The Study on “Psycho-Social Analysis of Religious Impact on Muslims Behaviour...
Local cultural responses to globalization
1. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
http://jcc.sagepub.com/
Local Culture's Responses to Globalization : Exemplary Persons and Their Attendant
Values
Jeanne Ho-Ying Fu and Chi-Yue Chiu
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 2007 38: 636
DOI: 10.1177/0022022107305244
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3. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 637
rapid growth of global linkages and global consciousness has led to reorganization of social
life on a global scale. As Robertson (1992) noted, globalization involves “the compression of
the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole” (p. 8). Some con-
straints that once bound different knowledge traditions have disintegrated. For example, in
China, it is common to find commercial messages promoting individualism and modern life
styles in popular magazines targeting the younger generation (Zhang & Shavitt, 2003).
There are two different views on how local culture responds to globalization. The first
view predicts that globalization would inevitably lead to the demise of local cultures and
homogenization of world cultures. According to this view, Western nations, representatives
of the global culture, are not only perceived to be more economically advanced than non-
Western nations, but they are often seen as reference nations in the realm of cultural restruc-
turing. The global culture, which privileges consumerism, individualism, competition, and
efficiency, has been characterized in some non-Western countries as new, modern, scientific,
and results oriented (Lam, Lau, Chiu, Hong, & Peng, 1999; Pilkington & Johnson, 2003).
In addition, the global market emphasizes the use of scientific knowledge and technol-
ogy to achieve controllable and predictable results. To compete in the global market,
instead of relying on traditional knowledge and experiences, local economies need scien-
tific knowledge and professional training in business administration. It is not surprising
that globalization in many developing countries is often accompanied by a vast demand for
science education and MBA programs (Chiu & Hong, 2006; Fischer, 1999; Tzeng &
Henderson, 1999).
Globalization has also transformed the consumption patterns in local economies, as evi-
dent in the spread of global “brand-name” goods and restaurant chains (Daniels, 2003) and
the proliferation of global advertising that exploits similar basic material desires and cre-
ates similar lifestyles (Parameswaran, 2002). Indeed, the global success of global brands
such as McDonald’s and Starbucks has led some writers to predict an inevitable coloniza-
tion of world cultures by international corporate brands (Falk, 1999).
However, other writers hold a different view, believing that some aspects of the local
culture would survive the erosive effects of globalization. For example, Lal (2000) believes
that although the material beliefs (beliefs pertinent to making a living) in the global cul-
ture will gain popularity as a country is integrated into the global market, beliefs pertinent
to social relationship and morality in local cultures are relatively resistant to the influence
of globalization. Additionally, multinational survey data revealed that although economic
development is accompanied by increased adherence to values that emphasize secular-
ism, scientific rationality, and individualism, the broad knowledge tradition that defines
personhood and sociality in a society (e.g., Protestantism, Confucianism) is relatively
resistant to the erosive effects of globalization (Inglehart & Baker, 2000). Likewise, ethno-
graphic studies of mobile phone use in South Korea (Yoon, 2003) and MTV in East Asia
(Santana, 2003) found that proliferation of global products and services in East Asia,
instead of destroying local cultures, has played a crucial role in reinforcing and reinvent-
ing traditional moral values in local communities.
THE SOCIAL IDENTITY PERSPECTIVE
The social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) offers a theoretical perspective to
understand how a local culture may accept the values embedded in the global culture with-
out giving up the core values in the local culture. In the face of globalization, a central
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4. 638 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
issue confronting the local culture is how it is possible to acknowledge the competitive
advantages of the capitalist logic and its attendant values in the global market and at the
same time affirm the positive distinctiveness of the heritage culture. Based on the assump-
tion that group memberships constitute an integral part of an individual’s self-definition,
social identity theorists have expounded on the different cognitive and behavioral strate-
gies a low-status group would adopt to protect its collective self-esteem when confronting
the dominating influence of another group (Hogg & Abrams, 1988). One such strategy
involves differential evaluations of the in-group and the dominating group on different
dimensions.
Early empirical demonstrations of this strategy made use of the fact that language vari-
ations within and between speech communities are important markers of the language
user’s social group memberships. As such, perceivers can infer a speaker’s group mem-
berships from his or her voice, and the characteristics attributed to the speaker may reflect
the perceivers’ attitudes toward the speaker’s inferred membership. In these studies, the
participants listened to recordings of bilingual speakers reading a passage in one of the tar-
get languages and to a translation of the same passage in the second target language.
Unaware that they were listening to two readings of each of several bilinguals, the partic-
ipants rated the speakers’ personalities (see Krauss & Chiu, 1998; Ryan & Giles, 1982, for
reviews). Typically, ratings of speakers’ personalities can be organized into two evaluative
dimensions: status and solidarity (Ryan, Giles, & Sebastian, 1982). The status dimension,
including such competence-related attributes as successful, competent, and intelligent, is
positively correlated with sociopolitical power. Subordinate linguistic groups usually give
more favorable ratings to the dominant linguistic groups than to their own group on this
dimension (e.g., Callan, Gallois, & Forbes, 1983; Giles, Henwood, Coupland, Harriman,
& Coupland, 1992; Lyczak, Fu, & Ho, 1976; Sebastian & Ryan, 1985).
The solidarity dimension includes social, moral attributes such as trustworthy, friendly,
kind, and benevolent. Minority group members typically rate speakers of their own lan-
guage more favorably than speakers of the standard dominant group language on the soli-
darity dimension (e.g., Bond, 1985; Giles et al., 1992; Hogg, Joyce, & Abrams, 1984;
Lyczak et al., 1976; Tong, Hong, Lee, & Chiu, 1999). This pattern of evaluation may
reflect an attempt by the less powerful group to maintain positive evaluation of the group
while acknowledging the power difference between its group and the dominant group.
Extending this finding to local cultures’ responses to the global culture, we may
expect individuals in a local culture to acknowledge the dominating global culture’s
superiority on the status dimension, while maintaining a positive perception of the local
culture on the solidarity dimension. Individuals adopting this strategy would distinguish
between modernization and Westernization, with modernization involving acquisition of
specific skills and competencies that have fueled the economic development in the West
and Westernization involving adoption of the Western social–moral values. With this strat-
egy, people in the local community can accept modernization and resist Westernization at
the same time. As a result, they may not see modernization as a threat to the fundamental
social and moral values in the local culture.
Bond and King (1985) have applied the social identity perspective to understand Hong
Kong Chinese’s responses to the global culture, which was brought in through coloniza-
tion and then institutionalized through rapid industrialization. In a survey, Bond and King
found that most Hong Kong Chinese respondents (about 70%) believed that modernization
involved technology, behavior, or material progress, whereas Westernization involved val-
ues, thinking, or Western cultural traditions. Almost two thirds of respondents (64%) also
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5. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 639
believed that modernization could proceed in Hong Kong without much cultural implica-
tions. About half of them claimed that they managed to preserve their Chineseness by
holding onto basic Chinese moral values, such as filial piety and respect for teachers.
METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH USING EXEMPLARY PERSONS
As the preliminary findings from Bond and King (1985) indicated, in Hong Kong, the
global culture is generally perceived to have originated in the West. Accordingly, in our
study of responses to the global culture in Hong Kong, we focus on the extent to which
status and solidarity values are exemplified by the individuals whom Hong Kong Chinese
consider to be exemplary persons in China and the West.
We chose this analytic strategy for two reasons. First, exemplary persons are important
carriers of culture. Exemplary persons are real or fictional figures who possess qualities
that are so positively evaluated in the culture that others would do well to copy.1 Exemplary
persons may be persons with outstanding achievements or persons who have endured mis-
fortunes or met with failures in the pursuit of socially desirable goals. Both successful and
unsuccessful exemplary persons can incite imitation among individuals in the culture
(Lockwood, Marshall, & Sadler, 2005). Although successful exemplary persons inspire
individuals to pursue similar excellence, unsuccessful exemplary persons encourage indi-
viduals to learn from the exemplary persons’ mistakes and from their persistence in pur-
suing socially desirable goals.
Widely recognized exemplary persons are usually idealized figures that embody certain
highly valued virtues in the culture (Chiu & Hong, 2006). As such, they are public repre-
sentations of cultural ideals and important vehicles for transmitting cultural values. In
Chinese societies, young children often learn cultural values by reading or listening to sto-
ries about exemplary persons whose behaviors exemplify these values. For example, the
value of “filial piety” is introduced to children through the well-known Twenty-Four
Parables of Filial Piety, which describes and glorifies various filial behaviors displayed by
24 famous sons or daughters in Chinese history. Similarly, in Hong Kong, young children
often learn Western values through stories of exemplary persons in Western cultures. For
example, they learn the value of honesty through the story of the U.S. President George
Washington and the value of creativity through the stories of Marie Curie, James Watt,
Thomas Edison, and the Wright brothers. Western moral values such as equality, human
rights, and freedom are learned through the stories of Abraham Lincoln.
Second, according to the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), group members
collectively construct prototypes of the group to represent the group’s defining, positively
distinctive attributes. A prototype is often an exemplary person in the group. According to
Hogg (2004), “prototypes rarely describe average or typical ingroup members—rather
they are polarized away from outgroup features and describe ideal, often hypothetical,
ingroup members” (p. 229). Thus, according to the social identity theory, exemplary per-
sons in a local culture and their attendant values represent the culture’s defining qualities
from which its members derive a sense of positive distinctiveness and collective esteem
vis-à-vis comparison with the global culture. As such, exemplary persons and their atten-
dant values provide rich materials for understanding globalization and value negotiation.
In this article, we reported three studies conducted in Hong Kong that used the method
described earlier to examine the exemplification of status and solidarity values by individ-
uals who are considered to be exemplary persons from local (Chinese) culture and global
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6. 640 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
(Western) culture. In each study, a sample of Hong Kong Chinese undergraduates listed the
exemplary persons who came to their mind readily and rated the extent to which these
exemplary persons represented competence values and social, moral values in Chinese and
Western cultures. We predicted that the spontaneously listed Chinese exemplary persons
are likely to embody Chinese social, moral values or values that serve solidarity functions.
Contrarily, spontaneously listed Western exemplary persons are likely to embody compe-
tence values (versus Western moral values) or values that reflect socioeconomic status.
STUDY 1
METHOD
Participants. Twenty Hong Kong undergraduate students (4 men and 16 women) from
an introductory psychology class participated in this study in return for course requirement
credit. Their mean age was 19.40 (SD = 0.59).
Measures and procedures. On arrival and signing the consent form, the participants
completed a questionnaire that was written in Chinese. They listed six exemplary persons
in Chinese culture and six exemplary persons in Western cultures. The order of listing
Chinese and Western exemplary persons was counterbalanced. Specifically, they were
instructed to “list six persons in Chinese (Western) culture who deserve much respect and
are worthy of imitating.” Next, the participants indicated on a 6-point Likert-type scale
(from 1 = not at all to 6 = very much) the extent to which each of these exemplary persons
was an embodiment of six solidarity values from Chinese culture (filial piety, patriotism,
loyalty, righteousness, sacrifice, and bravery) and six status values (intelligence, persis-
tence, wisdom, power, artistic talent, and creativity). The 12 values were presented to the
participants in a random order, with the same order for all participants.
These 12 values were selected based on the results of a pilot study. In the pilot study,
we first identified 32 (23 men, 9 women) exemplary persons from Chinese culture and 22
(18 male, 4 female) from Western cultures in Hong Kong’s grade school curriculum. Next,
we had a separate sample of 121 Hong Kong Chinese undergraduates (22% male; mean
age = 19.26, SD = 1.38) listed up to five values associated with these models. Half of the
participants in the pilot study listed values associated with the Chinese exemplary persons,
and the remaining half listed values associated with the Western ones. The six most fre-
quently mentioned values associated with the Chinese exemplary persons were patriotism,
bravery, righteousness, loyalty, self-sacrifice, and filial piety. These are all core Confucian
moral values. We used these six values to represent solidarity values in the main study.
The six most frequently mentioned values associated with the Western exemplary per-
sons were creativity, power, artistic talent, intelligence, persistence, and wisdom. These
values are related to human competencies and are typical status values. Moral values in the
Western cultures (freedom, human rights) were seldom mentioned. These results are con-
sistent with our hypothesis: In Hong Kong, Chinese exemplary persons tend to be associ-
ated with solidarity values and Western exemplary persons with status values.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
We compiled a list of the exemplary persons listed by the participants in the main study.
Of the 115 Chinese exemplary persons listed, 98.2% were men.2 The six most frequently
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7. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 641
mentioned exemplary persons in Chinese culture were Confucius (551 BC to 479 BC,
philosopher; the percentage of participants who listed this exemplary person was 80.0%),
Sun Yat-Sen (1866 to 1925, founder of the Republic of China; listed by 55.0%), Mencius
(370 BC to 286 BC, philosopher; 55.0%), Li Bai (701 to 762, poet; 45.0%), Zhuangzi (369
BC to 286 BC, philosopher; 40.0%), and Du Fu (712 to 770, poet; 40.0%).
Of the 105 Western exemplary persons listed, 85.7% were men. The six most frequently
mentioned exemplary persons in Western cultures were James Watt (75.0%), Mother
Teresa (30.0%), Sir Isaac Newton (25.0%), Napoleon Bonaparte (25.0%), Jesus Christ
(25.0%), and Ludwig van Beethoven (20.0%).
For each participant and for each value, we took the mean of the ratings assigned to the
listed Chinese exemplary persons and the mean of the ratings assigned to the listed Western
exemplary persons. Next, we took the mean of the six values in each of the two value cate-
gories (Chinese solidarity values or status values). A 2 (Culture of Exemplary Person) X 2
(Value Category) repeated measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) revealed a significant
main effect of value category, F(1, 18) = 9.55, p < .01, η2p = .35, and a significant main effect
of culture, F(1, 18) = 23.21, p < .001, η2p = .56. We interpreted these main effects in the con-
text of the significant Culture X Value Category interaction, F(1, 18) = 8.97, p < .01, η2p =
.33.3 As shown in Figure 1, Chinese exemplary persons were perceived to exemplify Chinese
solidarity values (M = 4.47, SD = 0.79) and status values (M = 4.77, SD = 0.41) to a similar
extent, F(1, 19) = 3.49, ns. Western exemplary persons exemplified status values (M = 4.77,
SD = 0.42) more than they did Chinese solidarity values (M = 3.96, SD = 0.60), F(1, 18) =
49.26, p < .001, η2p = .73. In addition, Chinese and Western exemplary persons did not differ
in how much they exemplified status values, t(19) = 0.00, ns. However, compared to Western
exemplary persons, Chinese exemplary persons were perceived to exemplify solidarity val-
ues more, t(19) = 2.55, p < .05, d = .73.
We also used exemplary persons as our unit of analysis, treating each exemplary person
listed by the participant as a case in the analysis. First, we took the mean ratings of the six val-
ues in each value category for each exemplary person. Next, we performed a 2 (Culture of
Exemplary Person) X 2 (Value Category) ANOVA on the mean ratings. Gender of the exem-
plary persons was not included in the analysis because the small number of female exemplary
persons (7.66%) yielded highly unstable estimates of the dependent measures for female
exemplary persons. As in the analysis that used participants as the unit of analysis, there was
a significant main effect of value category, F(1, 220) = 67.59, p < .001, η2p = .24, a significant
main effect of culture, F(1, 220) = 8.57, p < .005, η2p = .04, and a significant Culture X Value
Category interaction, F(1, 220) = 14.61, p < .001, η2p = .06. Chinese and Western exemplary
persons did not differ in how much they exemplify status values, t(221) = –0.07, ns. However,
compared to Western exemplary persons, Chinese exemplary persons were perceived to exem-
plify Chinese solidarity values more, t(221) = 2.11, p < .05, d = 0.50.
In short, the pilot study and the main study yielded consistent results. In the pilot study,
when presented with exemplary persons in Hong Kong’s grade school curriculum, Hong
Kong Chinese college students spontaneously listed solidarity values when the exemplary
persons were from Chinese culture and status values when the exemplary persons were
from Western cultures. In the main study, compared to Western exemplary persons,
Chinese exemplary persons exemplified Chinese moral (solidarity) values more. These
results are consistent with the social identity theory prediction that Hong Kong Chinese
continue to value Chinese moral values; the exemplary persons from Chinese culture that
the participants aspired to imitate were perceived to exemplify these values more than
those from Western culture.
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8. 642 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
5
4.5
4
3.5
3
Chinese Exemplary Persons Western Exemplary Persons
Solidarity Values Status Values
Figure 1. Mean Ratings of How Much Chinese and Western Exemplary Persons Exemplified Different
Categories of Values in Study 1
NOTE: Error bars denote standard errors.
It is interesting that in the main study, Chinese and Western exemplary persons exem-
plified status values to a similar extent. We speculate that because of Hong Kong’s success
in the global economy, many Hong Kong Chinese no longer perceive Western culture as
having superior status than Chinese culture in terms of economic prosperity. Furthermore,
they have started to use Chinese exemplary persons who embody both the perceived moral
superiority of Chinese culture and the competence traits required for success in the global
economy as materials for constructing a positively distinctive identity.
STUDY 2
Although Study 1 provided some initial support for our hypothesis, it could be argued
that the findings are due to a priming effect—simply asking participants to think of any
Chinese or Western person might be able to produce the pattern of results obtained in
Study 1. In other words, the effects may have nothing to do with the stimulus person being
an exemplary person.
In the current study, to address this interpretive ambiguity, we repeated Study 1 with a
slightly different procedure. In Study 1, the participants listed exemplary persons. In the
present study, the participants listed historical figures from Chinese and Western cultures
and rated these figures in terms of how much they exemplified Chinese moral (solidarity)
values and competence (status) values. Next, we had a group of independent judges rate
how positive or negative each historical figure was. According to the social identity theory,
prototypes of a group are idealized and positively evaluated in-group members (Hogg,
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9. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 643
2004). Thus, the pattern of results in Study 1 should emerge only when the historical
figures are positive figures (when they are like exemplary persons). However, according to
the priming account, the pattern of results in Study 1 would emerge regardless of whether
the historical figures are positive or negative figures. For instance, as long as the historical
figures are Chinese persons, they should exemplify Chinese traditional moral values.
METHOD
Participants. Fifty Hong Kong Chinese undergraduates (15 men, 34 women, and 1 did
not report gender), with a mean age of 20.25 (SD = 2.26), participated in the current study
in return for course requirement credit.
Procedures. The procedures were the same as those in Study 1, with the exception that
the participants were instructed to list up to six historical figures in Chinese history and six
historical figures in Western history. Four Hong Kong Chinese undergraduates (2 men, 2
women; mean age = 19.50, SD = 0.58) assigned a valence score to each historical figure
according to the following scheme: 1 = negative figures, 2 = neutral figures, and 3 = pos-
itive figures (a few figures were perceived as ambivalent or vague, and they were coded as
missing data). The correlations of the valence ratings between the four coders ranged from
.57 to .88 (median = .81). An average valence score was obtained for each historical figure
by taking the mean of the four coders’ ratings. The mean of the valence scores was 2.48
(SD = 0.59).
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
A list of historical figures generated by the participants was compiled. Of the 296
Chinese historical figures generated, 91.9% were men. The six most frequently mentioned
figures in Chinese history were Qin Shi Huang (259 BC to 210 BC, Emperor of the Qin
Dynasty; percentage of participants who mentioned this figure was 62.0%), Yue Fei (1103
to 1141, a general in the Sung Dynasty; 48.0%), Sun Yat-Sen (44.0%), Li Bai (32.0%), Liu
Bei (161 to 223, ruler of the State of Shu; 30.0%), and Zhuge Liang (181-234, a chief mil-
itary advisor; 26.0%).
Of the 282 Western historical figures listed, 96.1% were men. The six most frequently
mentioned figures in Western history were Adolf Hitler (56.0%), Napoleon Bonaparte
(48.0%), George Washington (32.0%), Alexander the Great (30.0%), Abraham Lincoln
(28.0%), and Marco Polo (28.0%).
We treated each historical figure as a case in our analysis. For each historical figure, we
computed the mean exemplification rating on each of the two value categories. We mean
centered the valence score to avoid potential problems caused by multicollinearity. Next,
we fitted a 2 (Culture of Historical Figure) X 2 (Value Category) X Valence generalized
linear model to the data, with valence as a mean-centered continuous variable. Again,
gender of the historical figures was not included in the analysis because very few female
historical figures were listed (6.03%). The following effects were significant: the main
effects of culture, F(1, 558) = 9.84, p < .001, η2p = .02, valence, F(1, 558) = 78.74, p <
.001, η2p = .12, value category, F(1, 558) = 91.42, p < .001, η2p = .14, the Culture X Valence
interaction, F(1, 558) = 13.55, p < .001, η2p = .02, the Culture X Value Category interac-
tion, F(1, 558) = 41.61, p < .001, η2p = .07, the Value Category X Valence interaction,
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10. 644 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
F(1, 558) = 21.99, p < .001, η2p = .04, and Culture X Value Category X Valence interaction,
F(1, 558) = 42.73, p < .001, η2p = .07.
Follow-up simple slope analyses showed that for positive historical figures (valence cen-
tered at 1 SD above the mean), there was a significant main effects of culture, F(1, 558) =
23.42, p < .001, η2p = .04, value category, F(1, 558) = 12.09, p < .001, η2p = .02, and Culture
X Value Category interaction, F(1, 558) = 84.98, p < .001, η2p = .13. As shown in Figure 2,
positive Chinese historical figures (valence > mean) exemplified Chinese solidarity values
(M = 4.56, SD = 1.11) slightly more than status values (M = 4.37, SD = 0.82), F(1, 196) =
5.91, p < .05, η2p = .03, whereas positive Western historical figures (valence > mean) exem-
plified status values (M = 4.46, SD = 0.75) more than Chinese solidarity values (M = 3.71,
SD = 1.10), F(1, 198) = 83.33, p < .001, η2p = .30. Furthermore, compared to positive Western
historical figures, positive Chinese historical figures exemplified Chinese solidarity values
more, t(396) = 3.29, p < .01, d = .77. As in Study 1, Chinese and Western historical figures
did not differ in how much they exemplified status values, t(396) = –0.51, ns.
For negative historical figures (valence centered at 1 SD below the mean), the only signif-
icant effect was the main effect of value category, F(1, 558) = 100.89, p < .001, η2p = .15.
Status values (M = 4.11, SD = 0.88) were exemplified more than solidarity values (M = 3.36,
SD = 1.16), t(182) = 6.95, p < .01, d = .73, by these negative historical figures. The Culture X
Value Category interaction was not significant, F(1, 558) = 0.00, ns.
In short, the results from Study 1 were replicated when the valence of the historical
figures was positive. However, when the valence of the historical figures was negative,
Chinese and Western historical figures did not differ in the types of values they exempli-
fied. These findings eliminated the alternative hypothesis that any Chinese or Western
stimulus person would produce the value association pattern in Study 1.
STUDY 3
Results from Studies 1 and 2 showed that Chinese exemplary persons or positively eval-
uated Chinese historical figures are associated with both solidarity (Chinese moral) and
status values and Western exemplary persons or positively evaluated historical figures are
associated with status values only. The current study was designed to replicate these find-
ings and address several concerns. First, it may be argued that the participants recalled the
widely recognized Chinese and Western exemplary persons in Hong Kong but did not
admire or aspire personally to possess the values these persons exemplify. To address this
issue, in Study 3, participants were asked to list the exemplary persons they themselves
admired and aspired to become. In addition, they were not constrained to list exemplary
persons from any particular culture. Instead, we sorted the exemplary persons the partici-
pants listed according to the culture to which the exemplary persons belonged.
Second, although Hong Kong undergraduates do not associate Western exemplary per-
sons with Chinese moral values, they may associate them with Western moral values. It is
possible that through their exposure to Western cultures, Hong Kong Chinese also aspire
to become some Western exemplary persons who embody Western moral values. If that is
the case, Western moral values may find a way to enter the value system in Hong Kong.
To explore this possibility, in the current study, we included moral values from Western
culture, such as human rights and individuality, and asked the participants to rate the
exemplary persons on these values.
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11. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 645
5
4.5
4
3.5
3
Positive Positive Negative Negative
Chinese Western Chinese Western
Historical Figures
Solidarity Values Status Values
Figure 2. Mean Ratings of How Much Positive and Negative Chinese and Western Historical Figures
Exemplified Different Categories of Values in Study 2
NOTE: Error bars denote standard errors.
Finally, according to the social identity theory, a group may construct different proto-
types when the specific out-group that forms the basis of social comparison changes
(Hogg, 2004). Similarly, a new set of exemplary persons carrying different values may
emerge and become widely recognized in a society as the comparison group changes. In
the context of Hong Kong, the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997 has given rise to new
intercultural dynamics: A rapidly growing concern in the city during and immediately after
the political transition was the positive distinctiveness of Hong Kong people vis-à-vis
Chinese mainlanders. There is evidence that during this period, Hong Kong people polar-
ized themselves away from Chinese mainlanders by emphasizing Hong Kong people’s
adherence to Western moral values such as human rights and democracy (Lam et al., 1999;
Tong et al., 1999). Indeed, soon after Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, the city
was known to the world as the City of Protest. There were large-scale rallies, with tens of
thousands of protesters taking to the streets in Hong Kong to protest for freedom of speech
and other political rights. Thus, it is possible that in response to this shift in the out-group
as the basis for social comparison, Hong Kong Chinese have constructed a new set of
exemplary persons who embody such Western moral values as democracy and human
rights. Aggregating scores across exemplary persons from different epochs in the previous
two studies might have overlooked this subtle development. In the current study, we
explored this issue by examining the values exemplified by historical and contemporary
exemplary persons. We assumed that the values represented by historical exemplary
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12. 646 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
persons are likely to be longstanding values in the culture and values represented by con-
temporary exemplary persons are likely to be the values that were incorporated into the
culture’s value system relatively recently. Thus, the values historical and contemporary
exemplary persons exemplify may reflect value change in a culture.
METHOD
Participants. Thirty-one Hong Kong Chinese undergraduates (6 men, 25 women; mean
age = 20, SD = 1.79) received US$7.50 for their participation in the present study.
Procedures. On arrival and signing the consent form, participants were instructed to
“list 12 exemplary persons you respect and aspire to become” and to rate on a 6-point
Likert-type scale (from not at all to very much) how much each of these exemplary per-
sons exemplified 18 values. Of these values, 12 were those used in Studies 1 and 2. The
remaining 6 were Western rights–based or individualist values: equality, human rights,
democracy, individuality, freedom, and uniqueness. Next, half of the participants rated
how well each exemplary person represented Chinese culture before they rated how well
the exemplary person represented Western culture. The remaining participants performed
the same ratings in the reverse order.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Two hundred and sixty-eight exemplary persons (69.3% males) were listed.4 The first
author categorized the exemplary persons into Chinese or Western exemplary persons.
Exemplary persons who did not fall into these categories (4.5%) were excluded from fur-
ther analyses. The exemplary persons were also categorized into historical or contempo-
rary exemplary persons depending on whether they had passed away before the end of
World War II (1945).
Cultural representativeness of exemplary persons. Treating each exemplary person as a
case, we performed a 2 (Culture: Chinese or Western) X 2 (Epoch: Historical or
Contemporary) ANOVA on how well the exemplary persons represented Chinese culture.
The results indicated that Chinese exemplary persons (M = 4.28, SD = 1.30) were seen as
better representatives of Chinese culture than were Western ones (M = 2.28, SD = 1.04),
F(1, 243) = 222.50, p < .001, η2p = .48, for the main effect of culture. Historical exemplary
persons (M = 3.80, SD = 1.80) were seen as better representatives of Chinese culture than
were contemporary ones (M = 3.33, SD = 1.36), F(1, 243) = 18.43, p < .001, η2p = .07, for
the main effect of epoch. The Culture X Epoch interaction was also significant, F(1, 243) =
18.66, p < .001, η2p = .07. Historical Chinese exemplary persons (M = 5.17, SD = 1.08) were
seen as better representatives of Chinese culture than were contemporary Chinese exemplary
persons (M = 3.87, SD = 1.19), F(1, 149) = 41.18, p < .001, η2p = .22, whereas historical
and contemporary Western exemplary persons did not differ in how well they represented
Chinese culture (M = 2.28, SD = 1.05 versus M = 2.28, SD = 1.04), F(1, 94) < 0.01, ns. As
the means indicated, both historical and contemporary Western exemplary persons were
not seen to be representative of Chinese culture.
A similar analysis performed on how well the exemplary persons represented Western
culture revealed that Western exemplary persons (M = 4.63, SD = 1.00) were seen as better
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13. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 647
TABLE 1
Correlation Between How Well Exemplary Persons Represented
Chinese and Western Cultures and How Much They
Exemplified Different Categories of Values (Study 3)
Value Category
Solidarity Status Western
(Chinese Moral) Value Value Moral Value
Representativeness of Chinese culture .15* –.08 –.08
Representativeness of Western culture –.12* .17* .23**
*p < .05. **p < .01.
representatives of Western culture than were Chinese exemplary persons (M = 2.88, SD =
1.34), F(1, 242) = 159.65, p < .001, η2p = .40, for the main effect of culture. In addition, con-
temporary exemplary persons (M = 3.71, SD = 1.29) were seen as better representatives of
Western culture than were historical ones (M = 3.31, SD = 1.74; d = .26), F(1, 242) = 12.52,
p < .001, η2p = .05, for the main effect of epoch. The significant Culture of Exemplary Person
X Epoch interaction, F(1, 242) = 14.78, p < .001, η2p = .06, indicated that historical and con-
temporary Western exemplary persons did not differ in how well they represented Western
culture (M = 4.64, SD = 1.02 versus M = 4.60, SD = 0.99), F(1, 94) = 0.05, ns. It is interest-
ing that contemporary Chinese exemplary persons (M = 3.25, SD = 1.18) were viewed as
better representatives of Western culture than were historical Chinese exemplary persons
(M = 2.10, SD = 1.32), F(1, 148) = 28.15, p < .001, η2p = .16.
Attendant values of the exemplary persons. Table 1 shows the correlation between how
well the exemplary persons represented Chinese and Western cultures and how much they
exemplified the three categories of values. The better the exemplary persons represented
Chinese culture, the more they were perceived to exemplify Chinese moral values (r = .15,
p < .05). The better the exemplary persons represented Western culture, the more they were
perceived to exemplify Western moral values (r = .23, p < .01) and status values (r = .17,
p < .05). Finally, the better the exemplary persons represented Western culture, the less
they were perceived to exemplify Chinese moral values (r = –.12, p < .05).
To examine how exemplary persons from different cultures and epochs differed in the
values they exemplified, we performed a 2 (Culture of Exemplary Person) X 2 (Epoch of
Exemplary Person) X 3 (Value Category) ANOVA on the exemplification ratings. The fol-
lowing effects were significant: the main effect of value category, F(2, 486) = 26.02, p <
.001, η2p = .10, the Culture X Epoch interaction, F(2, 243) = 5.92, p < .05, η2p = .02, the
Culture X Value Category interaction, F(2, 486) = 9.12, p < .001, η2p = .04, the Epoch X
Value Category interaction, F(2, 486) = 4.20, p <.05, η2p = .02, and the Culture X Epoch
X Value Category interaction, F(2, 486) = 7.74, p < .001, η2p = .03. All the effects were
interpreted in the context of the highest order three-way Culture X Epoch X Value
Category interaction.
Figure 3 shows that historical Chinese exemplary persons exemplified Chinese moral
values (M = 4.38, SD = 1.14) and status values (M = 4.34, SD = 0.82) more than they did
Western moral values (M = 3.92, SD = 1.11), F(2, 94) = 4.42, p < .05, η2p = .09. In con-
trast, historical Western exemplary persons exemplified status values (M = 4.54, SD =
0.67) more than they did Western moral values (M = 3.86, SD = 1.22) and Chinese moral
values (M = 3.60, SD = 1.35), F(2, 84) = 12.63, p < .001, η2p = .23.
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14. 648 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
4.5
4
3.5
3
Historical Historical Contemporary Contemporary
Chinese Western Chinese Western
Exemplary Persons
Solidarity Values Status Values Western Moral Values
Figure 3. Mean Ratings of How Much Historical and Contemporary Exemplary Persons From Chinese
and Western Cultures Exemplified Different Categories of Values in Study 3
NOTE: Error bars denote standard errors.
Furthermore, compared to historical Western exemplary persons, historical Chinese
exemplary persons exemplified Chinese moral values more, t(182) = 2.41, p < .05, d = .62.
As in Studies 1 and 2, Chinese and Western exemplary persons did not differ in how much
they exemplified status values, t(182) = 1.17, ns. In short, the findings on Chinese moral
and status values exemplified by historical exemplary persons were similar to those in
Studies 1 and 2. Results also showed that the two groups of exemplary persons did not dif-
fer in how much they exemplified Western moral values, t(182) = 0.2, ns.
We next examined the values associated with contemporary exemplary persons. The
contemporary Chinese exemplary persons were similar to the historical Western exem-
plary persons in terms of pattern of values they exemplified. Contemporary Chinese
exemplary persons exemplified status values (M = 4.18, SD = 0.85) more than they did
Western moral values (M = 3.65, SD = 1.08) and Chinese moral values (M = 3.58, SD =
0.91), F(2, 204) = 22.81, p < .001, η2p = .18. Finally, contemporary Western exemplary
persons exemplified Western moral values (M = 4.29, SD = 0.86) and status values (M =
4.23; SD = 0.74) more than they did Chinese moral values (M = 3.75, SD = 1.02), F(2, 104) =
9.81, p < .001, η2p = .16.
Similar to the historical exemplary persons, we explored whether contemporary
Chinese and Western exemplary persons showed differences in exemplifying each type of
values. We found that contemporary Chinese and Western exemplary persons did not dif-
fer in how much they exemplify Chinese moral values, t(312) = –0.72, ns, and status val-
ues t(312) = –0.28, ns. However, compared to contemporary Chinese exemplary persons,
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15. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 649
contemporary Western exemplary persons exemplified Western moral values to a larger
extent, t(312) = 3.10, p < .01, d = .66.
Apparently, to the Hong Kong Chinese undergraduates in the current study, among the
historical exemplary persons they respected and aspired to become, Chinese exemplary
persons exemplified Chinese moral values and status values, whereas Western exemplary
persons exemplified status values only. This is the pattern we found repeatedly in Studies
1 and 2. It is interesting that Western moral values appear to have found a way to enter the
participants’ value system, through the contemporary Western exemplary persons. At the
same time, contemporary Chinese exemplary persons ceased to be seen as good represen-
tatives of moral values in Chinese culture. Indeed, they were seen to exemplify status val-
ues more than they do moral values from both Chinese and Western cultures.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
Across three studies, we found that Hong Kong undergraduates associate traditional
Chinese exemplary persons with both Chinese solidarity and status values and traditional
Western exemplary persons primarily with status values. These findings are consistent with
the social identity theory: People in the local culture tend to maintain favorable perceptions
of their culture by affirming their culture’s social and moral values. These results suggest that
Chinese moral values are more resistant to change; Chinese young people continue to look
up to the Chinese exemplary persons (particularly the historical ones) who carry these val-
ues. Consistent with this idea, Stewart, Bond, Deeds, and Chung (1999) reported that among
Hong Kong Chinese, although the younger generation values autonomy more than the older
generation does, Hong Kong Chinese teenagers give lower priority to early autonomy than
do their Western counterparts. Similarly, Yue and Ng (1999) found in another intergenera-
tional study that traditional moral values such as filial piety are still the top moral concerns
among young people in Beijing, China, another cosmopolitan Chinese society (see also Yeh,
2002). In short, it seems that in Hong Kong and other modern Chinese societies, traditional
Chinese moral values are still heavily emphasized.
In all three studies, the participants linked Western exemplary persons to status values—
they aspired to become the Western figures that embody Western competence traits that are
associated with success and achievement. These results suggest that during globalization,
Western values that support development of arts, science, and technology (such as cre-
ativity, intelligence, and artistic talents) are particularly likely to be incorporated in the
local culture’s value system.
SPECULATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
We also found that the Chinese exemplary persons whom the participants aspired to
become also embody status values. We speculate that Hong Kong’s success in the global
economy might have motivated the participants to construct a distinctive identity that
embodies both Chinese moral values and Western competence traits. This identity distin-
guishes Hong Kong Chinese from the global economic powers and at the same time
acknowledges the economic accomplishment of the Hong Kong Chinese.
The findings in Study 3 revealed that some Western moral values have begun to take
root in Hong Kong society; contemporary Western exemplary persons who represent
Western moral values are also recognized by Hong Kong undergraduates. At the same
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16. 650 JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY
time, contemporary Chinese exemplary persons seem to have taken the role of traditional
Western exemplary persons. They represent what competent persons in the culture are like.
However, unlike their traditional counterparts, their influence in the moral domain seems to
have subsided. We suspect that these changes are related to a shift in the comparison group
in intergroup comparison from Western or global culture to mainland Chinese culture. For
example, there is considerable evidence (Ho, Chau, Chiu, & Peng, 2003; Lam et al., 1999)
that during and after the handover of Hong Kong’s sovereignty to China in 1997, Hong Kong
people seek to distinguish themselves from mainland Chinese by emphasizing Hong Kong’s
democracy (as exemplified by contemporary Western exemplary persons) and economic
accomplishments (as exemplified by traditional Western and contemporary Chinese exem-
plary persons). However, a direct test of this speculation is needed in future research.
Furthermore, it is still unclear whether, in the process of culture change, the influence
of historical exemplary persons may gradually be diluted when new exemplary persons
from the contemporary era become more important and broadly represented in different
public carriers of culture. If this happens, status and Western moral values will be more
widely represented in Hong Kong people’s value system.
On one hand, the gradual incorporation of Western exemplary persons and their atten-
dant cultural values into Hong Kong culture attests to culture’s malleability. On the other
hand, the fact that Confucian moral values are constantly being reproduced in Hong Kong
Chinese culture indicates that some aspects of culture are relatively stable (Triandis, 2004).
This analysis raises several interesting questions for future research. First, what are the
determinants of the likelihood that a particular aspect of traditional culture would be repro-
duced and maintained in the culture? Could it be how important this aspect is for the sur-
vival of the human species, as evolutionary psychologists have proposed (Kenrick, Li, &
Butner, 2003)? Could it be how widely this aspect is shared and implicated in interpersonal
communication in the population (Latané, 1996; Lau, Chiu, & Lee, 2001; Lau, Lee, &
Chiu, 2004; Lyons & Kashima, 2001)? Could it be how extensively this aspect has been
instituted in the various public carriers of cultural meanings (Kitayama, 2002)?
Exemplary persons are public carriers of culture as well as vehicles of intergenerational
transmission of cultural values. However, it is unclear how exemplary persons contribute
to internalization of cultural values. One possible mechanism is through culture priming
(Hong, Chiu, & Kung, 1997; Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martinez, 2000). Many exem-
plary persons (e.g., Abraham Lincoln) are embodiments of core values in a culture (e.g.,
human rights in North America) as well as cultural icons. Every time an individual looks
at these icons, the associated cultural values are activated. Children are often exposed to
these cultural icons in their socialization and educational experiences. Frequent exposure
to these cultural icons, which are often displayed extensively in the environment, ensures
frequent activation and chronic accessibility of the cultural values.
Through their experiences with the public culture, the human mind is socialized.
Meanwhile, changes in the form and structure of social practices may alter the distribution and
significance of certain exemplary persons in the culture (Menon & Morris, 2001). A future
research challenge is to describe the reciprocal influence between public and private cultures.
LIMITATIONS
The present studies have several limitations. First, there was greater representation of
female (versus male) participants in the studies. A future study with relatively balanced
gender distribution is needed to assure the generality of the results.
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17. Fu, Chiu / GLOBALIZATION AND VALUES 651
Second, the current studies focus on Hong Kong Chinese’s responses to globalization.
Although the results of Inglehart and Baker’s (2000) cross-national survey reviewed in the
introduction suggest that there are similar value negotiation processes in other countries,
replications of our findings in other societies would help to establish the generality of the
value negotiation processes.
Last, the measures in our studies were written in Chinese. Previous studies have shown
that language may activate its associated linguistic culture and affect responses to culture-
relevant measures (Ross, Xun, & Wilson, 2002). The participants in our studies are
Chinese–English bilinguals. It is important and interesting to examine whether their
responses would differ when the studies are conducted in an English-language context.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the rapid rate of globalization has made reproduction of culture and cul-
tural change a timely topic in social psychological investigation. It also offers a window of
opportunity for researchers to uncover some dynamic cultural processes. The goal of the
present article is to explore how local culture responds to globalization from the perspec-
tive of the social identity theory and propose a new method that examines value exempli-
fication of exemplary persons in Chinese and Western cultures. Our results offer some
clues that may lead to the unveiling of some facets of the interactions between multiple
cultures and the multicultural mind.
NOTES
1. Although the word exemplary can mean serving as an example or serving as a warning, the research par-
ticipants were instructed to list positive exemplary persons (see method sections in Studies 1 and 3). In this arti-
cle, the referents of exemplary persons are restricted to positive exemplary persons only.
2. The ratio of exemplary persons generated only by men to those generated only by women was 1:5.64,
which is similar to the ratio of men to women in the sample (1:4).
3. When participant gender was included as a factor in the analyses, no gender effects were significant. The
pattern of value exemplification was similar for men and women:
Chinese solidarity: Mmen = 4.73, SD = 0.60; Mwomen = 4.41, SD = 0.84; t(18) = 0.85, ns
Chinese status: Mmen = 4.74, SD = 0.45; Mwomen = 4.78, SD = 0.42; t(18) = –0.16, ns
Western solidarity: Mmen = 3.58, SD = 0.79; Mwomen = 4.06, SD = 0.53; t(18) = –1.15, ns
Western status: Mmen = 4.85, SD = 0.31; Mwomen = 4.74, SD = 0.45; t(18) = 0.57, ns
4. The ratio of exemplary persons generated only by men to those generated only by women was 1:4.43,
which is similar to the ratio of men to women in the sample (1:4.2).
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Jeanne Ho-Ying Fu is an assistant professor at Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological
University, Singapore. She is interested in the dynamics of biculturals, social cognitive factors underly-
ing cross-cultural conflict resolution and leadership, and social perception in teams.
Chi-Yue Chiu is a professor of psychology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He received
his PhD in social–personality psychology at Columbia University and taught at Hong Kong University
before moving to Illinois. His current research focuses on cultures as knowledge traditions and the social,
cognitive, and motivational processes that mediate the construction and evolution of social consensus. He
is also interested in the dynamic interactions of cultural identification and cultural knowledge traditions
and their implications for cultural competence and intercultural relations.
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