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The Student Movement: 1968-
       1978: Introduction
• Came to represent new forms of rebellion
• Peculiar: arose in a period of relative
  growth and prosperity
• Students were the first to organize en-masse
• Students became a social subject
Crisis of the old organizations
• Education controlled by governments and
  parties
• Not taking account of the opinions of the
  students
• Too much paternalism
• Students wanted to assert their own idenitity
  and needs
• Older form of representation: unable to
  react on student activism
Crisis of the old organizations:
        The first generation
• First student activist groups still connected
  to main political parties
• The most radical of those was UGI. Linked
  to PCI.
• Still electorial policies within the student
  organizations.
  – Reflecting parliamental mentality
Crisis of the old organizations:
      The changing character
• 1960-63 strikes: First signs of change
  within the movement.
  – Students take part in demonstrations
  – They start to occupy university buildings
• Mobilization against the Gui bill
  – This bill proposed to limit student intake
  – Establish 3 types of diplomas
Crisis of the old organizations:
      the changing character
• The architecture faculties especially lively
  centers of activism
• Study groups were formed
  – Criticized courses and learning methods
• Education became perceived as a process
  rather than product
Crisis of the old organizations:
  1967: beginning of a new movement
• Opposition to goverment  50 day
  occupation in Milan
• An environment of debate and collective
  work
• New forms of decision-making: General
  assemblies rather than elected-
  representatives
Crisis of the old organizations
• In Pisa, resistance against government’s
  reform:
  – Disrupting a conference of university heads
  – Occupations
  – Clash with the police
• New theories about student politics: The
  Pisan Theses
Crisis of the old organizations:
  The Pisan approach: Marxism and the
           student movement
• An operaist analysis to the student situation
• Transformation to planned capitalism requires:
   – Qualified labor-power
   – Advanced technological production
• Therefore: studenst are not a priviliged elite
  anymore; they are members of the working
  class.
• Common enemy of students and workers:
  capitalism and the state
Crisis of the old organizations:
        The Pisan approach
• Strong appeal on dissident socialists and
  communists
• Militant refusal of parliamentarism and
  reformism
• Associating student politics with workers
  struggle
Student identity and the politics
           of violence
• 1968: Student agitation grows to national
  proportions
  – Against the Gui bill
  – A wave of occupations begins
• Students start to clash with the police:
  – Students begin to fight back
  – Use of violence as a means
Use of Violence: The Battle of
    Valle Giulia, Rome 1968
• A turning point for the student movement
Use of Violence
• Also clashes in Milan
• The students were severly beaten and
  terrorized
• Police became the hated enemy
  – Legitimate to use force against
Reactions from the establishment
• Center-Left government wanted
  compromise
  – Demanded the release of those arrested
• The Conservatives and the right:
  – Favored use of force to put down disorders
• As a consequence more police crackdown,
  injuries and death
  – Pacifism was now pronounced dead
Use of Violence
• Students start militarize:
  – Learn to make Molotovs
  – Spread the idea of violent armed struggle
• Reflected in their slogans and songs
  – Most famous song becomes La Violenza
How was violence justified
      within the movement?
• It made it easy to distinguish friends from
  foes: a demacration line
• It had a therapeutic shock effect:
  – It distanced students from bourgeois values
  – Notions of legality were overcome
• It created solidarity
• Created commitment to the group
• It was group power in action
Politics of student dress:
           changing culture
• Lifestyle and apprearence became at one with anti-
  bourgeois and anti-institutional ideas
• Appearence for expressive purposes
• In 1967: still clean shaven and with jackets and
  ties
• In 1968: cuban styled beards; no jackets; military
  look; clenched fists
• Desire to express a political self-image
Before and after
From Operaismo to atunomoist
       Marxism: Intro
• Operaismo (workersim): Marxist approach
  focused on rank and file struggels
  – Against the politics and opportunism of
    dominant Marxist-Leninist left
  – Still in the realm of workers struggle
• Autonomia:
  – Workerist analysis of class struggle apllied to
    social groups outside of the workplace
Operaismo and autonomist
  Marxism: Classical workersim
• Origins of operaismo: research of workers
  behavior in 1950s
• To research of workers own needs and problems
• Core features of operaismo:
  – Identification of working class with the immediate process of
    production
  – Wage struggle as a key terrain of political conflict
  – Working class is the driving force within capitalist society
  – Against traditional party, parliament and union bureaucracy
  – No distinction between political and economic struggles
Classical workersim
• Introduction of the concept of the Mass
  Worker:
  – Relatively simple labor
  – Placed in the hearth of the process of
    production
  – Not tied to the process of production
Workerism beyond workers
• Production process itself is not neutral
• It is a process of domination: despotism
• Social Factory: Factory as locus of power
  extended to the wider society
  – Thus resistance outside the factory can be a
    moment of class struggle
Autonomia emerges
• Loose network of groupings influenced by
  operaist theories
• Many young people join the network
• Emphasis on the localized and personal struggle
  rather than class-wide struggle
• Negri: mass worker is replaced by socialized
  worker:
   – Capital socializes labor beyond the immediate process
     of production
   – The extension of the concept of laborer grows
Autonomia emerges
• New social groups as collective subjects of
  social change
  – Women
  – Students
  – Peasants
• They all belong to the workig class, so their
  actions contribute to anti-capitalism
Autonomia and students
• Classical operaism: student struggle must
  be subordinated to workers struggle
• But students were important for:
  – Theorizing the proletarization of intellectual
    labor
  – Link workers and students both
    organizationally and in terms of demands
Autonomia: “the will is enough!”
• Thus for autonomia, the classical operaist idea of
  workers class and struggle must expand
• Include new social groups
• Emphasize the local and individual struggle above
  class wide
• The will to destruction enough to count as anti-
  capitalist strugle rather than material determinants
  like of class composition
Some criticism
• Operaists: still too Leninist in organizational
  aspect
• Autonomia: lack of organization
• Autonomia: in the end reverted to vanguardism
• The fragmented and individualized forms of
  resistance are a sign of the historic weakness of
  the class
• Focus on plurality of autonomous struggles can
  lead to abandonment of revolution as totality

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Italian student movement of the 60s and 70

  • 1. The Student Movement: 1968- 1978: Introduction • Came to represent new forms of rebellion • Peculiar: arose in a period of relative growth and prosperity • Students were the first to organize en-masse • Students became a social subject
  • 2. Crisis of the old organizations • Education controlled by governments and parties • Not taking account of the opinions of the students • Too much paternalism • Students wanted to assert their own idenitity and needs • Older form of representation: unable to react on student activism
  • 3. Crisis of the old organizations: The first generation • First student activist groups still connected to main political parties • The most radical of those was UGI. Linked to PCI. • Still electorial policies within the student organizations. – Reflecting parliamental mentality
  • 4. Crisis of the old organizations: The changing character • 1960-63 strikes: First signs of change within the movement. – Students take part in demonstrations – They start to occupy university buildings • Mobilization against the Gui bill – This bill proposed to limit student intake – Establish 3 types of diplomas
  • 5. Crisis of the old organizations: the changing character • The architecture faculties especially lively centers of activism • Study groups were formed – Criticized courses and learning methods • Education became perceived as a process rather than product
  • 6. Crisis of the old organizations: 1967: beginning of a new movement • Opposition to goverment  50 day occupation in Milan • An environment of debate and collective work • New forms of decision-making: General assemblies rather than elected- representatives
  • 7. Crisis of the old organizations • In Pisa, resistance against government’s reform: – Disrupting a conference of university heads – Occupations – Clash with the police • New theories about student politics: The Pisan Theses
  • 8. Crisis of the old organizations: The Pisan approach: Marxism and the student movement • An operaist analysis to the student situation • Transformation to planned capitalism requires: – Qualified labor-power – Advanced technological production • Therefore: studenst are not a priviliged elite anymore; they are members of the working class. • Common enemy of students and workers: capitalism and the state
  • 9. Crisis of the old organizations: The Pisan approach • Strong appeal on dissident socialists and communists • Militant refusal of parliamentarism and reformism • Associating student politics with workers struggle
  • 10. Student identity and the politics of violence • 1968: Student agitation grows to national proportions – Against the Gui bill – A wave of occupations begins • Students start to clash with the police: – Students begin to fight back – Use of violence as a means
  • 11. Use of Violence: The Battle of Valle Giulia, Rome 1968 • A turning point for the student movement
  • 12. Use of Violence • Also clashes in Milan • The students were severly beaten and terrorized • Police became the hated enemy – Legitimate to use force against
  • 13. Reactions from the establishment • Center-Left government wanted compromise – Demanded the release of those arrested • The Conservatives and the right: – Favored use of force to put down disorders • As a consequence more police crackdown, injuries and death – Pacifism was now pronounced dead
  • 14. Use of Violence • Students start militarize: – Learn to make Molotovs – Spread the idea of violent armed struggle • Reflected in their slogans and songs – Most famous song becomes La Violenza
  • 15. How was violence justified within the movement? • It made it easy to distinguish friends from foes: a demacration line • It had a therapeutic shock effect: – It distanced students from bourgeois values – Notions of legality were overcome • It created solidarity • Created commitment to the group • It was group power in action
  • 16. Politics of student dress: changing culture • Lifestyle and apprearence became at one with anti- bourgeois and anti-institutional ideas • Appearence for expressive purposes • In 1967: still clean shaven and with jackets and ties • In 1968: cuban styled beards; no jackets; military look; clenched fists • Desire to express a political self-image
  • 18. From Operaismo to atunomoist Marxism: Intro • Operaismo (workersim): Marxist approach focused on rank and file struggels – Against the politics and opportunism of dominant Marxist-Leninist left – Still in the realm of workers struggle • Autonomia: – Workerist analysis of class struggle apllied to social groups outside of the workplace
  • 19. Operaismo and autonomist Marxism: Classical workersim • Origins of operaismo: research of workers behavior in 1950s • To research of workers own needs and problems • Core features of operaismo: – Identification of working class with the immediate process of production – Wage struggle as a key terrain of political conflict – Working class is the driving force within capitalist society – Against traditional party, parliament and union bureaucracy – No distinction between political and economic struggles
  • 20. Classical workersim • Introduction of the concept of the Mass Worker: – Relatively simple labor – Placed in the hearth of the process of production – Not tied to the process of production
  • 21. Workerism beyond workers • Production process itself is not neutral • It is a process of domination: despotism • Social Factory: Factory as locus of power extended to the wider society – Thus resistance outside the factory can be a moment of class struggle
  • 22. Autonomia emerges • Loose network of groupings influenced by operaist theories • Many young people join the network • Emphasis on the localized and personal struggle rather than class-wide struggle • Negri: mass worker is replaced by socialized worker: – Capital socializes labor beyond the immediate process of production – The extension of the concept of laborer grows
  • 23. Autonomia emerges • New social groups as collective subjects of social change – Women – Students – Peasants • They all belong to the workig class, so their actions contribute to anti-capitalism
  • 24. Autonomia and students • Classical operaism: student struggle must be subordinated to workers struggle • But students were important for: – Theorizing the proletarization of intellectual labor – Link workers and students both organizationally and in terms of demands
  • 25. Autonomia: “the will is enough!” • Thus for autonomia, the classical operaist idea of workers class and struggle must expand • Include new social groups • Emphasize the local and individual struggle above class wide • The will to destruction enough to count as anti- capitalist strugle rather than material determinants like of class composition
  • 26. Some criticism • Operaists: still too Leninist in organizational aspect • Autonomia: lack of organization • Autonomia: in the end reverted to vanguardism • The fragmented and individualized forms of resistance are a sign of the historic weakness of the class • Focus on plurality of autonomous struggles can lead to abandonment of revolution as totality