Presentación de Hannu Simola, catedrático de Sociología y Política de la Educación de la Universidad de Helsinki

1. Contingecy behind the Finnish PISA Miracle:
a Socio-Historical Angle to Belief, Status and Trust
Contingencia tras el milagro Finlandés en prueba
PISA: un ángulo socio-histórico a la creencia,
el estatus y la confianza
Hannu Simola
University of Helsinki
Institute of Behavioural Scineces
Sociology and Politics of Education
Seminario del Proyecto comparado Chile-Finlandia PASC
Auditorium Facultad de Educación UC, Campus San Joaquin UC
Vicuña Mackena 4860
Santiago de Chile
1

2. "The Finnish ‘secret’ of top-ranking may (…) be seen as
the curious contingency of traditional and post-traditional
tendencies in the context of the modern welfare state
and its comprehensive schooling.”
Simola, H. 2005. The Finnish miracle of PISA: historical and sociological
remarks on teaching and teacher education. Comparative Education, 41(4),
455–470
2

3. “The major point to know [for understanding the Finnish
comprehensive school] is that the new system was
indeed comprehensive. This was both a necessity (…)
and a chance encounter, a lucky constellation of
political, economical and social conditions.”
Hautamäki, J., Harjunen, E., Hautamäki, A., Karjalainen, T., Kupiainen, S.,
Laaksonen, S., et al (Eds.). (2008). PISA06 Finland: analyses, reflections and
explanations. Helsinki: Ministry of Education. P. 197
3

4. 1. Contingency as
uncertainty and freedom,
coincidence and Spielraum
4

5. “Age of Contingency”
Joas, H. (2004). Morality in an Age of Contingency.
Acta Sociologica, 47, 392-399.
“A fact is contingent
if it is neither necessary
nor impossible
– something that is
but does not have to be.”
Ibid. , 394
5

6. a double meaning:
(i) coincidence or conjunction
(ii) free will or volition
(i) the uncertainty and ambivalence
(ii) possibilities and the Spielraum of the actor
6

7. “(…) social science theory
looks for determinate causal relationships,
which do not give an adequate account of this thing
that ‘everyone knows’.
If we take the idea of ‘it happened by chance’ seriously,
we need a quite different kind of research
and theory than we are accustomed to.”
Becker, H. S. (1994). "FOI POR ACASO": Conceptualizing Coincidence.
Sociological Quarterly, 35(2), 183-194, p.183)
7

8. an ability to handle and face
the contingent characteristics of reality
“the art of playing with the contingency “
Palonen, K., & Parvikko, T. (Eds.). (1993.) Reading the political: exploring the
margins of politics. Helsinki: The Finnish Political Science Association, p. 13)
8

9. “The major point to know
[for understanding the Finnish comprehensive school]
is that the new system was indeed comprehensive.
This was both a necessity (…)
and a chance encounter,
a lucky constellation
of political, economical and social conditions.”
Hautamäki, J. et al (Eds.) (2008). PISA06 Finland : analyses, reflections and
explanations. Helsinki: Ministry of Education, p. 197)
9

10. (1) the Finns share a high belief in schooling
(2) teaching is highly appreciated as a profession
(3) Finnish comprehensive school enjoys
rather high trust on the part of the authorities
10

11. 2. A high belief in schooling
11

12. Hypothesis 1
The high belief in schooling
is an outgrowth
from the contingent conjunction
of three social changes
that were all exceptionally late in Finland:
* the late expansion of schooling
* the late modernisation of the occupational structure
* the late construction of the welfare state.
12

13. Table 1: The expansion of schooling in Finland
0
100000
200000
300000
400000
500000
600000
700000
1880
1890
1900
1910
1920
1930
1940
1950
1960
1970
Elementary school
Secondary grammar school
Upper secondary school
Vocational school
University
13
Source: Kivinen 1988; Kivinen, Rinne & Ahola 1989; Kerr forthcoming

14. 14
Table 2: Two Nordic population cohorts aged 55-64 years
with at least an upper-secondary education
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Born in 1937-1946
Born in 1941-1950
Percentage
Finland Sweden Norway Denmark
Source: Education at a Glance 2002, 37; 2007, 37

15. Table 3: Chage of working population in agriculural work
and industrial and service work in Nordic countries 1880-
1970
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970
Percentage
Finland
Norway
Sweden
Denmark
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970
Persentage
Finland
Norway
Sweden
Denmark
Agricultural work Industrial and service work
Source: Pöntinen 1983

16. 16
Table 4 The timing and rapidity of the change in occupational structure in three Nordic
countries: the period during which the agrarian labour force decreased in proportion
from 50 to 15 per cent. (Source: Manninen 1976 & Pöntinen 1982, cit. Karisto et al.
1998, 64)

17. 17
Table 5: Public employment in Nordic countries 1970-1985
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
1970 1975 1980 1985
Percentage
Finland Sweden Norway Denmark
Source: Kosonen 1998, 152

18. 18
Table 6: Growth of the work force of the public sector in the Nordic
countries 1963-1987.
-2
0
2
4
6
8
10
1963-67 1967-73 1973-79 1979-85 1985-87
Percentage
Finland Sweden Norway Denmark
Source: Alestalo 1991, 8

19. This rare conjunction created a strong collective
experience of causality between progress in formal
education and simultaneous social advancement.
Ari Antikainen (1990): the overall rise in student
enrolment brought increasing numbers of students from
the lower classes, even though their proportion of the
total number remained low. This might be "a shared
experience among the common people", who also have
their own experience of education as a real resource in
the rapid transformation of Finnish society, not least as a
channel of migration from rural areas and agriculture to
the cities in the period of the ‘Great Migration’, 1960-
1975.
Antikainen, A. (1990). The Rise and Change of Comprehensive Planning: The
Finnish Experience. European Journal of Education, 25(1), 75-82. 19

20. 3. The high status
of comprehensive school teachers
20

21. 21
Table 7: The percentages of accepted students versus applicants for teacher training
and for university education in general in the 2000s.
15
17
6,6
26,2
17,2 17,1
0
10
20
30
40
50
2001 2005 2009
Years
Percentage(%)
Class teacher education University education in general
Source: Kumpulainen & Saari 2005, 10, 12; Kumpulainen 2009, 20, 22; OPH 2009; OPM 2010

22. Master’s-level qualification required of all teachers
The teacher’s career in Finland, even at primary-school
level, is no cul-de-sac or second-class honour, but is on
a par with all other professions requiring higher
university degrees, which on an international level
corresponds to the M.A.
22

23. Hypothesis 2
The Master’s level teacher education was realised
due to the coincidence
of teacher education reform
with the General Degree Reform of Higher Education
23

24. The 1971 Act on Teacher Education
transferred primary-school teaching to the universities
but the degree programme
was still on a three-year basis
and at the Bachelor level,
i.e. at the level of a lower university degree.
24

25. No state-committee or other authoritative texts
proposed the elevation of training
for primary school teachers to the Master’s level
before 1978.
On the contrary,
a late-stage teacher-education committee
headed by an influential professor of education
suggested in 1975 that even the four-year degree model
should not incorporate Master’s-level studies
in education.
Simola, H., Kivinen, O. & Rinne, R. (1997). Didactic Closure:
Professionalization and Pedagogic Knowledge in Finnish Teacher Education.
Teaching and Teacher Education, 13(8), 877—891.
25

26. The decision was made as part of
the General Degree Reform of Higher Education
(1977-80) and the thousands of pages
of committee reports and memoranda
written since the late 1960s
by specialists in teacher education
were ignored.
Simola, H. (1993). Educational Science, the State and Teachers. Forming the
corporate regulation of teacher education in Finland. In T. S. Popkewitz (Ed.),
Changing patterns of power: Social regulation and teacher education reform in
eight countries, 161-210. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Simola, H. (1995). Paljon vartijat. Suomalainen kansanopettaja valtiollisessa
kouludiskurssissa 1860-luvulta 1990-luvulle. (The Guards of Plenty. The
Finnish school teacher in state educational discourse from the 1860s to the
1990s). Helsinki: University of Helsinki, Department f Teacher Education,
Research 137. Pp. 184-185)
26

27. 4. High-trust culture
in comprehensive schooling
27

28. "The gradual shift
toward trusting schools and teachers
began in the 1980s,
when the major phases
of the initial [comprehensive school] reform agenda
were completely implemented and consolidated
in the education system.
In the early 1990s,
the era of a trust-based culture
formally began in Finland.“
Aho, E., Pitkänen, K., & Sahlberg, P. (2006). Policy development and reform
principles of basic and secondary education in Finland since 1968.
Washington, D. C.: The World Bank. Pp. 12; 132
28

29. The school inspectorate,
a detailed national curriculum,
officially approved teaching materials,
weekly timetables based on the subjects taught
and a class diary in which the teacher had to record
what was taught each hour
—all these traditional mechanisms were abandoned
in early 1990s.
Furthermore, Finland has never had
a tradition of nationwide standardised testing
at the comprehensive-school level.
Simola, H., Rinne, R., & Kivirauma, J. (2002). Abdication of the Education State
or Just Shifting Responsibilities? The appearance of a new system of reason in
constructing educational governance and social exclusion/inclusion in Finland.
Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 46(3), 247-264.
29

30. Eurydice report (2004):
Finnish teachers at comprehensive schools
seem to have
the greatest freedom from evaluative control
among their European colleagues.
EURYDICE. 2004. Evaluation of schools providing compulsory education in
Europe. European Commission. Directorate-General for Education and Culture.
Brussels: Eurydice, European Unit.
30

31. The aim of the reform in the 1990s
was not to free teachers and schools
but rather to restructure the steering of education.
Traditional means of normative control
were to be replaced by evaluation,
realised by the municipal and national authorities.
Evaluation is a pivotal element
in the new steering system
since it “replaces the tasks of the old normative steering,
control and inspection system”
Hirvi, V. (1996). Koulutuksen rytminvaihdos. 1990-luvun koulutuspolitiikka
Suomessa [Changing Pace of Education. Education Policy of the1990s in
Finland]. Helsinki: Otava. P. 93
31

32. The recession of 1991–93 heralded
the deepest peacetime crisis in Finland’s economy.
Without shifting decision-making to the local level
the municipalities could not have been required
to cut spending as much as they did
during the recession.
In the thick of the recession
the new legislation radically increased
local autonomy and strengthened the judicial position
of the municipalities.
The decentralisation level of educational administration
in Finland became one of the highest in Europe
Temmes, M., Ahonen, P. and Ojala, T. (2002) Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän
hallinnon arviointi [Evaluation of the Finnish education administration] Helsinki:
Opetusministeriö. Pp. 129; 92)
32

33. “One of the most serious institutional issues in our
educational system is the unsatisfactory relation
between the State and the municipalities. … The
decentralisation level of the educational administration in
Finland is one of the highest in Europe, according to the
information of the OECD.”
Temmes, M., Ahonen, P. and Ojala, T. (2002) Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän
hallinnon arviointi [Evaluation of the Finnish education administration] Helsinki:
Opetusministeriö. Pp. 129; 92)
33

34. “The evaluation work done has had very small effects
at the level of municipalities and schools.
Nation-level evaluations
have been implemented to a creditable extent,
but there is no follow-up
on how these evaluations affect the actions
of the evaluated and the development of the schools.
(…) Many municipalities are at the very beginning
in the evaluation of education.”
The Finnish Parliamentary Committee for Education and Culture 2002
34

35. Two competing coalitions
in the national QAE field of compulsory schooling:
the ME and the NBE
the Association of Finnish Local and Regional
Authorities (AFLRA) and the Ministry of the Interior,
often accompanied by the Ministry of Finance
Simola, H. et al (2009) Quality Assurance and Evaluation (QAE) in Finnish
Comprehensive Schooling – a national model or just unintended effects of
radical decentralisation? Journal of Education Policy 24(2), 163–178
35

36. One high-ranking NBE official explains his/her feelings:
“(…) we have no jurisdiction to touch anything,
we have no legislation about it,
we have no mechanisms,
we have nothing.
This, in a nutshell, is our biggest weakness.”
Simola et al 2009, 171
36

37. “The evaluation work done has had very small effects
at the level of municipalities and schools.
Nation-level evaluations
have been implemented to a creditable extent,
but there is no follow-up
on how these evaluations affect the actions
of the evaluated and the development of the schools.
(…) Many municipalities are at the very beginning
in the evaluation of education.”
The Finnish Parliamentary Committee for Education and Culture 2002
37

38. Hypothesis 3
An intervening conjunction
– the deep economic recession
and the radical municipal autonomy linked to it –
circumvented and extinguished
the reform intentions
of moving from norm steering
to evaluation based goal steering.
Ironically enough,
this conjunction seemed to create
trust and freedom
as unintended side-effects. 38

39. 5. Contingency
as freedom and Spielraum
39

40. Different levels of conjunction.
1. Three historical processes
(change in the occupational structure,
the expansion of mass education
and the construction of the welfare state),
which ‘normally’ happen with certain time lags
were crammed in Finland
into a very short period of time.
.
40

41. 2. Two relatively separate reforms
in the different educational sectors
(Teacher Education Reform
and General Degree Reform in Higher Education)
coincided.
3. Two reforms in different policy sectors
(comprehensive-school governance
and municipal autonomy)
were concurrent.
What is common to these cases
is the fact
that these conjunctions were not planned
or foreseen by the contemporary actors. 41

42. The policymakers reacted differently
1. reacted decisively
and the late but quick expansion
of the education system began.
2. were rather passive
and finally agreed to the decision
made by the higher decision makers
as a part of a bigger reform.
3. did not see any alternatives
as long as the decision on municipal autonomy
was beyond their jurisdiction.
There was certain freedom or Spielraum
for the policy actors. 42

43. 6. Concluding remarks
43

44. three deep-rooted national beliefs:
the belief in schooling as an essential source of welfare,
the belief in teachers
as rather solid and stable suppliers
of this common good,
the belief in schools
as institutions that deserve a certain autonomy,
trust and industrial peace
free from trendy quality-assurance and evaluation
systems
44

45. These beliefs have been constructed
through historical processes
in which both rational actors and coincidental factors
have always met,
converged and intertwined.
45

46. “Politics is the art of the possible”
Otto von Bismarck
Prussian Iron Chancellor
“Only the good teams are lucky”
Juhani Tamminen,
Finnish Ice-hockey Coach
46

47. Muchas gracias
por su atención y esmero
47

48. 48

49. 49

50. 50

51. 51

52. Muchas gracias
por su atención y esmero
52

53. Anexo
53

54. I concluded my historical and sociological remarks on
the Finnish PISA success as follows:
"The Finnish ‘secret’ of top-ranking may (…) be seen as
the curious contingency of traditional and post-traditional
tendencies in the context of the modern welfare state
and its comprehensive schooling.”
Simola, H. 2005. The Finnish miracle of PISA:
historical and sociological remarks on teaching and teacher education.
Comparative Education, 41(4), 455–470; pp. 465-467
54

55. “In summary of the socio-historical points made above, first, a
somehow archaic, authoritarian but also collective culture prevails,
secondly there is some social trust and appreciation of teachers,
third, there is a tendency towards political and pedagogical
conservativeness among teachers, and finally, teachers are
relatively satisfied with and committed to their teaching.
(…) there is a certain cultural homogeneity among pupils in most
Finnish classrooms. (…) a well-organized and effective special
education system (…)
To put it simply, it is still possible to teach in the traditional way in
Finland because teachers believe in their traditional role and
pupils accept their traditional position. Teachers’ beliefs are
supported by social trust and their professional academic status,
while pupils’ approval is supported by the authoritarian culture and
mentality of obedience.” (p. 466)
55

56. Positively thinking ….
“It is tempting to think that at least some of the authority of
Finnish teachers is based on their relatively strong professional
identity, which enables them to season their traditional teaching
with the spice of progress. It is also tempting to think that at least
some of the obedience of Finnish students stems from the
natural acceptance of authority, and the ethos of respect for
teachers.”(p. 466)
56

57. “In conclusion, two paradoxes are identifiable in the success
story of Finnish schooling. First, the model pupil depicted in the
strongly future-oriented PISA 2000 study seems to lean largely on
the past, or at least the passing world, on the agrarian and pre-
industrialized society, on the ethos of obedience and subjection
that may be at its strongest in Finland among late modern
European societies. This paradox leads to the question of what
will happen to teaching and learning in Finnish schools when
teachers no longer believe in their traditional mission to be model
citizens and transmitters of knowledge, but rather see themselves
as facilitators, tutors and mentors. What will happen to teaching
and learning in Finnish schools when the pupils no longer accept
their position as pupils, but rather ‘climb the walls’, as one urban
primary-school principal put it?” (P. 466)
57

58. “The second paradox is that the politically and pedagogically
progressive comprehensive school reform is apparently being
implemented in Finland by politically and pedagogically rather
conservative teachers. What is more, the outcomes seem to
match the aims better than in a few other countries. This paradox
raises the question of whether it is possible to move easily from
the older authoritarian to an updated neo-authoritarian
pedagogy. Given the lack of a real tradition of pupil-centred
teaching legitimized by social policy, it might be rather easy to
adopt the new economically legitimized pedagogy. Its pivotal
elements are dense and clear: distinctive and Finnish schooling
and PISA 2000 467 discriminative competition, popular
constructivist shifting of the responsibility for learning to the pupil,
and all-pervasive assessment and self-evaluation.” (Pp. 466-467)
58

59. On contingency
“A fact is contingent if it is neither necessary nor impossible –
something that is but does not have to be. I think this definition is
useful because it makes clear at the outset that the best way to
understand the meaning of contingency is to see it as a counter-
notion to another idea, namely ‘necessity’. Thus the precise
meaning of the term ‘contingency’ depends on the precise
meaning of the term ‘necessity’ that it presupposes. If ‘necessity’
referred, as in pre-modern philosophy, to the idea of a ‘well-
ordered cosmos’, ‘contingency’ referred to the incompleteness
and imperfection of the merely sensual and material world on the
one hand, and to the liberty and creativity of God’s unrestrained
will on the other.” (Joas 2004, 394)
59

60. The law on publication of evaluation results
The providers of basic education (mainly the
municipalities) are obligated to evaluate the education
they provide and to submit to external evaluations of
their operations. Moreover, as a common but vaguely
articulated norm, the results should be public: “The
main results of evaluations shall be published” (Law
628/1998, §21).
Simola, H. et al (2009) Quality Assurance and Evaluation (QAE) in Finnish
Comprehensive Schooling – a national model or just unintended effects of
radical decentralisation? Journal of Education Policy 24(2), 163–178
60

61. Sample-based studies
One of our interviewees (#10) suggested that it was, at least
partly, because of the pressure from the Education Committee of
the Confederation of Finnish Industries and Employers (CIE) to
introduce national testing that the NBE in 1994 launched a series
of thematic sample-based studies as an alternative to the national
testing scheme. The person in charge of those studies describes
them as follows:
“Since 1994, large national assessment projects have been
carried out, suitable for use in fine-tuning the assessment
methodology. The national learning result assessment system has
become a central way of producing data on the effectiveness of
operations. Wide-ranging evaluations of the state of education
have made use of large-scale surveys, statistical data, interviews
and statements given by professionals.” (Jakku-Sihvonen 2002, 3)
61

62. Anti-rankining consensus 1
(…) practically no education official or politician has supported
the provision of ranking lists or making schools transparent in
competition by comparing them in terms of average performance
indicators. The Education Committee of the Confederation of
Finnish Industries and Employers (CIE) has been virtually the
only body to openly back English-type league tables and national
testing4 (CIE 1990; 1991). The Standing Committee for
Education and Culture of the Parliament of Finland stated first in
1998 and then again in 2004:
“The publicity concerns only the main results of evaluations. The
purpose of the new Basic Education Act is not to publish
information directly linked to an individual school or teacher.
Publishing the evaluation results cannot in any case lead to the
ranking of schools or the categorisation of schools, teachers or
pupils as weak or good on unfair grounds.” (CEC 1998) 62

63. Supreme Administrative Court decision
This stand against educational league tables was tested
in court in two separate appeals in 2000 and 2003 in the
two big cities of Turku and Vantaa, which were made to
the regional administrative courts following the municipal
education authorities’ decisions not to publish school-
specific information on comprehensive schools. In both
cases, the focus of the appeal was on school-specific
performance indicators that, it was argued, parents
needed in order to make their school-choice decisions.
In its final decision in 2005 the Supreme Administrative
Court ordered the municipal educational authority to
hand over the school-specific evaluation results to the
appealing party. 63

64. Anti-ranking consensus 2
Despite the 2005 court order, however, the Finnish media have
so far only published school-specific evaluation results of the
Vantaa case. The silence here is very meaningful, and probably
says something about the Finnish ethos concerning league
tables and schoolspecific evaluation results in general.
Informally, we learned that the municipalities were in strong
agreement not to evaluate schools in such a way that the results
could be used to produce ranking lists.
64

65. Teachers union
A significant side effect of the comprehensive-school reform was the
amalgamation of the two existing teachers' unions into the Trade Union of
Education in Finland (OAJ) in 1973. OAJ has become the strongest union in
the important "umbrella organization" AKAVA, which includes all the unions of
the academic professions. OAJ members are engaged in early-childhood
education, basic education, upper-secondary-school teaching, vocational
training, polytechnic-level teaching, basic art education, vocational adult
education as well as university teaching. Over 95% of Finnish teachers are
members of an organised trade union.
On the international level, OAJ could be considered one of the strongest
teachers’ unions in the world. An exceptional feature here, moreover, is that
the majority of its members are comprehensive-school teachers. Some
researchers are of the opinion that no important educational decision has
been made without collaboration with OAJ since the late 1970s. The Finnish
teachers’ union seems to hold a certain veto power over Finnish educational
policy, and this has had and still has a strong effect, especially
on Finnish comprehensive-school policy.
Simola, H. et al (2009) Quality Assurance and Evaluation (QAE) in Finnish Comprehensive
Schooling – a national model or just unintended effects of radical decentralisation? Journal of
Education Policy 24(2), 163–178
65

66. Historical reasons for belief in schooling
There has been given various reasons for the durability of that
belief. Both the educational authorities and the political parties
have strongly committed themselves to the aim of educational
equality. Further, the educational administration and its staff were
moulded in the "golden age" of equal opportunity policy. And,
finally, besides the traditional social democratic thinking
regarding equality, there has been a strong rural tradition since
the 19th century that regarded education as an important
channel for upward mobility in society. (Simola 1993)
66

67. A Finnish sociologist of education, Ari Antikainen (1990), offers
two more explanations. First, the overall rise in student
enrolments has included an increasing number of students from
lower classes, even though their proportion in the total number
remains low. This might be "a shared experience among the
common people" while they also have their own experience of
education as a real resource in the rapid transformation of
Finnish society, not least as a channel of migration from rural
areas and from agriculture to the cities in the period of the "Great
Migration", 1960-1975. The second reason might be found in the
favourable coincidence of economic and technological
development. As the growth of the industrial sector continued in
Finland into the late '70s, the criticism of public education that
had emerged in many industrial countries did not exist. Economic
growth was extremely good in the 1980s and a vision of the
"information society," which contributed to the expansion of
education, was adopted as a formal basis for technology policy. “67

68. In 1945, 70% of the Finnish population lived in rural areas, and
nearly 60% were employed in agriculture and forestry. Following
the great migration in the 1960s, by 1970 half lived in the cities
and 32% were employed in industry and construction (cf. e.g.
Alapuro et al., 1987).
68

69. “Polity and policy refer to attempts to regiment (polity)
or to regulate (policy) the contingency characteristic of
politics as action. As opposed to them, politicization
refers to opening new aspects of contingency in
the situation and thus expanding the presence of the
political in it. Politicking may be interpreted as the art of
playing with the contingency, using it both as an
inescapable moment of the situation to be considered in
any case and as an instrument against opponents less
ready to tolerate or make use of the presence of the
contingency.” (Palonen 1993, 13)
69

70. “If I have to characterize my work in a couple of words, that is, as
is often done these days, to apply a label to it, I would talk of
constructivist structuralism or of structuralist constructivism,
taking the word structuralist in a sense different from that given to
it by the Saussurean or Lévi-Straussian tradition. By
structuralism or structuralist, I mean that there exist, in the
social world itself, and not merely in symbolic systems, language,
myth, etc., objective structures which are independent of the
consciousness and desires of agents and are capable of guiding
or constraining their practices or their representations. By
constructivism, I mean there is a social genesis on the one
hand of the patterns of perceptions, thought and action which are
constitutive of what I call the habitus, and on the other hand of
social structures, and in particular of what I call fields and groups,
especially of what are usually called social classes. “
70

71. Bourdieu P. (1990) In other words. Essays towards a reflexive sociology. P.
123. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
71