1. 19
Objective Interpretive
CHAPTER ●
Rhetorical tradition
Socio-psychological tradition
Symbolic Convergence
Theory
of Ernest Bormann
In the introduction to this section on group communication, I refer to Harvard
social psychologist Robert Bales’ work to categorize comments made in small-
group discussions. On the basis of his research with zero-history problem-solving
groups in his lab, Bales discovered that dramatizing was a significant type of
communication that often fostered group cohesiveness.1 The late University of
Minnesota communication professor Ernest Bormann picked up on Bales’ find-
ing and undertook a more extensive study of newly formed groups to examine
leadership emergence, decision making, norms, cohesiveness, and a number of
other features of group life.2
Similar to Bales, Bormann and his team of colleagues observed that group
members often dramatized events happening outside the group, things that took
place at previous meetings, or what might possibly occur among them in the
future. Sometimes these stories fell flat and the discussion moved in a different
direction. But at other times group members responded enthusiastically by adding
on to the story or chiming in with their own matching narratives. When the drama
was enhanced in this way, members developed a common group consciousness
and drew closer together. On the basis of extensive case studies, Bormann set forth
the central explanatory principle of symbolic convergence theory (SCT):
Sharing group fantasies creates symbolic convergence.3
When she read about Bormann’s theory, Maggie had no difficulty illustrating
this core claim. Two weeks before my communication course began, she served
as a student leader in the “Wheaton Passage” program for new freshmen that’s
held at a camp in Wisconsin’s Northwoods. One of the stated goals of this
optional offering is to build intentional community. In her application log, Maggie
wrote of unplanned communication that achieved this end.
Cabin 8 was the rustic, run-down cabin that my group of Passage students was
assigned to live in for the week. My co-leader and I decked the cabin out with
decorations by hanging Christmas lights and origami doves, yet there was no
247

2. 248 GROUP AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATION
escaping the massive holes in the screens, sticky messes in the drawers, and the
spiders residing in the rafters. The night students arrived, we walked our group of
girls past the brand new cabins, arrived at our old cabin, and presented Cabin 8—
their home for a week. Needless to say, they were less than pleased.
The next day as our group was trekking to our morning activity, one of the girls
brought up what she thought the perfect cabin would look like. Others jumped in
with their ideas. For 10 minutes, each girl contributed something to the discussion
of the fantasy cabin. Hot tubs, screened-in porches, soft carpet, lounge chairs, and a
glass roof for stargazing were all mentioned as features in their ideal cabin. Look-
ing back on this experience, I see how this shared fantasy played a role in our
cabin bonding. As the week went on, our dream cabin became a running joke
within our group that helped students develop a sense of closeness—what they
deemed “hardcoreness.” While living in the crummy cabin, they frequently revis-
ited the image of the ideal cabin they created in their conversation.
DRAMATIZING MESSAGES: CREATIVE INTERPRETATIONS OF THERE-AND-THEN
Many comments in task-oriented discussion groups offer lines of argument, fac-
tual information, members’ opinions, and suggestions for how the group should
proceed. That’s the kind of member contribution Hirokawa and Gouran’s func-
tional perspective values (see Chapter 18). Advocates of rational discussion
believe it’s usually disruptive and counterproductive when someone cracks a
joke, describes a movie, or starts talking about plans for the upcoming weekend.
Not so for Bormann. SCT classifies these examples and many other forms of
speaking as dramatizing messages and believes that conversations about things
outside of what’s going on right now can often serve the group well.
A dramatizing message is one that contains imaginative language such as a
pun or other wordplay, double entendre, figure of speech (e.g., metaphor, simile,
personification), analogy, anecdote, allegory, fable, narrative, or other creative
expression of ideas. Whatever the form, the dramatizing message describes events
occurring somewhere else and/or at some time other than the here-and-now.4
Dramatizing message Notice first that a group member’s words must paint a picture or call to
Imaginative language by
mind an image in order to be labeled a dramatizing message. A report that the
a group member describ-
ing past, future, or out-
Dow Jones stock average rose 500 points can be important news for members,
side events; creative but it’s not dramatizing in the way that Bormann used the term. Second, a vivid
interpretations of there- message would qualify as dramatizing if it either describes something outside
and-then. the group or portrays an event that has happened within the group in the past
or might happen to the group in the future. Comments that have no imagery or
those that refer to what’s currently going on in the group make up the bulk of
most group discussions. They aren’t dramatizing messages.
When Maggie’s girls started to verbally construct their ideal cabin, they were
using imaginative language to talk about what they’d like to see in the future,
probably wishing it would magically appear that night. If in a darker tone one
of the girls expressed her hope that someone would set fire to the cabin before
they returned, that message would also be dramatizing. But if the group of girls
sat around in the cabin grousing about the spiders, mosquitoes, and sticky goo
in the drawers, those comments would be about the here-and-now and wouldn’t
be defined as dramatizing messages.
Why is this distinction so important to Bormann and SCT advocates? Because
dramatizing messages are interpretive. They aren’t knee-jerk responses to

3. CHAPTER 19: SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE THEORY 249
experiences of the moment. “Dramatizing accounts of past occurrences artisti-
cally organize what are usually more complex, ambiguous, and chaotic experi-
ences.”5 They help the speaker, and sometimes the listeners, make sense out of
a confusing situation or bring some clarity to an uncertain future. Whether or
not other group members connect with their imagery, dramatizing messages are
creative interpretations of the there-and-then.
FANTASY CHAIN REACTIONS: UNPREDICTABLE SYMBOLIC EXPLOSIONS
Some people use the term fantasy to refer to children’s literature, sexual desire,
or things “not true.” Bormann, however, reserved the term fantasy for dramatiz-
ing messages that are enthusiastically embraced by the whole group. Most dra-
matizing messages don’t get that kind of reaction. They often fall on deaf ears,
or group members listen but take a ho-hum attitude toward what was said. Of
course, an embarrassing silence or a quick change of subject makes it obvious
that the dramatizing message has fallen flat. There may even be group members
who openly oppose what was said. Yet as Bormann noted, “Some dramatizing
messages cause a symbolic explosion in the form of a chain reaction in which
members join in until the entire group comes alive.”6 He described what he had
seen when a fantasy chains out in this way:
The tempo of the conversation would pick up. People would grow excited, inter-
rupt one another, blush, laugh, forget their self-consciousness. The tone of the
meeting, often quiet and tense immediately prior to the dramatizing, would
“Pardon us, Harrison, if the board fails to share your enthusiasm for the foliage up in Darien.”
© Jack Ziegler/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com

4. 250 GROUP AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATION
become lively, animated, and boisterous, the chaining process, involving both the
verbal and nonverbal communication, indicating participation in the drama.7
A concrete example of a fantasy chain and its results may be helpful. Uni-
versity of Kentucky communication professor Alan DeSantis asks us to picture
a group of Kentucky-born, middle-aged white guys sitting around a cigar store
smoking hand-rolled imported cigars. As the topic shifts from college basketball
to the risk of smoking, the owner tells the story of a heart surgeon who came
into the shop after having been on duty for 36 hours. After lighting up, the doc-
tor blew out a big mouthful of smoke and said, “This is the most relaxed I have
felt in days. Now how can that be bad for you?”8
Whether or not the doctor really said this isn’t the issue. Symbolic conver-
gence theory is concerned with the group’s response to the tale. In this case the
patrons chuckle in appreciation, nod in agreement, or say “You’ve got it!” to
punctuate the narrative. Some vie to tell their own stories that dismiss the harm
of cigar smoking, a pastime that they consider a benign hobby. Bormann said
that we can spot a fantasy chain through a common response to the imagery.
DeSantis, who was a cigar-smoking participant-observer among the shop’s regu-
lar customers, affirms that the group’s response to the owner’s story paralleled
Bormann’s description above.
Symbolic convergence researchers have had little success predicting when a
fantasy will ignite and trigger a chain reaction. They’ve found there’s a better
chance of a fantasy chaining out when the group is frustrated (as were Maggie’s
girls) or when they are bogged down in an effort to solve a thorny problem.
Fantasy chain
Also, members with rhetorical skill seem to have a better chance of providing
A symbolic explosion of
lively agreement within
the spark, but there’s no guarantee that their words will ignite others. And even
a group in response to a when a skillful image-maker does spark a fantasy chain, he or she has little
member’s dramatizing control over where the conversation will go. Fantasy chains seem to have a life
message. of their own. But once a fantasy chain catches fire, symbolic convergence theory
predicts that the group will converge around a fantasy theme.
FANTASY THEMES—CONTENT, MOTIVES, CUES, TYPES
Fantasy Bormann’s technical definition of fantasy is “the creative and imaginative shared
The creative and imagi- interpretation of events that fulfills a group’s psychological or rhetorical needs.”9
native shared interpreta- Think of a fantasy theme as the content of the dramatizing message that suc-
tion of events that fulfills
cessfully sparks a fantasy chain. As such, it’s the theory’s basic unit of analysis.
a group’s psychological
or rhetorical needs.
Because fantasy themes reflect and create a group’s culture, all SCT researchers
seek to identify the fantasy theme or themes that group members share. When
Fantasy theme spotted, fantasy themes are consistently ordered and always interpretive, and
Content of the fantasy they inevitably put the group’s slant on things. That is, fantasy themes act as a
that has chained out
rhetorical means to sway doubters or naysayers.
within a group; SCT’s
basic unit of analysis.
When a fantasy chains out among core patrons in the cigar store, we would
expect to see that same theme run throughout multiple narratives—à la Seinfeld.
Perhaps the hero of every man’s account is a famous cigar smoker who lived
into old age without ill effects—George Burns, Winston Churchill, or Fidel Castro.
Or maybe each image reflects a meddling government bureaucrat who wants
to limit their right to enjoy a cigar in a public place. Along with examples of
long-lived smokers, group fantasies might focus on the difference between cigars
and cigarettes, safety in moderation, inconsistent scientific findings concerning

5. CHAPTER 19: SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE THEORY 251
cancer, the greater risks of everyday living, and the health benefits of relaxation
that come from smoking a good cigar. All of these fantasies have the same basic
theme—cigar smoking is safe.
Bormann suggested that group members’ meanings, emotions, motives, and
actions are apparent in their fantasy themes. We can see all four of these in
DeSantis’ description of the angst that the core group of patrons experienced at
the premature death of their friend Greg. Like the rest of the store’s regulars who
sat around smoking, Greg had scoffed at the health risks of their practice. Now
they were confronted with the sobering fact of his fatal heart attack. Within a
week of the funeral, however, his smoking buddies had constructed a verbal
collage of images depicting Greg’s stressful lifestyle. The store owner voiced their
consensus: “Smoking had nothing to do with his death. He lived, drank and
played hard and it took a toll on him at the end.”10 Meaning: Hard living killed
Greg. Emotion: Reduction of fear, relief. Motive: Desire to smoke with buddies.
Action: Not going to quit.
Bormann and symbolic convergence theory advocates have found that many
fantasy themes are indexed by a symbolic cue. A symbolic cue is “an agreed-upon
trigger that sets off the group members to respond as they did when they first
shared the fantasy.”11 It could be a code word, nonverbal gesture, phrase, slogan,
inside joke, bumper sticker, or any shorthand way of re-establishing the full force
of shared fantasy. In the Kentucky smoke shop where these fantasy themes were
Symbolic cue
voiced, any mention of criticism of cigar smoking from family or friends was the
An agreed-upon trigger
that sets off group mem-
cue that set off a new round of protest among store regulars. Their emotional
bers to respond as they reaction was captured on a T-shirt sold at the store that satirized the Surgeon
did when they first General’s cautionary statement: “Warning—Harassing me about my smoking
shared the fantasy. can be hazardous to your health.”12
The meaning of a given fantasy theme is quite specific. Because clusters of
related fantasy themes sometimes surface again and again in different groups,
Bormann found it helpful to have a label to classify this phenomenon when it
occurs. He used the term fantasy type to describe these well-worn symbolic paths.
Fantasy types are “greater abstractions incorporating several concrete fantasy
themes” and they exist “when shared meaning is taken for granted.”13 The cigar
Fantasy type store group’s fantasy theme of family and friends criticizing their smoking could
A cluster of related fan- be considered part of a larger “get-off-my-case” fantasy type. Perhaps that’s a
tasy themes; greater ab-
fantasy type that you and your friends have drawn upon when talking about
stractions incorporating
several concrete fantasy
your lifestyle, even if you’ve never smoked a cigar. Or students at your school
themes that exist when may share stock fantasy types about Saturday night parties, the food on campus,
shared meaning is taken professors who never seem to be in their offices, or the guy who always bails
for granted. out at the last minute on a group project.
SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE: GROUP CONSCIOUSNESS AND OFTEN COHESIVENESS
The discussion of dramatizing messages, fantasy chains, and fantasy themes has
dealt with the first part of SCT’s core principle: Sharing group fantasies creates
symbolic convergence. We’re now ready to look at what that sharing creates—
symbolic convergence. For Bormann, symbolic convergence meant the way in
which “two or more private symbol worlds incline toward each other, come more
closely together, or even overlap.”14 As those worlds intersect, group members
develop a unique group consciousness. No longer do members think in terms of

6. 252 GROUP AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATION
Symbolic convergence I, me, and mine. As symbolic overlap takes place, they begin to think and speak
Two or more private about we, us, and ours.
symbol worlds incline to- Do shared fantasies really cause this group transformation? Bormann insisted
ward each other, come
more closely together, or
that they do. Some limited commonality of words and images may naturally
even overlap; group con- occur when group members interact often enough over a long period of time.
sciousness, cohesiveness. But the process is accelerated and extended way beyond what otherwise might
happen when members participate in one or more fantasy chains that create joint
fantasy themes. Bormann used a variety of terms to portray the effect of group
consciousness—common ground, meeting of the minds, mutual understanding, groupi-
ness, common social reality, and empathic communion.
Once a group experiences symbolic convergence, Bormann suggested that
it’s important for members to memorialize their group consciousness with a
name and recorded history (saga) that recalls moments when fantasies chained
out. He did that with his U of M colleagues who met in the Bormann home every
Wednesday night to discuss the ideas that make up symbolic convergence theory.
They called themselves the Turtle Racers—presumably based on an illustrated
poster with the caption “Behold the turtle who makes progress only when he
sticks his neck out.” The image of a turtle race seemed doubly appropriate to
their history of theory building when Bormann described the work going for-
ward in fits and starts.
Symbolic convergence usually results in heightened group cohesiveness—
members attracted to each other and sticking together through thick and thin.
But not always. Bormann regarded symbolic convergence as usually a necessary
but not sufficient cause of cohesiveness.
Groups that do little fantasizing are seldom highly attractive and cohesive. Such
groups tend to be boring and ordinary. The cohesive groups have usually done
considerable fantasizing, but not all groups that fantasize a lot are rewarding and
cohesive. The fantasies that chain may contribute to creating a social reality that is
warm, friendly and hard working, that provides the group with a strong identity
and self image, and that gives members a sense of purpose and meaning for their
group’s work. On the other hand, the fantasies may develop a group climate that
is fascinating, frustrating, and punishing.15
Bormann went on to say that fantasy themes in those negative groups are
riddled with conflict and that the humor expressed tends to be satire, ridicule,
or sarcasm. I was in such a group my sophomore year of college, and he was
right—it was fascinating. Fortunately I had enough sense to get out.
RHETORICAL VISION: A COMPOSITE DRAMA SHARED BY A RHETORICAL COMMUNITY
Up to this point in the chapter, my description and illustration of symbolic con-
vergence theory has focused on shared fantasies in small-group settings. That’s
where SCT was spawned. But early in the theory’s development, the Turtle Rac-
ers discovered that shared fantasies weren’t confined to a small-group context.
As Bormann explained, “Fantasies that begin in small groups often are worked
Rhetorical vision
A composite drama that
into public speeches, become picked up by mass media and ‘spread out across
catches up large groups larger publics.’”16 Once attuned to the basic concepts of SCT, these scholars spot-
of people into a common ted swirling batches of related fantasy themes and types in all sorts of commu-
symbolic reality. nication texts. Bormann coined the term rhetorical vision to designate “a

7. CHAPTER 19: SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE THEORY 253
composite drama that catches up large groups of people into a common symbolic
reality.”17 He called the wide-ranging body of people who share that reality a
rhetorical community.
The majority of research conducted using SCT has been aimed at capturing
the rhetorical visions of dispersed rhetorical communities and figuring out how
their communication created their unified fantasies. Researchers don’t have the
benefit of sitting in a room with the whole community while waiting for a fan-
tasy to chain out as evidence of a fantasy theme. So Bormann and his colleagues
developed a procedure called fantasy theme analysis to discover fantasy themes
and rhetorical visions that have already been created.
Fantasy Theme Analysis
Fantasy theme analysis is a specific type of rhetorical criticism that’s built on two
basic assumptions. First, people create their social reality—a premise shared by
many interpretive theorists (see Chapters 5, 6, 12, and 13). Second, people’s
meanings, motives, and emotions can be seen in their rhetoric. So when a dis-
persed community embraces the same rhetorical vision, that’s reality for them.
They aren’t pretending.
Fantasy theme analysis
A rhetorical critic using fantasy theme analysis looks for recurring fantasy
A type of rhetorical criti-
cism used to detect fan-
themes in the text. If found, the critic should then discern if these shared fanta-
tasy themes and rhetorical sies are woven together into a rhetorical vision. In addition to using the basic
visions; the interpretive SCT concepts already discussed, Bormann suggested that the critic look for at
methodology of SCT. least four features that are present in all rhetorical visions.18
1. Characters: Are there heroes to root for and villains to despise?
2. Plot lines: Do characters act in a way consistent with the rhetorical vision?
3. Scene: How do descriptions of time and place increase the drama’s
impact?
4. Sanctioning agent: Who or what legitimates the rhetorical vision?
I’ll describe a fantasy theme analysis of Internet websites to show how these
tools can reveal a rhetorical vision and show how it’s created and sustained
within a dispersed rhetorical community.
The Symbolic Creation of a Pro-Eating Disorder Rhetorical Vision
For those who are anorexic and/or bulimic, the world of face-to-face commu-
nication can be a lonely place. Afraid of condemnation if they reveal their
eating disorder, they often live a life of secrecy, deception, and guilt. Although
12-step programs extend social support to those who want to overcome their
disease, not all people with food disorders want to change. The Internet offers
hundreds of pro-eating disorder websites where those who resist recovery can
anonymously interact with like-minded others. Wayne State University com-
munication professor Jessi McCabe conducted a fantasy theme analysis to
“explore how group exchanges on these websites redefine a reality largely
rejected by the cultural norm and what elements contribute to creating this
worldview.”19 She chose the 12 most active pro-food disorder sites for her
analysis. The message boards on the three most popular sites—Blue Dragon
Fly, Pro-Ana Suicide Society, and Fragile Innocence—had a combined member-
ship of more than 25,000 users.

8. 254 GROUP AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATION
Fantasy types are an SCT category midway between specific fantasy themes
and an overall rhetorical vision. McCabe found that two contrasting fantasy types
emerged in her analysis—a positive one and a negative one. She labeled the positive
fantasy type “The humorous world of Ana and Mia.” Within this world, fantasy
chains reinforce site users’ eating habits and shared reality. Across the message
boards, members personify their disorders as characters in an ongoing drama.
Members depict their own goals, struggles, and emotions through the personifica-
tion of Ana and Mia. Anorexia and bulimia are given life and attributed human-
like emotions and qualities, which are justified by the sanctioning agent, humor.
The most favorable depiction is a girl named Ana (anorexia), who represents the
goal of the group, the idolization of perfection in this reality. Perfection is about
having self-control and being thin. Personified through Ana is a yearning for being
untouchable and perfect.20
Message-board users write about Ana as their hero. (“Ana knows what to say to
make me feel better.”21) They also confess lapses and seek her forgiveness. (“Dear
Ana, I am sorry that I failed you. . . . Not only did I fail you but I binged.”)
Unlike Ana, Mia (bulimia) isn’t seen as perfect. Her role in the drama is to
stir up the emotions users feel as they struggle to get down to the elusive perfect
weight. Site users rarely describe Mia in positive terms. One post complains,
“Mia is SO loud and annoying . . . my Mom heard Mia because she can’t keep
her [stinking] mouth shut!” Yet other messages reluctantly suggest Mia is needed.
“Sometimes she is all right . . . she lets me eat . . . keeps my body pure.” The
third character in this ongoing drama is the villainous ED (eating disorder). He
represents the social norm of moderation and recovery from addiction. McCabe
explains why he’s so feared: “Members not only try to avoid ED for fear of
recovery but the group knows that accepting ED means a loss of community and
a reentry into a reality in which eating disorders are a negative attribute.”22
The discussion of these three characters constructs an alternative world
where high-risk dieters aren’t hassled. Despite the lurking presence of ED, who
reminds everyone of another reality “out there,” this positive fantasy type is a
closed world where anorexics and bulimics feel safe. McCabe sees humor as the
sanctioning agent that makes this constructed reality legitimate for site users. The
satirical exchange of experiences turns discussion of a deadly disease into a game
that validates what these users are doing, saying, and living.
Conversely, the negative fantasy type portrayed on these message boards is
“Surviving encounters with The Real World,” a distressing place for those who
visit these websites. McCabe notes that almost all users log on to get tips on
“safe” foods and how to hide their eating habits and symptoms from friends and
family. The scene of the struggle in “the real world” is almost always part of this
fantasy type. Many posts include references to time and space.
I hate coming home at night. . . . I am with Ana all day and I cannot eat . . . but
when I get home Ana stays at the door and I just binge.
How can I live with Mia if we are sharing community bathrooms in our dorm?
McCabe doesn’t explicitly address plot lines in her fantasy theme analysis,
but from her rich description two plots seem paramount. The first is acting in
multiple ways to reduce weight—dieting, exercising, and purging. The second
plot is doing whatever one has to do to keep the extent of this obsession with
food a secret from those who don’t share it.

9. CHAPTER 19: SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE THEORY 255
McCabe concludes that the rhetorical vision of the pro-eating disorder com-
munity is the uneasy coexistence of these two contrasting fantasy types—The
humorous world of Ana and Mia and Surviving encounters with The Real World. She
writes, “The rhetorical vision shared by this group is the effort to maintain a
disease within settings where their belief is challenged and get back to the state
where the personification of the disease can proliferate.”23
THEORY INTO PRACTICE: ADVICE TO IMPROVE YOUR COLLEGE EXPERIENCE
As you’ve gained an understanding of symbolic convergence theory, you’ve
probably thought about its implications for a group in which you take part. No
matter what your role in the group, Bormann offered the following advice:24
• When the group begins to share a drama that in your opinion would con-
tribute to a healthy culture, you should pick up the drama and feed the
chain.
• If the fantasies are destructive, creating group paranoia or depression, cut
the chain off whenever possible.
• To build cohesiveness, use personification to identify your group.
• Be sure to encourage the sharing of dramas depicting your group history
early in your meetings.
• Remember that a conscious rhetorical effort on your part can succeed in
igniting a chain reaction, but the fantasy may take an unexpected turn.
Bormann and his followers have also used fantasy theme analysis to improve
organizational communication, conduct market research, and assess public opin-
ion. To illustrate the pragmatic value of the methodology, John Cragan (Illinois
State University) and Donald Shields (University of Missouri–St. Louis) require
students in their applied research classes to analyze the way that high school
seniors talk about college. They find that most rhetorical visions employ one of
three competing master analogues—a righteous vision, a social vision, or a prag-
matic vision.25
Potential applicants who embrace a righteous vision are interested in a school’s
academic excellence, the reputation of its faculty, and special programs that it
offers. Those who adopt a social vision view college as a means of getting away
from home, meeting new friends, and joining others in a variety of social activi-
ties. High school seniors who buy into a pragmatic vision are looking for a mar-
ketable degree that will help them get a good job. (What was your vision when
you entered college?) Knowledge of these distinct visions could help admissions
officers at your school develop a strategy to appeal to high school students who
would most appreciate the character of their campus. That knowledge could also
help you figure out if you’re at a school that can best meet your needs.
CRITIQUE: JUDGING SCT AS BOTH A SCIENTIFIC AND INTERPRETIVE THEORY
Ernest Bormann claimed that symbolic convergence theory is both objective and
interpretive. The theory’s basic explanatory hypothesis—sharing group fantasies
creates symbolic convergence—is framed as a universal principle that holds for all
people, in any culture, at any time, in any communication context.26 Definitely
objective. But the methodology of determining fantasy themes, fantasy types,

10. 256 GROUP AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATION
and rhetorical visions is rhetorical criticism—a humanistic approach that’s
undeniably interpretive. Perhaps this unusual mix has stimulated many of the
1,000 original research studies that have examined and applied the theory over
the last 40 years.27 Bormann wryly noted that one positive result from SCT has
been the collaboration between “muddleheaded anecdotalists and hardheaded
empiricists.”28 When the six standards for judging a social science theory and
the six criteria for evaluating an interpretive theory are applied to SCT, the
theory stacks up remarkably well. I’ll single out four of these benchmarks for
further discussion.
1. A good objective theory explains what occurs and why it happened. The concept
of symbolic convergence can help us make sense of chaotic group discussions.
Even though group leaders urge members to speak one at a time and stick to the
point, participants often go off on verbal tangents. According to SCT, graphic
digressions and boisterous talk aren’t signs of a flawed process; rather, they are
evidence that the group is chaining out a fantasy and developing a group con-
sciousness. This explanation of how groups become cohesive is a strength of the
theory. However, Boston College communication professor James Olufowote
doesn’t believe Bormann’s explanation goes far enough. In a sympathetic critique
aimed at making the theory better, he contends that “SCT does not sufficiently
explain why humans are predisposed to dramatizing reality and sharing fantasy
in the first place.”29
2. A good objective theory predicts what’s going to happen. SCT clearly predicts that
when a fantasy chain erupts among members, symbolic convergence will occur.
The theory even suggests that without shared fantasies, there will be no cohe-
siveness. But as discussed earlier in the chapter, SCT researchers have had little
success predicting when a dramatizing message will trigger a chain reaction.
Bormann noted that uncertainty about the future isn’t bothersome in other sci-
entific theories. He saw symbolic convergence theory as similar to Darwin’s bio-
logical theory of evolution in that respect.
An evolutionary theory can explain the way modern humans evolved from earlier
humanoid individuals. But, such theories cannot predict the future path of evolu-
tion. . . . SCT involves a careful cataloguing of group consciousness through time.
The theory also includes a description of the dynamic forces that provide a neces-
sary and sufficient set of causes to explain the discovered communication patterns.
For an evolution theory the dynamic may be the survival of the fittest. For SCT the
dynamic is the process of group sharing.30
3. A good interpretive theory clarifies people’s values. There’s no doubt that fantasy
theme analysis uncovers the values of a rhetorical community. It does that well.
But Olufowote is concerned about the unexamined values that undergird SCT.31
One concern is an ideology of convergence. The terms that describe its effects—
common ground, meeting of the minds, empathic communion, etc.—make it clear that
the theory has a pro-social bias. Shall we look at the convergence of hate groups
or pro-eating disorder websites as a positive outcome?
A second concern Olufowote expresses is an egalitarian assumption that
ignores issues of power within groups. For example, do all members of a group
benefit equally when a fantasy chains out? Does an inside joke become a symbolic
cue at the expense of one of the members? A final concern is about the way
members of a rhetorical community are characterized. The communities described

11. CHAPTER 19: SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE THEORY 257
come across as conflict-free, differences among members are ignored, and there’s
little discussion of the inner tension a member feels when the multiple rhetorical
visions he or she embraces don’t mesh.
4. A good interpretive theory offers a new understanding of people. SCT’s method of
fantasy theme analysis does this exceptionally well by directing rhetorical critics
to focus on symbolic language. A few scholars charge that the best fantasy theme
analyses are the result of critics’ astute perception or acumen rather than the
method they use.32 Bormann acknowledged that some critics do it better than
others. But he noted that regardless of how perceptive the critic, the method used
makes a huge difference. For example, a Marxist critique looks for economic
exploitation; a feminist critique looks for patterns of male dominance. Think how
different the analyses of cigar store smokers or pro-eating disorder message-
board users would be if DeSantis or McCabe hadn’t zeroed in on imaginative
language. With that lens in place, fantasy theme analysts uncover rhetorical
visions as varied as the communities they study. When I read a well-written
fantasy theme analysis, I gain a greater appreciation for the fascinating diversity
within the human race.
QUESTIONS TO SHARPEN YOUR FOCUS
1. As a rhetorically sensitive scholar, Bormann defined SCT terms carefully. Can
you distinguish the difference between dramatizing messages and fantasies? Do you
understand why it’s a difference that makes a difference?
2. Some critics dismiss SCT as a cookie-cutter approach to group analysis.
Could this be said of most social science theories? Bormann regarded the charge
as a compliment.33 Can you figure out why he was pleased rather than offended?
3. Bormann insisted that SCT is an objective theory that’s valid any time and in
any culture, but that its methodology, fantasy theme analysis, is interpretive. Do
you regard SCT as a better objective or interpretive theory? Why?
4. Bormann was intrigued with a T-shirt that proclaims, “I have given up my
search for truth. Now I want to find a good fantasy.”34 Based on what you’ve
read, does this slogan reflect the symbolic world of SCT advocates? Does it reflect
yours?
A SECOND LOOK Recommended resource: Ernest G. Bormann, John Cragan, and Donald Shields, “Three
Decades of Developing, Grounding, and Using Symbolic Convergence Theory (SCT),” in
Communication Yearbook 25, William Gudykunst (ed.), Lawrence Erlbaum, Mahwah, NJ,
2001, pp. 271–313.
Brief summary: Ernest Bormann, “Symbolic Convergence Theory,” in Small Group Com-
munication Theory & Practice: An Anthology, 8th ed., Randy Hirokawa, Robert Cathcart,
Larry Samovar, and Linda Henman (eds.), Roxbury, Los Angeles, CA, 2003, pp. 39–47.
Early statement of the theory: Ernest G. Bormann, “Fantasy and Rhetorical Vision:
The Rhetorical Criticism of Social Reality,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 58, 1972,
pp. 396–407.
Small-group context: Ernest G. Bormann and Nancy C. Bormann, Effective Small Group
Communication, 5th ed., Burgess, Edina, MN, 1992, pp. 105–126.

12. 258 GROUP AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATION
Organizational context: Ernest G. Bormann, “Symbolic Convergence: Organizational
Communication and Culture,” in Communication and Organizations: An Interpretive Approach,
Linda Putnam and Michael Pacanowsky (eds.), Sage, Beverly Hills, CA, 1983, pp. 99–122.
Fantasy theme analysis: Sonja K. Foss, Rhetorical Criticism: Exploration and Practice,
4th ed., Waveland, Prospect Heights, IL, 2009, pp. 97–136.
Practical applications of assessing rhetorical visions: John F. Cragan and Donald C.
Shields, Symbolic Theories in Applied Communication Research: Bormann, Burke, and Fisher,
Hampton, Cresskill, NJ, 1995, pp. 161–198.
Cigar store ethnography: Alan D. DeSantis, “Smoke Screen: An Ethnographic Study of a
Cigar Shop’s Collective Rationalization,” Health Communication, Vol. 14, 2002, pp. 167–198.
Pro-eating disorder website analysis: Jessi McCabe, “Resisting Alienation: The Social
Construction of Internet Communities Supporting Eating Disorders,” Communication Stud-
ies, Vol. 60, 2009, pp. 1–15.
Early critique: G. P. Mohrmann, “An Essay on Fantasy Theme Criticism” and “Fantasy
Theme Criticism: A Peroration,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 68, 1982, pp. 109–132,
306–313.
Response to early critics: Ernest G. Bormann, John Cragan, and Donald Shields, “In
Defense of Symbolic Convergence Theory: A Look at the Theory and Its Criticisms After
Two Decades,” Communication Theory, Vol. 4, 1994, pp. 259–294.
Contemporary critique: James O. Olufowote, “Rousing and Redirecting a Sleeping
Giant: Symbolic Convergence Theory and Complexities in the Communicative Constitu-
tion of Collective Action,” Management Communication Quarterly, Vol. 19, 2006, pp. 451–492.
Will our group stay like this or will it change?
That question is answered by Poole’s Adaptive Structuration Theory,
which appeared in previous editions. Click on Theory List at
www.afirstlook.com.