types depending on
properties of the T head (-T=to, +T=tense)
106. ⢠in English, tensed main verbs occur in
VP, tensed auxiliaries and modals in
+T, or, in certain contexts, in C
⢠languages have quite similar
structures, with differences arising from
ordering parameters, and lexical
parameters