Posting the shift or shifting the post? A review of the role of public relations in constructing climate change discourses
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A review of the academic literature on the role of public relations in constructing climate change discourses was undertaken as part of a larger study into how climate change is communicated in Australia. The review found that climate change was considered by many to be a public relations issue, with government policy responses often decided by the success or otherwise of competing public relations discourses. Typically these discourses were more visible in opposition to climate change mitigation policies, with many public relations campaigns using strategies similar to those used by the tobacco industry in their fight against anti- smoking legislation. Public relations expertise in framing climate change was also found to be a determining factor in media acceptance of such discourses. Given the central role played by public relations practitioners in constructing climate change discourses, the review also analysed studies into climate change that adopted a discourse analysis methodology. Discourse analysis has been used to research a range of issues within the social sciences, including climate change, however there are limited public relations studies into climate change that adopt this methodology. Public relations researchers using discourse analysis argue it provides a more critical evaluation of discursive practices and, for this reason, is especially appropriate for examining public relations texts. The review concludes that using discourse analysis to investigate the somewhat contentious role of public relations in communicating climate change will provide insights into why some discourses gain greater public acceptance than others. It also underlines the critical role played by public relations practitioners in strategically shifting contemporary climate change debates.
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Posting the shift or shifting the post? A review of the role of public relations in constructing climate change discourses
- 1. Posting the shift or shifting the post? A review of the role of public relations in constructing climate change discourses Dr. Deborah Wise & Dr. Melanie James School of Design, Communication and Information Technology University of Newcastle
- 2. Both climate change believers and contrarians have used PR strategies to advance their respective causes (Greenberg, Knight & Westersund, 2011) However PR has been “more visible in opposition than in support of tackling the problem”(McKie and Munshi, 2007, p.22) The same ‘tobacco war’ PR strategies and tactics used in the 1950s & 1960s are now being used to discredit the scientific evidence for climate change (See for example, Brandt, 2012; Conway & Oreskes, 2010; Dutta & Pal, 2010; Hoggan, 2009; Holmes, 2009) Shifting the post: denial
- 3. Strategies include the setting up and funding of supposedly ‘independent’ organisations and individuals, and the setting up of artificial grassroots or ‘AstroTurf’ organisations Some perceive the contrarian movement to be an alliance of corporate funded PR practitioners and scientists that often operate “under the aegis of “astroturf” front groups” (McKie & Galloway, 2007, p. 370; see also McKie & Munshi, 2007) Climate change organisations primarily use websites for or media relations and fund raising purposes (Jun, 2011) Shifting the post: astroturfing
- 4. The media may report it but PR is responsible for constructing many climate change messages (Boyce, 2009) PR framing is influential in gaining media acceptance of climate change discourses however the source of such framing is largely ignored (Dan & Ihlen, 2011). PR skill in framing, exploiting journalistic norms of balanced reporting, and manipulating the media’s desire for controversy, are responsible for the climate change debate Shifting the post: media framing
- 5. The construction of contrary scientific discourses raises uncertainty and doubt and thereby undermines public awareness of the dangers E.g. Exxon Mobil tactics included: Lobbying and injecting money into front organisations and political campaigns The overall goal being to create and sustain uncertainty in the public mind about global warming and continue ‘business as usual’ (Dutta & Pal, 2010) Shifting the post: doubt
- 6. Organisational legitimacy increasingly requires that organisations be seen as being environmentally responsible (Roper & Toledano, 2005) Many organisations use ‘greenwashing’ (i.e. promote their ‘green’ credentials) (Devin & Bartlett (2009) “Greenwash” was coined by dissenting publics to indicate a lack of substance to corporate claims of environmental responsibility (Roper, 2009) However some organisations use greenwash as a cover for their anti-climate change mitigation strategies (Collins & Roper, 2004) ‘Very weak’ sustainability discourses suggest any shift is essentially a concession to allow continuance of ‘business as usual’ (Roper, 2012, p. 82) Shifting the post: greenwashing
- 7. Business submissions made to the NZ Govt. about their decision to ratify the Kyoto Protocol (Roper & Collins, 2004) A PR campaign by the Federated Farmers to overturn the NZ Govt’s decision to impose a livestock emissions levy (Roper & Toledano, 2005) An examination of how trade associations were used in reaction to ratification of the Kyoto Protocol in NZ (Collins & Roper, 2005) The role of PR in discursive struggles over the development of environmental policy in NZ (Roper, 2012) Shifting the post: lobbying
- 8. “Policy responses to climate change are, and will continue to be, determined by the success or failure of the competing discourses that seek to frame the issue” (Roper, 2004, p. 42) The social is primarily conceived of in economic terms (Szervzynski & Urry, 2010) “…to equip Australia with practical and effective options to adapt more effectively to climate change and variability and in doing so create A$3 billion a year in net benefits by 2030” (CSIRO, 2011, Climate Adaptation Flagship). Economic discourses are central to the “developmentalist national episteme” of prosperity and progress (Wannell, 2011, n.p) Posting the shift: key discourses
- 9. Positioning a price on carbon: an analysis of the political discourses surrounding the introduction of an Australian carbon price/tax James (2010, 2011) built on the social psychology positioning theory of Harre & van Langenhove (1999) to propose an ‘Intentional Positioning Framework’ for use in public relations The framework is both a “heuristic for analysis of public relations activities and…a practical framework for designing positioning strategies in public relations programs and campaigns” (James, 2011, p. 112) This study further tests this framework and asks: What positioning intentions and supporting discourses are evident in the speeches of the Labor Prime Minister Julia Gillard, and the Liberal/National Opposition Leader Tony Abbott, in relation to the introduction of an Australian carbon tax?
- 10. 1. Positioning goal domain (positioning is done to help achieve a goal) 2. Positioning purpose domain (positioning is done for a strategic purpose i.e. ingratiation, supplication, intimidation, exemplification, self promotion, or facilitation) 3. Positioning type domain (positioning is of a particular type i.e. an entity may self position, be forced into self-positioning; engage in deliberate positioning; or may be forced into positioning others ) Intentional Positioning Framework
- 11. 4. Positioning triangle domain a) the desired position is determined by the entity commissioning the public relations b) Speech/Act Action: the language or action enacted to establish the desired position c) Storylines: a style of narrative that the entity has chosen to promulgate to support the desired positioning Intentional Positioning Framework (cont)
- 12. Each corner must align… if one changes all must change to re-align “dynamic stability” Positioning Triangle Determine the goal, purpose and type of positioning Enact the positioning e.g. launch; announcement; stunt; event Support the positioning through storylines/messages that chosen position permits and requires External forces
- 13. 1. Positioning goal domain: Gillard: a price on carbon is good for Australia Abbott: a carbon tax is bad for Australia 2. Positioning purpose domain Gillard: Exemplification Abbott: Ingratiation 3. Positioning type domain Both Gillard & Abbott deliberately self positioned and were forced into self positioning because of the positioning attempts of the other Shifting the post on carbon
- 14. Position pole: Gillard maintained her positioning goal of a carbon price being good for Australia Gillard was positioned by Abbott as being a liar and untrustworthy However Gillard maintained her core strategy of positioning for the purposes of exemplification/self promotion Speech/Act action pole Gillard’s discursive position of ‘doing what is right for Australia’ was consistently enacted through each of her speeches Storyline pole Gillard used similar supporting storylines irrespective of context Shifting the post on carbon: Gillard
- 15. Shifting the post on carbon: Abbott Position pole Abbott maintained his positioning goal of a carbon tax being bad for Australia Abbott succeeded in positioning Gillard as a liar Abbott then self positioned as taking the higher moral (exemplary) ground Abbott varied his positioning purpose (i.e. ingratiation/self promotion/ etc.) Speech/Act action pole Abbott enacted different discursive positions depending on the context Storyline pole Abbott varied his supporting storylines depending on the context
- 16. No matter how Gillard enacted her government’s position, and no matter what storylines and key messages were promulgated to support this position, the position determined and taken by Gillard was in itself untenable because she had not earned the right to introduce and position a price on carbon pollution in Australia Further research is needed to explore how tenable positions are constructed by entities seeking to progress a policy debate, a project or other program or issue in a public relations sense. This research could also address the ethical dimensions of position construction and what processes should inform such an exercise. Shifting the post on carbon: (some) conclusions…
Hinweis der Redaktion
- Both climate change believers and contrarians alike have used public relations strategies to advance their respective causes. For example Greenpeace has adopted many of the same PR strategies as fossil fuel companies, and in both instances the key objective has been to influence debates and government policy decisions. However, the role of PR has been much more visible in opposition to climate change than it has been in support of it, with numerous authors arguing that public relations strategies and tactics have played a central role in constructing the climate change debate. Typically this critique argues that the same strategies and tactics adopted by public relations companies during the 1950s and 1960s, in which the aim was to convince people that smoking wasn’t harmful to health, are now being used on behalf of the ‘denial’ industry to discredit the scientific evidence for global warming or climate change.
- One of the key PR strategies used in the so called tobacco wars of the 50s and 60s, and in the current climate change debate, has been the setting up and funding of supposedly ‘independent’ organisations and individuals to provide an opposing scientific voice. Another tactic is astroturfing or the setting up of artificial grassroots organizations that may look and feel like they are community based, but instead are created to give the illusion that they support government policies and practices. One of the few PR scholars to acknowledge this role is David McKie who, with Galloway argues that there is a broad perception that corporate funded PR practitioners and scientists operating “under the aegis of “astroturf” front groups” are at the core of the contrarian movement. Climate change organisations are also found wanting – Jun conducted a content analysis of 60 Climate Change organisation websites and found that rather than communicating with publics, the primary purpose of the sites was for media relations and fund raising purposes.
- Another area that has been well researched is media framing of climate change, and of the competition between competing news frames- however the source of such framing is largely ignored. One study that does examine the role of PR framing of climate change was by Dan & Ihlen who found PR framing was critical in gaining media acceptance of such discourses. The media has also been widely criticized for publishing stories that deny climate change. Much of the non PR literature also arguably attempts to shift this blame by arguing that it is PR skill in framing, and their exploitation of journalistic norms of balanced reporting, as well as their skill in manipulating the media’s desire for controversy, that lies behind the publication of many news stories denying global warming.
- Much of the literature also outlines how In both the tobacco wars and in the current climate change debate a core strategy has been to construct doubt in the minds of the public, and this has been enough in both instances to raise uncertainty so that public awareness of the danger is undermined, with the end result being that little or no action is taken. One of the few case studies that examines the role of PR in the climate change debate from a PR perspective found that Exxon Mobil lobbied and injected “money into front organisations and political campaigns, with the aim of creating and sustaining uncertainty in the public mind about global warming - the ultimate goal being to continue their operations with minimum disruption. As Roper and Collins found in their study, the strategies of the US or UK parent fossil fuel company are also often replicated in their operations in other countries.
- Greenwashing is one PR tactic that has been researched from a PR perspective and this may be because the term “Greenwash” was coined by dissenting publics and is a derogatory term used to indicate a lack of substance to corporate claims of environmental responsibility. As Roper & Toledano argue in their study, organisational legitimacy is increasingly dependent on being seen as being environmentally responsible. However, while some businesses may outwardly promote their environmental track record, they may also be simultaneously engaging in tactics to oppose climate change policies. Most recently Juliet Roper has suggested that while there is evidence that momentum for sustainability practices in business is growing, it is also apparent from their very weak sustainability discourses that for many any shift is essentially a concession intended to allow continuance of ‘business as usual’.
- Roper is perhaps the most prolific researcher in the area of PR and climate change and, both singly and with others, has variously addressed Business submissions made to the New Zealand (NZ) Government about the Government’s intention to ratify the Kyoto Protocol; A PR campaign by the (NZ) Federated Farmers to overturn the Government’s decision to impose a livestock emissions levy; An examination of how NZ trade associations were used in reaction to ratification of the Kyoto Protocol; and the role of PR in discursive struggles over the development of environmental policy in NZ.
- One of the key points Roper makes is that policy responses to climate change will be determined by the success or failure of the competing discourses that seek to frame the issue. A key findings of these studies, and of most social science studies into climate change discourses, is that the socio cultural implications of climate change, and the possible responses, are conceived of in primarily economic terms. This is certainly true in Australia where economic discourses have similarly been foregrounded, For example the CSIRO climate into society group argues that a key objective of their research is “to equip Australia with practical and effective options to adapt more effectively to climate change and variability and in doing so create A$3 billion a year in net benefits by 2030”. In another study Wannell (2011) found that in Australia economic discourses in relation to climate change are central to the “developmentalist national episteme” of prosperity and progress.
- Arguably one of the most obvious examples of the use of economic discourses as a response to climate change in Australia has been exemplified in the debate over the introduction of an Australian carbon tax or price. My study examines this phenomenon by conducting a discourse analysis of the positioning intentions and supporting discourses evident in the speeches of the Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard, and the Opposition leader Tony Abbott, during the lead up to the introduction of the carbon pricing legislation to the Parliament. It also tests a new conceptual intentional positioning framework for use in public relations that is both a heuristic for analysis of public relations activities, and which can also be used for designing positioning strategies in public relations programs and campaigns.
- Briefly the positioning framework consists of four core domains- Positioning goal domain (positioning is done to help achieve a goal) Positioning purpose domain (positioning is done for a strategic purpose i.e. ingratiation, supplication, intimidation, exemplification, self promotion, or facilitation) Positioning type domain (positioning is of a particular type i.e. an entity may self position, be forced into self-positioning; engage in deliberate positioning; or may be forced into positioning others )
- The fourth core domain is the positioning triangle domain and this consists of 3 poles – the 1st pole is the desired position as determined by the entity commissioning the public relations, the 2nd pole is the Speech/Act Action or the language or action enacted to establish the desired position, and the 3rd pole is the storylines or narrative that the entity has chosen to promulgate to support the desired positioning
- Importantly in the positioning triangle domain all of the 3 poles must align for positioning to be effective, and if one pole changes all of the poles must adjust to accommodate the change.
- Broadly speaking the speeches of Julia Gillard suggested a goal of positioning a price on carbon as being good for Australia, while Abbott’s speeches suggested a goal of positioning a carbon tax as being bad for Australia. In terms of the positioning purpose domain each of Gillard’s speeches demonstrated positioning for the purposes of exemplification or the desire to be seen as going “above and beyond the normal call of duty, to appear dedicated, upstanding, and highly moral. Abbott’s speeches on the other hand often used positioning for the purposes of ingratiation, in which the desire was for him to be perceived as likeable and agreeable, and willing to do favours for, compliment, or flatter others. In each of the speeches of both Gillard and Abbott there was no evidence of forced positioning of others, however there was ample evidence of both deliberately self-positioning, and of being forced into self positioning, because of the deliberate positioning attempts of the other.
- My research suggests that Gillard maintained her positioning goal of a carbon price being good for Australia however she was also consistently positioned by Abbott as being a liar and untrustworthy because she had previously said she would not introduce a carbon price. In spite of this positioning Gillard maintained her core strategy of positioning for the purposes of exemplification, and her discursive position of doing what is right for Australia (by acting on climate change), was this was consistently enacted through each of her speeches. Gillard also used similar supporting storylines irrespective of the context.
- Abbott maintained his positioning goal of a carbon tax being bad for Australia and was very successful in positioning Gillard as a liar and untrustworthy. He also used this positioning of Gillard to in turn self position as taking the higher moral ground relative to her. Abbott also varied his positioning purpose and enacted different discursive positions depending on the context. In line with this strategy Abbott also varied his supporting storylines again depending on the context.
- The framework approach demonstrated the dynamism of positioning efforts as each side of the debate sought to strengthen its own position and to destabilise the other’s position. However, what is evident is that no matter how Gillard enacted her government’s position, and no matter what storylines and key messages were promulgated to support this position, the position determined and taken by Gillard was in itself untenable. This seems to be related to the issue of not having earned the right to introduce and position a price on carbon pollution because of her prior election commitment that there would be no price placed on carbon under her government. The evidence also indicates that although the position she enacted through speeches held at appropriate conferences and venues was supported through reasonably consistent storylines and messages, the actual position that was determined was unsound. Further research is needed to explore how tenable positions are constructed by entities seeking to progress a policy debate, a project or other program or issue in a public relations sense. This research could also address the ethical dimensions of such position construction and what processes should inform such an exercise.