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  Viewing cable 10BANGKOK192, THAILAND: AMBASSADOR ENGAGES PRIVY


file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
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  COUNCIL CHAIR
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    Reference ID         Created          Released       Classification        Origin
   10BANGKOK192 2010-01-25 07:07 2010-12-15 21:09 SECRET                 Embassy Bangkok
  VZCZCXRO6557
  PP RUEHCHI RUEHCN RUEHDT RUEHHM
  DE RUEHBK #0192/01 0250759
  ZNY SSSSS ZZH
  P 250759Z JAN 10
  FM AMEMBASSY BANGKOK
  TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9667
  INFO RUEHZS/ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS PRIORITY
  RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO PRIORITY 2258
  RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING PRIORITY 7904
  RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL PRIORITY 6126
  RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA PRIORITY 0330
  RUEHCHI/AMCONSUL CHIANG MAI PRIORITY 7534
  RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
  RHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HI PRIORITY
  RUEKDIA/DIA WASHDC PRIORITY
  RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
  RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
  Monday, 25 January 2010, 07:59
  S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 BANGKOK 000192
  SIPDIS
  STATE FOR EAP/MLS, NSC FOR WALTON
  EO 12958 DECL: 01/25/2030
  TAGS PREL, PGOV, TH
  SUBJECT: THAILAND: AMBASSADOR ENGAGES PRIVY COUNCIL CHAIR
  PREM, OTHER “ESTABLISHMENT” FIGURES ON YEAR AHEAD
  REF: BANGKOK 184 (SEH DAENG)
  BANGKOK 00000192 001.2 OF 003
  Classified By: Ambassador Eric G. John, reason 1.4 (b,d)
  ¶1. (S) Summary: Ambassador paid a series of New Year’s-related calls on influential Thai
  figures, including Privy Council Chair GEN Prem, Privy Council member ACM Siddhi, and former PM
  Anand, to discuss the year ahead. Abhisit’s performance, issues related to the royal family, and
  challenges posed by Thaksin/Hun Sen emerged as the primary themes. Prem offered a more positive
  assessment of Abhisit’s performance than Siddhi, who criticized Abhisit for a lack of resolve and
  the absence of an effective team to carry out his policies. All three focused on the challenge
  posed by Thaksin to the government and, indirectly, to the monarchy; Anand attributed part of the
  King’s poor health to Thaksin, and both Prem and Siddhi were upset about Thaksin’s alliance of
  convenience with Cambodian leader Hun Sen. All three had quite negative comments about Crown
  Prince Vajiralongkorn. While asserting that the Crown Prince will become King, both Siddhi and
  Anand implied the country would be better off if other arrangements could be made. Siddhi



file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
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  expressed preference for Princess Sirindhorn; Anand suggested only the King would be in a
  position to change succession, and acknowledged a low likelihood of that happening.
  ¶2. (S) Comment: On the two most difficult and sensitive issues of the day in Thailand -- Thaksin
  and the monarchy -- the Thai elite appear as unsure about the future as any other sector of
  society. The stakes are significant for all sides, and resolution of the political divide and
  royal succession could still be far over the horizon. Elite concerns about Abhisit in office
  appear to reflect less on his performance than on general worries about the ultimate resolution
  of issues. End Summary and Comment.
  Mixed Views on Abhisit’s performance
  ------------------------------------
  ¶3. (C) Privy Councilor Chair GEN Prem shared his assessments of PM Abhisit, the Crown Prince’s
  relationship with Thaksin, and difficulties dealing with Cambodia/Hun Sen with Ambassador over
  lunch January 13. Regarding Abhisit, Prem referenced widespread criticism that the PM was too
  young and not strong enough to be an effective leader in trying times. However, Prem felt that
  Abhisit had proved in 2009 that he was up to the challenge of doing what was necessary to run a
  fractious coalition government, no easy task. In addition, there were no other politicians
  available who were more principled and had more integrity than Abhisit, and Thailand needed such
  a leader at this point. Prem expressed hope that Thais and foreigners alike would be more patient
  with Abhisit, who he believed was the right man to serve as premier.
  ¶4. (C) Fellow Privy Councilor ACM Siddhi, hosting Ambassador at his home January 11, was more
  critical of Abhisit than Prem. Siddhi said that he had told Abhisit’s father, his own long-time
  personal physician, that his son needed to be more decisive and “make more friends” in 2010.
  Abhisit spent too much time at the podium and not enough time assembling an effective team to
  which he could delegate action and rely on for well-thought out policy initiatives, in Siddhi’s
  view. Abhisit also needed to get out to engage the grassroots, one of Thaksin’s strengths. On
  Siddhi’s wish list: Abhisit pushing through a permanent appointment for Acting Police Chief
  Pratheep; using his power over wayward coalition parties by threatening parliamentary dissolution
  if they did not get in line; and telling the Army to take action to dismiss renegade MGEN
  Khattiya, even if Defense Minister Prawit refused to sign a dismissal order.
  Political Year Ahead
  --------------------
  ¶5. (C) While GEN Prem expressed moderate concern about the potential for violence and political
  discord in early 2010, he felt the situation was no worse than six months ago. Prem asked about
  U.S. laws regarding demonstrations and avoiding
  BANGKOK 00000192 002.2 OF 003
  excessive disruptions of government functions and daily lives of citizens; Ambassador explained
  the U.S. system of permits for protests which allowed for free speech but not free access
  everywhere. Ambassador shared U.S. frustration about decisions negatively affecting
  economic/investment climate, such as Ma Tha Phut and the digital lottery cancellation; the uneven
  application of the rule of law, breaches of contract, and regulatory shifts affected the
  investment climate more negatively at this point than political turmoil.
  ¶6. (C) ACM Siddhi expressed more concerns than Prem about the security situation in 2010,
  suggesting that Army Commander Anupong’s inability to control wayward red-affiliated MGEN
  Khattiya’s M-79 attacks on yellow-shirt rallies and trips to see Thaksin overseas was not a good
  harbinger (note: three days later, someone attacked Anupong’s office at night with an M-79, with
  Khattiya widely seen as the likely suspect, see reftel. End note). Siddhi said he had higher
  hopes for deputy Commander Prayuth, widely expected to replace Anupong in October and seen as
  particularly close to the Queen. Siddhi claimed Prem had sent a signal of his displeasure with
  Anupong by snubbing him during a group call at Prem’s residence to pass birthday greetings, not
  stopping to talk to Anupong personally as he did with other key military commanders.
  Royal Family: King, Crown Prince, Entourages
  --------------------------------------------
  ¶7. (S) Regarding King Bhumibol’s health, Prem indicated that the King was exercising 30 minutes
  a day on a stationary bicycle at Siriraj Hospital and passing a medicine ball with a physical
  therapist to build up strength and regain weight. Prem acknowledged that he had not seen the King
  since the hospitalization, but that the Queen and Princess Sirindhorn saw the King daily. When
  Ambassador asked about the Crown Prince’s involvement, Prem repeated: the Queen and Sirindhorn
  visit him daily.
  ¶8. (S) Prem acknowledged Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn probably maintained some sort of
  relationship with fugitive former PM Thaksin, “seeing him from time to time.” Prem, clearly no
  fan of either man, cautioned that Thaksin ran the risk of self-delusion if he thought that the
  Crown Prince would act as his friend/supporter in the future merely because of Thaksin’s monetary
  support; “he does not enjoy that sort of relationship.” When Ambassador asked where the Crown
  Prince was currently, in Thailand or Europe, Prem replied dismissively: “You know his social
  life, how he is.” (Note: a presumed reference to Vajiralongkorn’s preference to spend time based
  out of Munich with his main mistress, rather than in Thailand with his wife and son).
  ¶9. (S) ACM Siddhi, in a similar vein, noted that the Crown Prince frequently slipped away from
  Thailand, and that information about his air hostess mistresses was widely available on websites;
  he lamented how his former aide, now Thai Ambassador to Germany, was forced to leave Berlin for
  Munich often to receive Vajiralongkorn. Siddhi raised Thaksin’s controversial November Times On-
  line interview, which Siddhi claimed cast the King in a bad light and attempted to praise the
  Crown Prince as broad-minded and educated abroad, hinting that Vajiralongkorn would be ready to
  welcome Thaksin back to Thailand once he became King.
  ¶10. (S) Ambassador mentioned to Siddhi the Crown Prince’s more engaging approach in the early
  December King’s Birthday reception with Ambassadors, shaking each envoy’s hand and appearing more
  at ease than in the 2008 reception. Siddhi stated that succession would be a difficult transition
  time for Thailand. According to Palace Law, the Crown Prince would succeed his father, but added
  after a pause, almost hopefully: “if the Crown Prince were to die, anything could happen, and
  maybe Prathep (Sirindhorn) could succeed.”
  ¶11. (S) Ambassador similarly raised the Crown Prince’s more confident demeanor with former PM
  Anand in late December, seeking Anand’s assessment of the dynamics in play as succession


file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
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  inevitably drew nearer. Anand’s response was
  BANGKOK 00000192 003.2 OF 003
  similar to Siddhi’s, but more detailed and blunt. Anand said that he had always believed that the
  Crown Prince would succeed his father, according to law. However, there could be complicating
  factors -- if Vajiralongkohn proved unable to stay out of politics, or avoid embarrassing
  financial transactions. After a pause, Anand added that the consensus view among many Thai was
  that the Crown Prince could not stop either, nor would he be able, at age 57, to rectify his
  behavior. After another pause, Anand added that someone really should raise the matter with the
  King, before adding with regret that there really was no one who could raise such a delicate
  topic (note: implied was the need for an alternative to Vajiralongkorn).
  ¶12. (S) ACM Siddhi expressed his personal concern about the declining image of the royal family
  in Thailand, noting that something as simple as excessive motorcade-related traffic jams caused
  by minor royals was an unnecessary but enduring irritant. Personal Private Secretary Arsa Sarasin
  had raised this with the King about eight years ago, according to Siddhi, and the King had
  agreed, authorizing Arsa to talk to royal family members and to set up new rules limiting
  entourages and occasions when traffic would be stopped. Nothing had changed; Siddhi noted that he
  had been caught up in traffic for 45 minutes the previous week returning for a meeting with the
  Chinese Ambassador, due to a royal motorcade. Stories that the Crown Prince now ordered second
  story windows closed as his motorcade passed achieved nothing but additional popular resentment,
  Siddhi added sorrowfully.
  Thaksin and Hun Sen
  -------------------
  ¶13. (C) Thaksin clearly remained on the mind of all three “establishment” figures. Former PM
  Anand asserted that the King’s health and mood remained poor “primarily because of Thaksin” and
  the challenge Thaksin posed to the stability of the country. GEN Prem asked Ambassador what the
  U.S. would do in the situation Thailand found itself, with a neighboring country appointing as an
  adviser a former leader bent on bringing down the government. Ambassador replied that while
  former U.S. Presidents did occasionally give paid speeches overseas, they would never work for
  another government; he advised Prem and Thai officials to take the high road in their public
  comments about Cambodia, and not to be drawn into a tit for tat with Thaksin and Hun Sen. (Note:
  Prem seemed to be musing out loud, but he clearly was focused on what he perceived as a threat
  from Thaksin and Hun Sen’s facilitation of Thaksin’s efforts).
  ¶14. (C) ACM Siddhi said that PM Abhisit had called him on his 90th birthday recently and had
  indicated that now that Thailand was no longer ASEAN Chair, Abhisit would feel less constrained
  in responding to Hun Sen’s bullying rhetoric more freely. Siddhi expressed concern that in
  addition to Cambodia and Brunei, clearly in Thaksin’s camp due to his close personal ties with
  Hun Sen and the Brunei Sultan, Laos and Vietnam might back Hun Sen in the ongoing Thai-Cambodia
  diplomatic spat.
  ¶15. (C) ACM Siddhi attacked Thaksin as trying to use money, red-shirt protests, and Hun Sen to
  “destroy our country,” but he predicted Thaksin would not succeed. Thaksin never had tried to
  negotiate, Siddhi alleged, but only issued demands; had he been willing to come back and spend a
  nominal time in jail for his conviction, Thaksin likely would have been quickly pardoned/released
  as a former PM. Now Thaksin would try to create chaos, possibly sparking the use of force. While
  Siddhi expected Thaksin to lose the February 26 decision on his 76 billion baht ($2.3 billion) in
  frozen assets, he claimed his sources indicated Thaksin still had 240 billion baht ($7.3 billion)
  overseas. Rather than live overseas quietly, Thaksin had decided to fight, funding websites
  attacking the King and Queen to stir up anti-monarchy views. JOHN




file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]

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10 bangkok192

  • 1. Cable Viewer Currently released so far... 6093 / 251,287 Articles Brazil Sri Lanka United Kingdom Sweden Editorial United States Latin America Egypt Yemen Jordan Browse latest releases 2010/11 2010/12 2011/01 2011/02 2011/03 2010/11/28 2010/11/29 2010/11/30 2010/12/01 2010/12/02 2010/12/03 2010/12/04 2010/12/05 2010/12/06 2010/12/07 2010/12/08 2010/12/09 2010/12/10 2010/12/11 2010/12/12 2010/12/13 2010/12/14 2010/12/15 2010/12/16 2010/12/17 2010/12/18 2010/12/19 2010/12/20 2010/12/21 2010/12/22 2010/12/23 2010/12/24 2010/12/25 2010/12/26 2010/12/27 2010/12/28 2010/12/29 2010/12/30 2011/01/01 2011/01/02 2011/01/04 2011/01/05 2011/01/07 2011/01/09 2011/01/10 2011/01/11 2011/01/12 2011/01/13 2011/01/14 2011/01/15 2011/01/16 2011/01/17 2011/01/18 2011/01/19 2011/01/20 2011/01/21 2011/01/22 2011/01/23 2011/01/24 2011/01/25 2011/01/26 2011/01/27 2011/01/28 2011/01/29 2011/01/30 2011/01/31 2011/02/01 2011/02/02 2011/02/03 2011/02/04 2011/02/05 2011/02/06 2011/02/07 2011/02/08 2011/02/09 2011/02/10 2011/02/11 2011/02/12 2011/02/13 2011/02/14 2011/02/15 2011/02/16 2011/02/17 2011/02/18 2011/02/19 2011/02/20 2011/02/21 2011/02/22 2011/02/23 2011/02/24 2011/02/25 2011/02/26 2011/02/27 2011/02/28 2011/03/01 2011/03/02 2011/03/03 2011/03/04 2011/03/05 2011/03/06 2011/03/07 2011/03/08 2011/03/09 2011/03/10 2011/03/11 2011/03/13 2011/03/14 2011/03/15 2011/03/16 2011/03/17 2011/03/18 2011/03/19 2011/03/20 Browse by creation date 66 72 73 75 79 85 86 88 89 90 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 1966/12 1972/02 1972/08 1973/04 1975/03 1979/08 1985/03 1986/05 1988/01 1989/12 1990/01 1990/07 1990/08 1990/10 2000/06 2000/09 2000/11 2001/02 2001/03 2001/07 2001/10 2001/11 2002/02 2002/03 2002/04 2002/07 2002/11 2002/12 2003/02 2003/03 2003/04 2003/05 2003/06 2003/07 2003/08 2003/09 2003/10 2003/11 2003/12 2004/01 2004/02 2004/03 2004/04 2004/05 2004/06 2004/07 2004/08 2004/09 2004/10 2004/11 2004/12 2005/01 2005/02 2005/03 2005/04 2005/05 2005/06 2005/07 2005/08 2005/09 2005/10 2005/11 2005/12 2006/01 2006/02 2006/03 2006/04 2006/05 2006/06 2006/07 2006/08 2006/09 2006/10 2006/11 2006/12 2007/01 2007/02 2007/03 2007/04 2007/05 2007/06 2007/07 2007/08 2007/09 2007/10 2007/11 2007/12 2008/01 2008/02 2008/03 2008/04 2008/05 2008/06 2008/07 2008/08 2008/09 2008/10 2008/11 2008/12 2009/01 2009/02 2009/03 2009/04 2009/05 2009/06 2009/07 2009/08 2009/09 2009/10 2009/11 2009/12 2010/01 2010/02 Browse by origin file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
  • 2. Cable Viewer ABCDFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWYZ Embassy Athens Embassy Asuncion Embassy Astana Embassy Asmara Embassy Ashgabat Embassy Ankara Embassy Amman Embassy Algiers Embassy Addis Ababa Embassy Accra Embassy Abuja Embassy Abu Dhabi Embassy Abidjan Consulate Amsterdam American Institute Taiwan, Taipei Embassy Bujumbura Embassy Buenos Aires Embassy Budapest Embassy Bucharest Embassy Brussels Embassy Bridgetown Embassy Bratislava Embassy Brasilia Embassy Bogota Embassy Bishkek Embassy Bern Embassy Berlin Embassy Belgrade Embassy Beirut Embassy Beijing Embassy Banjul Embassy Bangkok Embassy Bandar Seri Begawan Embassy Bamako Embassy Baku Embassy Baghdad Consulate Barcelona Embassy Copenhagen Embassy Conakry Embassy Colombo Embassy Chisinau Embassy Caracas Embassy Canberra Embassy Cairo Consulate Curacao Consulate Ciudad Juarez Consulate Chennai Consulate Casablanca Consulate Cape Town Embassy Dushanbe Embassy Dublin Embassy Doha Embassy Djibouti Embassy Dhaka Embassy Dar Es Salaam Embassy Damascus Embassy Dakar Consulate Dubai Embassy Freetown Embassy Guatemala Embassy Gaborone Consulate Guadalajara Embassy Helsinki Embassy Harare Embassy Hanoi Consulate Hermosillo Consulate Hamburg Iran RPO Dubai Embassy Islamabad Consulate Istanbul Embassy Jakarta Consulate Jerusalem Consulate Jeddah Embassy Kyiv Embassy Kuwait Embassy Kuala Lumpur Embassy Kinshasa Embassy Kigali Embassy Khartoum Embassy Kathmandu Embassy Kampala Embassy Kabul Embassy Luxembourg Embassy Luanda Embassy London Embassy Ljubljana Embassy Lisbon Embassy Lima Embassy Lilongwe Embassy La Paz Consulate Lagos Mission USNATO Embassy Muscat Embassy Moscow Embassy Montevideo Embassy Monrovia Embassy Minsk Embassy Mexico Embassy Mbabane Embassy Maputo Embassy Manama Embassy Managua Embassy Malabo Embassy Madrid Consulate Munich Consulate Montreal Consulate Monterrey Consulate Milan Embassy New Delhi Embassy Nassau Embassy Nairobi Consulate Naples Embassy Ouagadougou Embassy Ottawa Embassy Oslo Embassy Pristina Embassy Pretoria Embassy Prague Embassy Port Au Prince Embassy Phnom Penh Embassy Paris Embassy Paramaribo Embassy Panama Consulate Peshawar Embassy Quito REO Basrah Embassy Rome Embassy Riyadh Embassy Riga Embassy Reykjavik Embassy Rangoon Embassy Rabat Consulate Rio De Janeiro Consulate Recife Secretary of State Embassy Stockholm Embassy Sofia Embassy Skopje Embassy Singapore Embassy Seoul Embassy Sarajevo Embassy Santo Domingo Embassy Santiago Embassy Sanaa Embassy San Salvador Embassy San Jose Consulate Strasbourg Consulate Shenyang Consulate Shanghai Consulate Sao Paulo Embassy Tunis Embassy Tripoli Embassy Tokyo Embassy The Hague Embassy Tel Aviv Embassy Tehran Embassy Tegucigalpa Embassy Tbilisi Embassy Tashkent Embassy Tallinn Consulate Tijuana USUN New York USEU Brussels US Mission Geneva US Interests Section Havana US Delegation, Secretary UNVIE Embassy Ulaanbaatar Embassy Vilnius Embassy Vienna Embassy Vatican Consulate Vladivostok Embassy Windhoek Embassy Wellington Embassy Warsaw Embassy Yerevan Embassy Yaounde Embassy Zagreb Browse by tag ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ AR AJ ASEC AE AEMR AF AMGT APER AG AM AORC AU AS ACOA AX AFIN AL AFFAIRS AA AMED ABLD AROC ATFN ASEAN AFGHANISTAN ADCO AO AFU AER AODE ABUD ATRN APECO ASUP AID AC APCS AGMT AVERY ASIG ASECKFRDCVISKIRFPHUMSMIGEG BU BM BEXP BR BA BRUSSELS BL BO BTIO BH BE BK BX BIDEN BG BY BF BBSR BC BT BB BILAT BMGT BTIU CH CU CJAN CMGT CVIS CO CA CE COUNTER CASC CBW CG CI CS CDG CIA CACM CDB CAN CN CY COE CD CM COUNTRY CLEARANCE CPAS CACS CWC CF CONDOLEEZZA CT CARSON CL CR CIS CLINTON CODEL CTM CB CKGR COM CJUS CV COUNTERTERRORISM DJ DEAX DA DOE DISENGAGEMENT DEA DK DHS DR DTRA DS DOD file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
  • 3. Cable Viewer EINV ECON ENRG EPET ETRD EAGR ELAB EUN EFIN EAID EU EIND ETTC ECPS EWWT ES EG EXTERNAL EMIN ECIP EINDETRD EN EAIR EZ EUC EI ELTN EREL ER ECIN ETRDEINVECINPGOVCS EFIS EC ENVR ECA ET ENERG EINT ENGY ETRO ELECTIONS ELN EK EFTA ECONCS ECONOMICS EUR ENGR ECONEFIN ENIV EINVETC EINN ESA ETC ETRDEINVTINTCS ESENV EUNCH ETRDECONWTOCS ENNP ENVI ECUN EINVEFIN FR FAO FTAA FARC FREEDOM FI FBI FJ FINR FMLN GM GZ GTMO GOI GG GV GH GA GT GR GE GAZA GCC GOV GY GTIP GANGS HO HURI HA HU HR HUMAN HILLARY HK HYMPSK HSTC IR IS IZ IN IT IAEA ID IO IV ICTY IQ ICAO INTERPOL IPR INRB ITPHUM IWC IC IIP ICRC ISRAELI INTELSAT IMO IL IA INR ITALIAN ITALY ITPGOV IZPREL IRAQI ILC IRC INRA INRO IRAJ IEFIN IF IACI IBRD IMF ICJ ITRA JAMES JA JO JOSEPH JP JOHNNIE JM JUS KCRM KCOR KDEM KPAO KG KTIP KICC KNNP KV KBCT KPAL KTFN KU KSPR KJUS KHLS KTIA KWBG KMDR KGHG KN KUNR KS KIRF KISL KFRD KIPR KAWC KPWR KCIP KSUM KWAC KMIG KOLY KZ KAWK KSEC KIFR KDRG KDEMAF KFIN KGIC KGCC KPIN KBIO KHIV KSCA KE KPKO KPLS KIRC KRAD KMCA KFRDCVISCMGTCASCKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG KWMN KACT KGIT KPRP KOMC KSTC KFLU KBTR KBTS KPRV KVPR KTDB KERG KWMM KRVC KFRDKIRFCVISCMGTKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG KSTH KSEP KNSD KFLO KMPI KVIR KNUP KTER KCFE KNEI KDDG KHSA KMRS KHDP KTLA KPAK KNAR KREL KPAI KTEX KNPP KCOM KNNPMNUC KO KPOA KLIG KOCI KRFD KHUM KDEV KNUC KCFC KWWMN KTBT KOMS KSAF KCRS KR LY LG LE LH LI LO LOG LT LTTE LAB LU MCAP MO MNUC MARR MPOS MASS MOPS MAR MD MX MZ MEPP MA MR ML MIL MTCRE MOPPS MAPP MU MY MASC MP MT MERCOSUR MK MDC MI MAPS MCC MASSMNUC MQADHAFI MUCN MTCR MG MTRE MC MRCRE MEPI MV NATO NI NG NO NL NU NIPP NPT NS NSG NA NZ NATIONAL NP NRR NAR NE NASA NK NPG NT NSF NGO OVIP OTRA OPRC OSCI OTR OREP ODIP OPDC OSAC OAS OEXC OIIP OFDP OSCE OECD OPCW OPIC OIC OVP OFFICIALS OIE PINR PGOV PBTS PREL PTER PE PO PROP PHUM PBIO PARM PECON PINS PM PK PHSA PREF PL PAK POGOV PINL POL PSOE PKFK PMIL PY PFOR PALESTINIAN PHALANAGE PARTY PRAM PAO PA PMAR PGOVLO POLITICS PUNE PORG PHUMPREL PF POLINT PHUS PGOC PNR PGGV PNAT PGOVE PRGOV PRL PROV PTERE PGOF PHUMBA PARMS PINT PINF PLN PEL POV PG PEPR PSI PU POLITICAL PARTIES QA RS RU RO RW RIGHTS RF RICE ROBERT RFE REGION RP SP SOCI STEINBERG SN SA SY SNAR SMIG SO SENV SCUL SR SF SG SW SU SL SZ SIPRS SH SI SNARCS SOFA SANC SHUM SK ST SAN SC SEVN SYR TI TX TU TW TC TERRORISM TPHY TRGY TS TIP TBIO TSPA TH TO TZ TK TSPL TNGD TINT TRSY TR TFIN TD TURKEY TP TT UK UZ UNMIK UN US UG UNSC UP USEU UY UNGA UNO UV USUN UNESCO UNEP UNDP UNCHS UNHRC UNAUS USTR UNVIE UNCHC UE UNDESCO UNHCR USAID UAE UNDC VE VZ VT VTPREL VN VM WI WTRO WTO WTRQ WWARD WB WHA WZ WBG WA WHO WMO WEU XF XA XG XT XM XR XS XL XH XZ XW XY XE XK XD XC YI YM YE YMCS ZP ZR ZI ZU ZB ZF ZO ZANU ZA ZOELLICK ZK ZJ Browse by classification CONFIDENTIAL CONFIDENTIAL//NOFORN SECRET SECRET//NOFORN UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Community resources Follow us on Twitter Check our Reddit Twitter this Digg this page Contact us on IRC courage is contagious Viewing cable 10BANGKOK192, THAILAND: AMBASSADOR ENGAGES PRIVY file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
  • 4. Cable Viewer COUNCIL CHAIR If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs Understanding cables Every cable message consists of three parts: The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was. The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject. The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section. To understand the justification used for the classification of each cable, please use this WikiSource article as reference. Discussing cables If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #10BANGKOK192. Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin 10BANGKOK192 2010-01-25 07:07 2010-12-15 21:09 SECRET Embassy Bangkok VZCZCXRO6557 PP RUEHCHI RUEHCN RUEHDT RUEHHM DE RUEHBK #0192/01 0250759 ZNY SSSSS ZZH P 250759Z JAN 10 FM AMEMBASSY BANGKOK TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9667 INFO RUEHZS/ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS PRIORITY RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO PRIORITY 2258 RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING PRIORITY 7904 RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL PRIORITY 6126 RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA PRIORITY 0330 RUEHCHI/AMCONSUL CHIANG MAI PRIORITY 7534 RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY RHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HI PRIORITY RUEKDIA/DIA WASHDC PRIORITY RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY Monday, 25 January 2010, 07:59 S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 BANGKOK 000192 SIPDIS STATE FOR EAP/MLS, NSC FOR WALTON EO 12958 DECL: 01/25/2030 TAGS PREL, PGOV, TH SUBJECT: THAILAND: AMBASSADOR ENGAGES PRIVY COUNCIL CHAIR PREM, OTHER “ESTABLISHMENT” FIGURES ON YEAR AHEAD REF: BANGKOK 184 (SEH DAENG) BANGKOK 00000192 001.2 OF 003 Classified By: Ambassador Eric G. John, reason 1.4 (b,d) ¶1. (S) Summary: Ambassador paid a series of New Year’s-related calls on influential Thai figures, including Privy Council Chair GEN Prem, Privy Council member ACM Siddhi, and former PM Anand, to discuss the year ahead. Abhisit’s performance, issues related to the royal family, and challenges posed by Thaksin/Hun Sen emerged as the primary themes. Prem offered a more positive assessment of Abhisit’s performance than Siddhi, who criticized Abhisit for a lack of resolve and the absence of an effective team to carry out his policies. All three focused on the challenge posed by Thaksin to the government and, indirectly, to the monarchy; Anand attributed part of the King’s poor health to Thaksin, and both Prem and Siddhi were upset about Thaksin’s alliance of convenience with Cambodian leader Hun Sen. All three had quite negative comments about Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn. While asserting that the Crown Prince will become King, both Siddhi and Anand implied the country would be better off if other arrangements could be made. Siddhi file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
  • 5. Cable Viewer expressed preference for Princess Sirindhorn; Anand suggested only the King would be in a position to change succession, and acknowledged a low likelihood of that happening. ¶2. (S) Comment: On the two most difficult and sensitive issues of the day in Thailand -- Thaksin and the monarchy -- the Thai elite appear as unsure about the future as any other sector of society. The stakes are significant for all sides, and resolution of the political divide and royal succession could still be far over the horizon. Elite concerns about Abhisit in office appear to reflect less on his performance than on general worries about the ultimate resolution of issues. End Summary and Comment. Mixed Views on Abhisit’s performance ------------------------------------ ¶3. (C) Privy Councilor Chair GEN Prem shared his assessments of PM Abhisit, the Crown Prince’s relationship with Thaksin, and difficulties dealing with Cambodia/Hun Sen with Ambassador over lunch January 13. Regarding Abhisit, Prem referenced widespread criticism that the PM was too young and not strong enough to be an effective leader in trying times. However, Prem felt that Abhisit had proved in 2009 that he was up to the challenge of doing what was necessary to run a fractious coalition government, no easy task. In addition, there were no other politicians available who were more principled and had more integrity than Abhisit, and Thailand needed such a leader at this point. Prem expressed hope that Thais and foreigners alike would be more patient with Abhisit, who he believed was the right man to serve as premier. ¶4. (C) Fellow Privy Councilor ACM Siddhi, hosting Ambassador at his home January 11, was more critical of Abhisit than Prem. Siddhi said that he had told Abhisit’s father, his own long-time personal physician, that his son needed to be more decisive and “make more friends” in 2010. Abhisit spent too much time at the podium and not enough time assembling an effective team to which he could delegate action and rely on for well-thought out policy initiatives, in Siddhi’s view. Abhisit also needed to get out to engage the grassroots, one of Thaksin’s strengths. On Siddhi’s wish list: Abhisit pushing through a permanent appointment for Acting Police Chief Pratheep; using his power over wayward coalition parties by threatening parliamentary dissolution if they did not get in line; and telling the Army to take action to dismiss renegade MGEN Khattiya, even if Defense Minister Prawit refused to sign a dismissal order. Political Year Ahead -------------------- ¶5. (C) While GEN Prem expressed moderate concern about the potential for violence and political discord in early 2010, he felt the situation was no worse than six months ago. Prem asked about U.S. laws regarding demonstrations and avoiding BANGKOK 00000192 002.2 OF 003 excessive disruptions of government functions and daily lives of citizens; Ambassador explained the U.S. system of permits for protests which allowed for free speech but not free access everywhere. Ambassador shared U.S. frustration about decisions negatively affecting economic/investment climate, such as Ma Tha Phut and the digital lottery cancellation; the uneven application of the rule of law, breaches of contract, and regulatory shifts affected the investment climate more negatively at this point than political turmoil. ¶6. (C) ACM Siddhi expressed more concerns than Prem about the security situation in 2010, suggesting that Army Commander Anupong’s inability to control wayward red-affiliated MGEN Khattiya’s M-79 attacks on yellow-shirt rallies and trips to see Thaksin overseas was not a good harbinger (note: three days later, someone attacked Anupong’s office at night with an M-79, with Khattiya widely seen as the likely suspect, see reftel. End note). Siddhi said he had higher hopes for deputy Commander Prayuth, widely expected to replace Anupong in October and seen as particularly close to the Queen. Siddhi claimed Prem had sent a signal of his displeasure with Anupong by snubbing him during a group call at Prem’s residence to pass birthday greetings, not stopping to talk to Anupong personally as he did with other key military commanders. Royal Family: King, Crown Prince, Entourages -------------------------------------------- ¶7. (S) Regarding King Bhumibol’s health, Prem indicated that the King was exercising 30 minutes a day on a stationary bicycle at Siriraj Hospital and passing a medicine ball with a physical therapist to build up strength and regain weight. Prem acknowledged that he had not seen the King since the hospitalization, but that the Queen and Princess Sirindhorn saw the King daily. When Ambassador asked about the Crown Prince’s involvement, Prem repeated: the Queen and Sirindhorn visit him daily. ¶8. (S) Prem acknowledged Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn probably maintained some sort of relationship with fugitive former PM Thaksin, “seeing him from time to time.” Prem, clearly no fan of either man, cautioned that Thaksin ran the risk of self-delusion if he thought that the Crown Prince would act as his friend/supporter in the future merely because of Thaksin’s monetary support; “he does not enjoy that sort of relationship.” When Ambassador asked where the Crown Prince was currently, in Thailand or Europe, Prem replied dismissively: “You know his social life, how he is.” (Note: a presumed reference to Vajiralongkorn’s preference to spend time based out of Munich with his main mistress, rather than in Thailand with his wife and son). ¶9. (S) ACM Siddhi, in a similar vein, noted that the Crown Prince frequently slipped away from Thailand, and that information about his air hostess mistresses was widely available on websites; he lamented how his former aide, now Thai Ambassador to Germany, was forced to leave Berlin for Munich often to receive Vajiralongkorn. Siddhi raised Thaksin’s controversial November Times On- line interview, which Siddhi claimed cast the King in a bad light and attempted to praise the Crown Prince as broad-minded and educated abroad, hinting that Vajiralongkorn would be ready to welcome Thaksin back to Thailand once he became King. ¶10. (S) Ambassador mentioned to Siddhi the Crown Prince’s more engaging approach in the early December King’s Birthday reception with Ambassadors, shaking each envoy’s hand and appearing more at ease than in the 2008 reception. Siddhi stated that succession would be a difficult transition time for Thailand. According to Palace Law, the Crown Prince would succeed his father, but added after a pause, almost hopefully: “if the Crown Prince were to die, anything could happen, and maybe Prathep (Sirindhorn) could succeed.” ¶11. (S) Ambassador similarly raised the Crown Prince’s more confident demeanor with former PM Anand in late December, seeking Anand’s assessment of the dynamics in play as succession file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]
  • 6. Cable Viewer inevitably drew nearer. Anand’s response was BANGKOK 00000192 003.2 OF 003 similar to Siddhi’s, but more detailed and blunt. Anand said that he had always believed that the Crown Prince would succeed his father, according to law. However, there could be complicating factors -- if Vajiralongkohn proved unable to stay out of politics, or avoid embarrassing financial transactions. After a pause, Anand added that the consensus view among many Thai was that the Crown Prince could not stop either, nor would he be able, at age 57, to rectify his behavior. After another pause, Anand added that someone really should raise the matter with the King, before adding with regret that there really was no one who could raise such a delicate topic (note: implied was the need for an alternative to Vajiralongkorn). ¶12. (S) ACM Siddhi expressed his personal concern about the declining image of the royal family in Thailand, noting that something as simple as excessive motorcade-related traffic jams caused by minor royals was an unnecessary but enduring irritant. Personal Private Secretary Arsa Sarasin had raised this with the King about eight years ago, according to Siddhi, and the King had agreed, authorizing Arsa to talk to royal family members and to set up new rules limiting entourages and occasions when traffic would be stopped. Nothing had changed; Siddhi noted that he had been caught up in traffic for 45 minutes the previous week returning for a meeting with the Chinese Ambassador, due to a royal motorcade. Stories that the Crown Prince now ordered second story windows closed as his motorcade passed achieved nothing but additional popular resentment, Siddhi added sorrowfully. Thaksin and Hun Sen ------------------- ¶13. (C) Thaksin clearly remained on the mind of all three “establishment” figures. Former PM Anand asserted that the King’s health and mood remained poor “primarily because of Thaksin” and the challenge Thaksin posed to the stability of the country. GEN Prem asked Ambassador what the U.S. would do in the situation Thailand found itself, with a neighboring country appointing as an adviser a former leader bent on bringing down the government. Ambassador replied that while former U.S. Presidents did occasionally give paid speeches overseas, they would never work for another government; he advised Prem and Thai officials to take the high road in their public comments about Cambodia, and not to be drawn into a tit for tat with Thaksin and Hun Sen. (Note: Prem seemed to be musing out loud, but he clearly was focused on what he perceived as a threat from Thaksin and Hun Sen’s facilitation of Thaksin’s efforts). ¶14. (C) ACM Siddhi said that PM Abhisit had called him on his 90th birthday recently and had indicated that now that Thailand was no longer ASEAN Chair, Abhisit would feel less constrained in responding to Hun Sen’s bullying rhetoric more freely. Siddhi expressed concern that in addition to Cambodia and Brunei, clearly in Thaksin’s camp due to his close personal ties with Hun Sen and the Brunei Sultan, Laos and Vietnam might back Hun Sen in the ongoing Thai-Cambodia diplomatic spat. ¶15. (C) ACM Siddhi attacked Thaksin as trying to use money, red-shirt protests, and Hun Sen to “destroy our country,” but he predicted Thaksin would not succeed. Thaksin never had tried to negotiate, Siddhi alleged, but only issued demands; had he been willing to come back and spend a nominal time in jail for his conviction, Thaksin likely would have been quickly pardoned/released as a former PM. Now Thaksin would try to create chaos, possibly sparking the use of force. While Siddhi expected Thaksin to lose the February 26 decision on his 76 billion baht ($2.3 billion) in frozen assets, he claimed his sources indicated Thaksin still had 240 billion baht ($7.3 billion) overseas. Rather than live overseas quietly, Thaksin had decided to fight, funding websites attacking the King and Queen to stir up anti-monarchy views. JOHN file:///F|/Top%20Secret/cablegate-201103201804/cable/2010/01/10BANGKOK192.html[31/5/2554 2:00:36]