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University of Leeds
SCHOOL OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL POLICY
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Student ID number 200631747
Degree programme SOCIAL POLICY & SOCIOLOGY
Module code SLSP3051
Module title Social Policy Dissertation
Essay Title
Equal Opportunities in Education: To What Extent Does
Race, Gender and Ethnicity Offer Explanations for
Differences in Educational Outcomes?
Word count 11985

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Student Identification Number: 200631747
SLSP 3051 Social Policy Dissertation
Equal Opportunities in Education: To What Extent Does Race, Gender and Ethnicity
Offer Explanations for Differences in Educational Outcomes?
BA (Hons) Social Policy & Sociology

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Abstract
Inconsistencies between students’ level of educational engagement have historically led
academics to understand this phenomena through examining discrepancies between social
groups; race, gender and ethnicity. Whilst this line of thought has remained a key principle
when carrying out educational enquiries, many studies have observed that there exists a
degree of interaction between these groups, (Drew and Gray, 1990; Savage and Egerton,
1997) causing a need to examine this matter further. This issue in social research of
assuming individuals within set social groups as homogenous and who all act in a particular
way, is a problem that permeates social theory too. Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social and
cultural reproduction, whilst attempting to explain educational inequalities through concepts
such as habitus and capital (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990), he heavily referenced the duality
of a superior and inferior class system; disregarding the influence of ethnicity or other factors.
Social class has widely been recognised as the strongest influence of educational outcomes
(Lareau, 2000) although it does not act alone, (Rothon, 2007) instead, it interacts greatly with
gender and ethnicity. This issue signifies the core purpose of this research project. By
examining the literature on identifying factors affecting social groups’ educational
engagement, this dissertation aims to explore the notion of group intersectionality and
illuminate its importance to educational research. Essentially, the research will illuminate the
process of social groups interacting with one another and how this affects the scholastic
outcomes of individuals belonging to various social groups.
Contents Page Number:

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Introduction 5 - 8
Position of Race, Gender and Social Class in Education 9 - 12
Literature Review 13 - 18
Chapter 1: Parenting 19 - 30
Chapter 2: School Experiences and Social Networks 31 - 43
Chapter 3: Looking Forward Policy 44 - 50
Chapter 4: Discussion 51
Chapter 5: Conclusion 52
Bibliography 53 - 69
Introduction:

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Material written on factors influencing social groups’ academic achievement have frequently
been based on investigations which view these groups as independent from others. This
principle has outlined the framework for a great deal of research into disadvantages faced by
certain sections of society; working-classes; ethnic minorities and boys. This perception of
sections of society interacting within these confined clusters has been contested by research
which has revealed interactions amongst and within these groups. (Drew and Gray 1990;
Savage and Egerton 1997). This line of thought has been well received by academics since it
opens up investigation into explaining dimensions of educational inequality. Male student
underachievement cannot be understood solely through research conducted through a
gendered outlook since this would not explain male middle-class academic achievement. The
incidence of social groups, positioned in various places of power in society, interacting with
one another to produce different patterns in their experiences; social relations and
achievement, refers to intersectionality. (Tas et al, 2014, p.540). These interactions require
closer examination to uncover influences affecting people’s educational outcomes.
1.1 Bourdieu: Theorising Educational Inequalities:
Bourdieu and Passerson (1973, p.80) claimed the education system fails to acknowledge the
gap in its demands from students and that which it and society, provides to meet those
demands. The lack of regard for inequality prevalent in society results in some students
falling short of what is being asked of them. Obstacles preventing these students from
reaching their full potential include social and cultural capital; high-status networks and
knowledge produced through exposure to high-status institutions and entities. Schools are
responsible for dispensing cultural capital and students’ ability to acquire it must hold the
capability to accept and use this capital. This system is unmistakably in favour of dominant
classes who are able to receive and appreciate this capital.

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Habitus refers to a person’s disposition which affects their actions in particular settings.
(Bourdieu, 1990, p.53). Students navigate themselves through school based on their
disposition to education. Factors contributing to habitus in education include location of
residency; school attended and family background. Grenfell and James (1998, p.70)
illuminate the importance of family by stating that whilst middle-class families continuously
engage in reproducing habitus, working-classes are endlessly attempting to accomplish a
more difficult task. The different level of resources each group has is a product of cultural
transmission; a process of intergenerational reproduction (Szeman and Kaposy, 2011, p.84)
of these properties. These interdependent concepts; habitus and capital are important to this
dissertation because they provide a basis from which to explain why educational outcomes
differ (Dumais, 2002, pp.44-46) across sections of society.
More recently Lareau (1987, p.74) found similar trends to those outlined by Bourdieu. She
found schools inherently middle-class; ‘languages, customs, styles and behaviours’ (Bourdieu,
1977, p.74) mirrored principles held in middle-class families. Bourdieu based this principle
of working-class culture contradicting with school culture to explain these students’
underachievement. Unlike social construction theory, where educational inequality is the
fault of wider inequalities embedded in society, Bourdieu attributes educational inequities to
the school ideology. Put simply, schools ‘ignore the habitus of children of non-dominant
classes’, (Nash, 1990, p.436) leaving them excluded from mainstream education.
1.2 Structure of Dissertation:
This dissertation will establish itself around the need to investigate students as people
interacting within a network and not confined within classes. This dissertation will examine
three groups; working-class, black minority ethnic (BME) boys. After outlining this group’s

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achievement patterns, an analysis of literature will present findings from previous research,
ensuring this dissertation does not duplicate other investigations. Given the time limit for this
dissertation only three social groups have been selected. This decision will undoubtedly
affect the representativeness of the findings but it is regarded a pragmatic decision in the face
of these practical constraints.
The investigation will examine each social group against two factors affecting educational
outcomes. The first two chapters will focus on analysing two separate factors’ influence on
working-class, BME boys’ schooling and the interactions that occur between these groups.
The final chapter will acknowledge the previous chapters and situate them findings within the
sphere of, policy aimed at rectifying these issues. (Iannelli and Paterson, 2005). A section on
analysing policy is not only important at present to bring new research to the field but also for
future reference for policymakers, students’ underachievement is not only a short-term
national problem but a long-term (ESRC, 2012) issue too. It is also the primary cause of
much wider and significant problems in society like, marital breakups; social exclusion and
criminal behaviour, (Bentley, 1998) not to mention damaging the economic competiveness of
the UK through skill shortages. (Docking, 2000).
1.3 Methodology:
This dissertation uses qualitative research methods to examine the relationship between
theory and research. These methods recognise epistemology; understanding issues in the
social world requires investigation through the vision of subjects like students. Its
ontological position on academic underachievement is understood as, consequences of
interaction between members of society; (Bryman, 2012, p.381) and not just by incidence.
Qualitative methods can involve participant observation; interviews and theoretical analysis

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this dissertation will use the latter by examining and critically analysing literature. These
methods are practically beneficial for an undergraduate dissertation. Secondary
investigations demand less of students; fieldwork requires large amounts of time to pilot;
undertake and discuss the research. (Messenger Davies and Mosdell, 2006, p.18). These
demands coupled with final year undergraduate workloads, make the dissertation a more
manageable task. These methods are not without imperfections but existence of time
constraints; absence of research funding and word limitations, make this methodology
appropriate.
Position of Race, Gender and Social Class in Education
1.4 BME Achievement: An Issue?
The need to build a contemporary picture of BME achievement is necessary since
early studies focuses solely on inner London, a socioeconomically deprived location
with lower standard schools. (Tanna, 1990, p.352). These investigations lacked
acknowledging gender or social class. The title BME was unrepresentative since the
title Asian, ignored cultural differences between groups. This dissertation
acknowledges these issues and establishes itself on a more contemporary picture.
Migration to the UK had initially raised concern surrounding the cultural differences
between foreigners and indigenous people. (Little, 1975, p.117). Concerns mainly

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focused on how the educational system could provide equal opportunities. Despite
high aspirations from ejected from mainstream education and into special schools.
(Tomlinson, 2008, p.36). Historically BME students, especially Afro-Caribbean’s,
have recorded continuously lower levels of academic achievement in the UK,
compared with the white majority. (Rassool, 1999, p.23). These trends of
underachievement have caused concern amongst academics and policymakers.
General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) examinations taken at age 16
form important educational attainment benchmarks and a crucial indicator of
students’ future prospects. Recent GCSE statistics on reflect these past trends but
show variance within the BME group. The national average benchmark of 5 or more
A* to C grades is 56.6%; black Caribbean; black mixed and Pakistani students fall
below this average at, 47%, 49% and 51.4%, respectively. White British students
also fall below the average at 56.4%. On the other hand, black African; Indian and
Chinese students achieve well above the average at 56.8%, 72.9% and 74.4%
(Easby, 2014, p.8) respectively. BME students are therefore not all underachievers.
Boys are also a group that have continously underachieve in all measures of
achievement in these final year assessments compared with that of girls; achieving
only 59.9% 5 A* to C GCSE grades compared with 71.4%. Moreover their 65.9%
progress in English and 63.2% in Mathematics is significantly lower than girls’ 77.5%
and 67.9%, respectively. This dissertation aims to explore why these differences
between different ethnicities and between boys and girls.
1.4a Socioeconomic Circumstances: Black Caribbean Students
Of all BME students, those most likely to underachieve are black Caribbean students,
suggesting they are subject to extreme experiences within the society or the

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education system that prevents them achieving. According to Strand (2011, p.215)
many factors affect Black Caribbean students making them more susceptible to
underachieve other BME students. These include greater likelihood of being
temporarily excluded, recent findings found this group on average, three times more
likely to be excluded permanently. (Clarke, 2013, p.2). School exclusion is
associated with not only ‘poor academic progress, but also with other wider aspects
of social exclusion’. (Macrae, 2003, p.95). Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF)
found from interviews with social workers that other result of exclusion are, isolation;
lack of confidence, lack of motivation and encouragement to act illegally and anti-
socially. Findings also found black students felt school exclusions were attached to
racist connotations. One student reported exclusion helping him reform his
behaviour although it this comment was situated in a context of racial hostility
towards the school and the education system. (Wright, 2005, pp.47-48). This
group’s high exclusion rates have been consistent for a long time Sewell (1997, pp.
xiv-xv) notes and consist mainly of boys not girls.
Other potential factors causing black Caribbean underachievement include, being
less likely to commit to time to homework; more likely identified as special
educational needs; (SEN) greater probability of living in deprived neighbourhoods
and facing greater levels of poverty. Other studies have indicated institutional racism;
(Macpherson, 1999) peer pressure (Sewell, 1997) and alienation from British culture,
underrepresentation of black authority figures and discriminatory practices (Hunte,
2004, p.36) are factors, specifically lowering achievement levels for the group.
These factors which range from issues both inside and outside of the school provide
a useful structure when conducting the research.

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These experiences causing underachievement, outlined by Strand (2011) and others
are not limited to black Caribbean students; other BME students experience these
too. Indian and Chinese students represent the two highest achieving groups yet
respectively are 10.1% and 10.7% likely to being living in the 10% most deprived
neighbourhoods in the UK. (Jivraj and Khan, 2013, p.1). Moreover, Indians and
Chinese individual income inequality is far lower than Caribbean and white British
people whilst their household income inequality is lower than Caribbean families.
(Platt, 2011, p.9). Despite these trends Indian pupils from low socioeconomic
backgrounds make the fastest progress of all (Strand, 1999) students.
Research Questions:
Having outlined how this dissertation will structured; what issues it will centre its research
around and the importance of doing so, it is now appropriate to present the research questions
this dissertation will explore.
1. What does the intersectionality between social groupings suggest about social theories
of education?
2. What are the lived experiences of working class ethnic minority males in school?

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3. What policy interventions would be most effective in rectifying the issues faced by
working class ethnic minority boys in education?
Literature Review:
Social Groups and Education:
Many academics attribute the differences in educational outcomes to differences between
social groups. The three main social groups associated with differences in scholastic
outcomes are, gender; ethnicity and social class. (Banks and Banks, 2010, p.15). Within
each of these social groups, educational outcomes has historically been divided between high
and low achievers, these divisions have ran along lines which separate these groups into
subgroups. The history of gender and attainment illustrates this notion more clearly. From

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the late period of the 1980’s, girls have continuously outperformed boys in educational
attainment, this has attracted heightened concern from many affiliated within and around the
field of education. Concern so high, many have suggested the debate on gender and
attainment (Sullivan et al, 2011, p.216) has created a moral panic; an inflated pretence of
concern over an issue which has the potential to be amplified.
Gender: A Key Factor Influencing Educational Achievement:
Capel (2010, p.144) supports the use of gender as a tool for assessing differences in
educational outcomes. She identified both boys’ and girls’ attainment as being most strongly
influenced by gender, not ethnicity or social class. She identified however that there was
significant attainment differences between males and females but retained support for gender
as a credible factor since when she included social class and ethnicity into the investigation,
these differences remained. This model suggests that factors influencing educational
outcomes should be found in a gendered model of achievement.
Credibility of Examining Gender Alone:
Epstein et al, (1998) disagrees with the notion of assuming gender as the most important
factor determining educational outcomes. She supports this belief by stating that males and
females, separately, do not possess homogeneous characteristics. (Epstein et al, 1998, p.11).
To demonstrate this notion she points to how a study identified African-Caribbean boys as
both, disproportionately underachieving and being excluded but argued that this was merely a
statistical depiction and does not suggest that all African-Caribbean boys underachieve.
(Gillborn and Gips, 1996, cited in, Epstein, 1998, p.11). Instead she argues ‘the

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underachievement of boys at school is a strongly classed and racialized phenomenon’. (Ibid,
p.11).
An empirical study which strengthens this argument on, treating social groups as interacting
and interconnected entities comes from Drew and Gray (1990). They identified that ethnicity
played a significant role in influencing differing levels of attainment between two ethnic
groups of the same gender; a critique of Capel’s (2010) model. The study found that British
white girls achieved high grades but British Asian and African-Caribbean girls achieved
much lower grades. These findings support the view that social groups interact with one
another. The study also illuminates the importance of the interaction between social groups
and the results this produces for subgroups. To demonstrate this outlook, girls as a subgroup
in the gender classification are associated as high achievers. Recent General Certificate of
Secondary Education (GCSE) scores measure 73.1% of girls reaching the 5 A* to C
benchmark whilst 64.3% of boys achieved the benchmark. (Arnett, 2014). These statistics
alone would portray a misleading picture of gendered attainment, strengthening the debate on
social group intersectionality. A further example to demonstrate the ambiguous nature of
measuring social class is a study by the Association for Qualitative Research, (AQR). This
study found Britain’s historical measure of social class through identifying the occupational
position of a head as, unreliable. 40% of black African-Caribbean and Black mixed families
are lone parent households. (Office for National Statistics. 2002, p.2).
Social Class More Important Than Gender:
The literature to this point has proven that individuals in their given social group or subgroup,
do not all act similarly within their group, instead their activity is heterogeneous and can be
traced along lines of social class; ethnicity and gender. Mickelson, (2003, p.373) continues

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this discussion on social groups interacting by stating; individuals most susceptible to
underperform in school are socioeconomically disadvantaged ethnic minority males. The
issue of ethnicity and gender has been established earlier in the literature analysis; this
viewpoint now brings to light the importance of social class on influencing achievement.
Social class has historically been regarded a key influence on determining educational
outcomes. It has however also interacted with gender, producing a gendered social class
hybrid model; critiquing Mickelson’s model, (2003). A study by Savage and Egerton (1997,
p.667) found supporting evidence of this argument. They compared a sample mixed ability
male and female students at a British secondary school. The sample was separated on the
basis of students’ socioeconomic background; gender remained an independent variable since
the study aimed to examine the influence of social class not gender. The findings revealed
that pupils from working-class backgrounds fell considerably behind the GCSE benchmark
compared with pupils from middle-class backgrounds. This study whilst underpinning the
need explore to educational inequalities in a social group hybrid model, also highlights how
social class has a more significant impact on influencing educational outcomes than gender
does. Whilst social class has been exhibited as holding more influence over educational
outcomes than gender; the command social class has over ethnicity is debateable.
Ethnicity More Important Than Social Class:
Findings from a longitudinal study of young ethnic minorities’ characteristics in England,
(Strand, 2007, p.8) found certain ethnic groups in extensive social and economic
disadvantaged circumstances. Pupils’ social class was plotted on a scale from low to high
using measures; head of pupils’ household occupied in professional or managerial profession
and head of household occupied in manual occupation. Pupils belonging to households

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headed by professionals were recorded as; white British 41%; black Caribbean 37%, Indians
26%, Pakistanis 15% and Bangladeshis 7%. These findings, based on Savage and Egerton’s
(1997) model and Bourdieu’s theory of social and cultural capital would suggest that these
ethnic groups, with households least likely to be headed by professional or managerial
workers, would scholastically underachieve. This is not the case however because although
black Caribbean students are portrayed as the highest minority group, their educational
achievement is of the lowest and has historically remained so. This point highlights that
whilst social class is an important factor in determining academic success, the relationship it
shares with ethnicity, produces inconsistent results. This notion suggests that differences in
educational attainment amongst the three social groups, social class; gender and ethnicity, can
be attributed to other non-social group related factors.
Understanding Academic Differences: Non-Social Group Factors
(2007, p.307) argues that exploring differences amongst social groups’ achievement levels,
must be done through exploring wider factors. She supports her view by critiquing the
taxonomy used to classify individuals into social classes. She states that first generation
immigrant ethnic minorities are unequally rendered a lower social class compared to the
white majority. She stresses that a significant proportion of minorities, upon migrating to
England, fell directly toward the lower end of the social class scale. The cause of this process
was partially to British employers failing to recognise skills from overseas and lack of work
experience of migrants. This material does not refute the use of social class in an inquiry but
does not advocate its sole use.
Importance of Findings:

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The literature review identified several issues which justifies this researching project.
Students have been identified as belonging to different sections of society which provide
them unique identities to associate with. These identities influence students differently and
are dependent on wider contextual factors. Each social group is divided into students whose
identity affects their educational outcomes more than others. The dissertation will look at
these groups to explore why this incidence occurs. Working-class, BME male students have
been identified as those most susceptible to being negatively affected by their identities in
relation to their academic achievement. Since their identities are formed by multiple
characteristics the most practical method to explore these students is to examine some neutral
factors. Parenting; social networks and school experiences have been chosen given the
literature analysis recognising school and non-school factors influencing students. Moreover
research tends to, when attempting to uncover influences affecting academic achievement,
focus on these three factors. (Coleman, 1988; Masten and Coatsworth, 1998). School
experiences will include both elements of teachers’ expectations of students and students’
own expectations of themselves in school.

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Parenting:
Parenting: Influencing Education
Parenting is a key influence in affecting students’ educational outcomes, since they
are the sole providers of resources, enabling children to achieve. The role of
parenting therefore has connotations of socioeconomic status (SES) attached to it.
(Waldfogel, 2009, p.21). Affluent families will therefore be more competent in
providing their children privileged forms of cultural capital like, private schooling and
extracurricular activities, (Boudon, 1974, cited in, Graaf, 2000, p.93) than poorer
families. Parents also make decisions which affect the social resources a child
receives. Choosing where the student lives and the school their child attends
subsequently affects the social capital available to their children like, the type of
peers children socialise with. More interactive child-parent relationships tend to
protect students from negative influences (Vialle et al, 2000, p.134) which may come
from a child’s peers. Parents’ SES therefore has an extensive effect on pupils’ lives.
(Luster and Okagaki, 2008, p.320). Parents’ income also determines level of cultural
resources provided to children; particularly important in influencing achievement
levels. It is these cultural resources that schools implicitly require of students to
succeed (Bourdieu, 1977, p.494), explaining differences in achievement by social
classes. Cultural capital, according to Bourdieu and Passeron (1990, p.87), plays a

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strong influence in progression or acquittal from the education system which helps to
explain underachievement amongst working-class pupils.
Gender:
Parents also play an important role in defining their children’s gender resulting in
them playing out gendered identities. (Butler, 1990, p.141). These identities remain
active throughout education via teacher-student relationships and result in differential
treatment throughout society. (Marini, 1990, p.109). Historically, girls have been
subject to more authoritarian parenting practices than their boys, ‘girls are expected
to be, taught to be, and rewarded for being quieter, more passive…than are boys’.
(Fox, 1977, p.809). Archer and Francis (2007, p.32) emphasise the problem this
form of cultivation has which is its attachment to power and hegemony. Recent
findings suggest this ‘tighter parental supervision… translates into more positive
educational attitudes and aspirations’, (Rampino and Taylor, 2013, p.11) explaining
the gender achievement gap. Rampino and Taylor (2013, pp.22-24) identified that
boys are sensitive to families lacking social and cultural capital, making them more
vulnerable to low SES than girls.
Social and Cultural Capital:
Research by Hartas (2008, pp.147-151) illustrated the importance of family SES on a
student’s experience of schooling. Joe, a boy with SEN from a middle-class family,
had parents with an abundance of social and cultural capital at their reach to
manipulate the education system for their own needs. These resources were
deciphered in their ability to test SEN strategies that opposed the needs-based

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models being tried at school focusing on a strengths-based one instead. Their
awareness of their rights allowed them greater control of what support their son was
exposed to at school.
Habitus: Attitudes and Disposition
Research on parenting and education support Bourdieu’s theory of habitus or
disposition; parental attitudes have been found to be crucial in influencing students’
engagement with schooling. The Association of School and College Leaders (ASCL,
2013) regard parenting as a key influence in children’s lives over teachers and the
school, given the small proportion of time spent in schools. Their research found
that found white working-class parents who had academically underachieved, carried
low academic expectations for their own child. Irwin and Elley’s (2013, pp.118-119)
interviews with working-class parents contradicts the notion of low expectations
attached to lower social class. This study identified working-class parents supporting
a view of ascending social mobility and mirroring middle class views of attending
university. The research did find a gendered difference in aspirations for sons but
mainly in cases where the father occupied a manual occupation. In some cases the
hardship of a parent’s job was provided as an impetus for parents to teach their
children to aspire higher and embed this notion into their children’s schoolwork. ‘I
want him to get a degree… have choices that I didn’t have and I want him to have a
career as opposed to a job’. (Irwin and Elley, 2013, p.123). The difficulties faced by
a working-class family here are seen to be positively transformed into higher desires
suggesting that the class position of working-class families is not alone, enough to
influence parents’ attitudes in these households. This finding is critical of Bourdieu’s
cultural transmission theory which assumes the social codes and cultural knowledge
possessed by parents will be diffused into their children’s generation. The only

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major difference between middle-class and working-class parental aspirations were,
ambitions were more structured and expected in the former and less so for the latter.
Harris and Goodall (2008) home in on this last point and highlight its relevance on
affecting students’ educational achievement. Their study found that students
reported the level of involvement their parents had was far more important than what
they did with them, this may help to explain the difference in GCSE grades between
working-class Indian and Chinese boys compared with black Caribbean boys. If
students reported that their parents were not overly concerned about their
performance in school, the lack of pressure would not pressure them into performing
well. An example to illustrate this point was bad behaviour going by unnoticed in the
home; the disregard to oblige with rules in the home, if any existed, meant poor
behaviour was likely to continue at school. Clearly this behaviour is contradictory to
that accepted in school helping to explain why black Caribbean exclusion rate is so
high (Clarke, 2013) and subsequently why their achievement is so low. The findings
also revealed that parent’s engagement with their children’s education was closely
associated with parents’ linguistic ability and SES. This does not explain why Indian
boys are one of the highest achieving ethnic groups. (Harris and Goodall, 2008, pp.
283-286).
Classed Employment:
Reay (2005, pp.107-109) has explored how the different natures of employment that
parents from different social classes were employed in, were also seen to play a
strong influence in affecting the disposition of parents. Her research found,
regardless of social class, more mothers than fathers were involved in children’s

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schoolwork. The degree of involvement mothers were able to exert however differed
by the different barriers each social class faced. Past maternal experiences were an
influential factor in how these mothers raised their children in relation to school. This
finding is consistent with Bourdieu’s theory of cultural transmission. The research
found a greater proportion of working-class than middle-class mothers, reported that
their own mothers were usually at work when they came home from school. These
figures indicate patterns of employment that did not correspond with the schedule of
the school day. This may be explained through other results which found working-
class women were more likely than middle-class women, to lack the financial and
emotional support of a male partner. Employment was therefore more likely to
burden the former more heavily. The lack of maternal support these working-class
mothers experienced were reproduced in their own children’s lives with many citing
similar barriers including difficult work patterns.
The sort of employment mothers did was also associated with the type of interaction
they had with their children. When asked about their roles as parents, working-class
mothers’ accounts referenced their role as practical and maintenance-based with
duties like cleaning, cooking and caring; much like their occupational roles. Middle-
class mothers’ responses combined both practical duties with study. Breakfast time
was spent both practically and academically; eating whilst doing music practice via a
listening method. (Reay, 2005, p.111). The social class-parenting comparison in
this study brings to light the differences in the practical nature and roles that parents
have in different classes; helping to explain why the cultivating effect of parenting in,
helping to educate and develop children, differs.
Gregg and Washbrook’s (2010, p.26) research supports Reay’s (2005) notion of
mothers’ employment and education affecting students’ education. They found that

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high achievement at age 11 tests were associated with mothers who valued their
own education. Students were more likely to do well if they had a role model who
had a positive experience of schooling themselves. Sammons et al (2014, p.22)
support the importance of maternal education affecting pupils’ education. They
found students with mothers with no qualifications were more likely to achieve on
average to achieve a grade D in both GCSE English and Maths. Pupils’ faith in their
ability to achieve and self-recognition of school results importance also attributed to
excelling at this age. Sammons et al (2014) stated that differences between
attitudes amongst different social classes, accounts for one third of achievement gap
at ages, 7 and 11. Reddy et al, (2005, p.128) supports this view and found high age
11 attainment was associated with students’ taking responsibility for their own
academic achievement; a quality encouraged more by middle-class families than
working-classes. This finding is supported by past research by Lareau (1987, pp.75-
77) who found schools serving mainly working-class students, compared to those
catering middle-class students, had parents who were less likely to comply with
teachers’ requests; these requests were likely to be related to homework, an
important aspect of academic progression.
Race Interacting with Social Class:
Through exploring the interactions between race and social class, Laruea and Horvat
(1999) found social class intertwining with race. Habitus and capital were seen as
the driving forces differently influencing these groups’ engagement with their
children’s school. Two black families with different SES backgrounds felt their
children’s schools were racist but responses differed along lines of disposition and
knowledge. The Irving’s, a black middle-class two parent family, monitored their

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daughter’s schoolwork; discussed the racism with other black teachers and through
their awareness of the education system, enrolled her onto an academically gifted
programme. This theme of middle-class black families strategically managing racism
in education was found again by Lareau, (1999, pp.760-763). This study also found
a black middle-class family sceptical of race relations in school. The family did not
discuss these views with their child to avoid children viewing this as a barrier to
achieve. On the other hand, Ms. Caldron an unemployed lone parent had a negative
outlook of the school but did not manage the problem with the school or her son
since she lacked knowledge of who her son’s teachers was; which group he was in
and who else she could speak to this issue about. The Mason’s, a black working-
class family found, like the Irving’s, that the school did focus enough attention to
black matters but unlike the Irving’s; their response was directly aimed at the school
which pushed teachers further away from the family. The Mason’s daughter had
received an end-of-year grade higher than she had actually achieved so teachers
would not be confronted with a hostile meeting with the family.
Two white working-class families on the other hand the Carsons and the Jennings,
were in conflict with the teachers’ issue of detentions and their view of their child’s
poor performance. These experiences were limited to the teacher and not the whole
school which indicates that unlike white working-class families, black families’
experiences of school are produced from race and social class. This is verified
through observing the two white families and their reaction to the teacher and not the
whole school.
Does Social Class Matter Over Race?

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Bodovski’s (2010, pp.147-153) findings develop on this notion of interaction and
found race had more impact than SES in a context of concerted cultivation; ‘the ways
in which class infuses social practices and shapes likely outcomes’. (Irwin and Elley,
2011, pp.480-481). The study found more white than black children enrolled on
extracurricular activities and were taken on family educational outings which would
contribute to their cultural capital. This aspect of acquiring culture is contestable
since it focuses on narrow sources, attending a baseball game argue Laruea and
Horvat, (1999) would still instil culture albeit not in a traditionally academic sense.
The study, controlling influence of SES, found black families despite holding
relatively high aspirations for their children, were still less likely to enrol children in
activities or increase interaction with children. The lack of participation in these
extracurricular activities may have been recognised as a parental attempt to help
their children avert racism within these contexts. Other explanations come from the
type of relationship different races and classes, have with the school. Lareau (1987,
p.79) identified those with poor relations with schools viewing their interaction with
the school as independent not interdependent; school provided the learning, sports
and recreation was found elsewhere.
Another factor helping to explain black families’ lack of engagement with their
children comes from the higher chance, 41% of lone parenthood compared with 13%
of white families. This mirrors Irwin and Elley’s (2013) finding, linking a lack of
emotional and financial support with a lesser degree of parental engagement. This
connection between these two works suggests that the structure of the family is just
as important factor than the characteristics of the family, in respect to parental
engagement with children’s education.

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In addition Strand (2014, pp.147-150) found despite all BME groups living in greater
poverty than white students, household factors helped BME students achieve in the
face of SES deprivation. These factors, provision of computers; quarrel-free homes,
parental monitoring, dual parent family structure and entrenched expectations to
continue education after legally required, mirror those features present in a middle-
class home. Many black Caribbean shared some of these features but their
achievement after controlling SES was still low, suggesting SES affects these
students more than other BME. Greater susceptibility of SEN; higher absence from
school, more contact with police and greater levels of truancy may explain this. Non-
Black Caribbean students however do not achieve proportionately better in spite of
their similarity to middle-class households. BME’s in low, average and high SES
were all, compared with their respective white counterparts, as underachieving. This
implies that positive contextual factors that BME’s possess do not provide them
equivalent status academically.
Ethnic-Gender Socialisation:
This study also identified trends of race interacting with gender in relation to the
degree of concerted cultivation exerted by parents onto their children. Overall, girls
more than boys, were expected to achieve high grades and were focused on more in
activities concerning concerted cultivation. This trend was not the same for African-
American families whom placed more emphasis on their sons’ activities than
daughters’. This may be explained through these families acknowledging the
various risks present in young black boys’ lives (Noguera, 2003, pp.435-437) and
that stimulating these boys’ minds can be a strategy in offsetting negative influences
from peers’ response to academic interests. (Fordham, 1996, p. 12; Ogbu, 1990, p.

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29). Research on childrearing (Lareau and Horvat, 1999, pp.761-763) found these
gender-race and parental engagement patterns changing once social class was
observed. Both boys and girls from black white working-class families spent their
free time informally, playing with siblings or in the streets whereas middle-class
families orchestrated this time. Furthermore, the study found both black and white
working-class household behaviour lacked depth in verbal interaction, helping to
explain why working-class families failed to appropriately raise issues they had with
their children’s school. Moreover, the research found that both black and white
working-class families felt distrustful towards schools and other official institutions
suggesting class is more influential than race in respect to trusting authority.
Bodovski’s (2010) study must be acknowledged critically in respect to uncovering
explanations for black Caribbean underachievement since the study was based in
America and the sample of black students were African-American. The difference in
migratory history will be discussed later to reflect back on this point.
Family: Interactions within Ethnicity
The last section explored various aspects of parenting through a classed perspective
to identify factors which may explain why socioeconomically disadvantaged students
underachieve academically. The results were indicative of social classes interacting
with wider issues like practical matters embedded in their lifestyles; the influences of
social and cultural reproduction were matters of contested debate. Despite
aspirations for children differing on the source of knowledge or the degree of
certainty, parents from both classes were highly supportive in their child’s education.
The importance of these findings means, the widely varying levels of
underachievement in the BME group between black Caribbean and Indian or

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Chinese students, may be explained through factors which each interact with
differently. The importance of ethnicity and educational outcomes in the UK came to
light in the 1985 Swann Report which identified pupils of West Indian origin as
underachieving and Asian pupils as either parallel to or exceeding, the white majority.
(Swann, 1985, pp.63-64). These findings correspond with recent data (Easby, 2014)
which identifies these two minority groups representing opposite sides of the
attainment spectrum.
Migratory History:
Indians, Chinese and black Caribbean students collectively represent ethnicities
which have at some point in history travelled to the UK for employment purposes.
These groups’ experiences are however not collective, each of them holds a different
‘tapestry of cultural, linguistic and historical experiences… developed within specific
socio-historic’ (Rassool, 2010, p.26) settings. These different patterns of cultural
history were seen in this study to have an effect on students in different ways
dependent on students’ gender and race. The Windrush generation represents the
first set of migrants immigrating in the UK after World War 2 consisting of
predominantly African-Caribbean people; encouraged to come to the UK to fill gaps
in the UK labour market. Whilst African-Caribbean people were willing to come to
the UK their travelling history was heavily influenced by the negative experiences of
colonialism and slavery. This point is relevant to the earlier criticism of Bodovski’s
(2010) study on African-American students holding a different cultural history to the
African-Caribbean immigrants settling in the UK. Whereas the latter group were
specifically invited, the former had been geographically displaced as a direct result of

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slavery. The history of immigration is likely to have an effect on individuals’ actions
and dispositions towards its displacer’s institutions.
African-Caribbean’s, upon arriving in the UK, the support from the host nation toward
those leaving their homes in the Caribbean and elsewhere was symbolically revoked,
as the incidences of overt racism; prejudice and violence against foreigners became
increasingly common. The concept of racism, the study found, was an influential
factor in encouraging BME students to attend schools which had a high BME
population and subsequently in many cases were underachieving schools. Others
like second generation immigrant students; those whose parents arrived i n the UK
first, were although still experiencing racism albeit in mainly covert forms,
internalised racism by attending whiter schools. First generation students attending
high BME populated schools in order to immunise them from societal racism, can be
seen to be at a greater level of risk from underachieving at school than those
attending white majority schools. (Rassool, 2010, p.30).
This notion of different migration backgrounds has been found on a micro scale too
by Gillborn et al (2012, pp162-163) whereby families living in deprived
neighbourhoods were seen as lacking high aspirations for their children because
they did not want them to experience failure. Families who had newly arrived in
these deprived areas however were seen to hold middle-class values demonstrated
in their high expectations for children.
This section found that the degree of involvement parents had with their children did not
differ significantly across classes but outcomes were affected by what parents able to offer
were based on their own experiences of education and capital. This analysis highlighted the
importance of examining other factors which introduces the next topic in this dissertation,
school experiences.

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School Experiences and Social Networks
Following on from the previous chapter on the interactions that occur between
students’ social class; gender and ethnicity in the family context, the analysis now
moves onto observing these interactions in the school setting. The motive for
examining school based factors comes from the aim of painting the most
comprehensive picture, in the time limit set, of the experiences the subject group. In
this section the analysis encompasses school-based influences; teacher
expectations and social networks.
A social network refers to the ‘structure of relationships linking social actors’.
(Marsden 2000, cited in, Borgatta and Montgomery, p.2727). Since the family
network has already been discussed; this section will focus on students’ peers, who
they may depend on for social and emotional support. The characteristics of the
social network are significant since these people act as role models or sources of
advice for the student who may influence their decision making on. Peers are
greatly influential in this period of youth, since this time in a young person’s life is
process defined as a, powerful struggle from dependence to independence.
(Greenberg et al, 1983, p.374). The strive for greater individuality amongst youth
means peers are regarded influential throughout childhood; they become the primary
‘source of casual information a child receives outside of the home and… form a
relatively equal comparison’ for young people. (Vialle et al, 2000, p.134). Peers

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represent an additional layer of social capital and can symbolise an influential factor
in determining achievement levels. The characteristics of students’ peers in terms of
their behaviours and attitudes are important in either encouraging or discouraging
them in achieve well in education. (Crosnoe and Cavanagh, 2003, pp.333-334).
Examining this important group may uncover causes of underachievement amongst
the subject group.
Theoretical Analysis of Social Networks: Pierre Bourdieu and Social Capital
Pierre Bourdieu is responsible for the theorisation of capital in the field of Sociology.
Bourdieu argues that aside from possessing economic capital, two other forms of
capital; social and cultural, are able to explain how dominant classes preserve their
superior position within society. These forms of capital for the purpose of analysis
can be divided into two branches; the availability of a relationship that affords an
individual access to resources controlled by their acquaintance and quantity and
quality of the resources available. (Jong, 2010, p.20). The use of social capital,
Bourdieu argues, in a parental perspective enables class inequalities to remain intact.
Advantaged groups utilise their powerful parents’ resources to achieve upward social
mobility whilst disadvantaged groups remain uninformed and are vulnerable to being
misguided. (Bourdieu, 1986). In a peer-based perspective, the network of relations
an individual belongs to are the results of an individual’s investment tactics intended
to reproduce the relationship through methods of illustrating loyalty and uniformity.
(Szeman and Kaposy, 2011, p.87). This may help to explain how certain social
groups underachieve scholastically because the peer group they associate with are
mutually in conflict with education. If this is the case, it would be assumed that

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educationally underachieving peer groups would celebrate their underachievement
and normalise it as a standard for all group members or face ejection from the group.
Peers and Working Class Students’ Education
The influence of peers as a significant source of support for young people can be
positive in influencing adolescents to be motivated and engaged about school
though it may also exert a negative impact. (Goodenow, 1993, p.24). This
recognition of a social network as stimulating negative emotions and actions in
students’ lives is a vital point to acknowledge when examining the effects the
networks have, on different social groups. This notion is relevant since, as observed
previously, certain social groups possess specific tendencies and mechanisms that
innately stimulate them toward attaining a high or low attainment trajectory.
Starting with social class, it has been identified that pupils from lower SES
backgrounds are directed by expectations and attitudes of peers earlier on in their
development, to aspire to leave compulsory schooling swiftly for entry level
employment. (Robertson and Hillman, 1997, p.40) This type of influence may
discourage students from working class backgrounds from acquiring a good number
of GCSE’s above the minimum grade C required, since academic achievement is
perceived by the student and their peers as, non-compulsory in gaining employment.
Students usually choose their peers based on similar characteristics they find in their
peers. Those that identify themselves as working class or in a similar sense, in the
context of education, as low achievers; are likely to affiliate with peers of similar
characteristics. (Ryan, 2000, p.102).

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Peers and Male Students’ Education
‘The peer group has been identified as a major influence in boys’ lives… and social
relationships at school’; (Lingard, 2009, p.150) peers are therefore an influential
factor in determining boys’ educational outcomes. This statement is supported by
Paul Willis’ ethnographic study on a male student peer group and their attitudes
towards school. The study, based on a sample of 12 schoolboys connected by
‘friendship links and membership of… an oppositional culture’, (1977, p.4)
highlighted how boys’ social networks are formed around their loyalty to one another
through their mutual interests, or in this case; disinterests in school. It is important to
note however that the sample of students in this ethnographic study were all
working-class and only compromised of 12 students. This means that male peer
networks do not always negatively influence educational outcomes; discrepancies
occur between the characteristics of the groups’, social class and ethnic makeup.
Moreover, Willis’ study lacks quantitative representativeness, since the number of
students chosen to participate in the research was so small.
Nevertheless, peer influence on male students is evidently strong, (Lingard, 2009)
Walker, (1988, p.125) found that boys who were seen by their peers as studious,
were subsequently seen as feminine and lacking control over their lives. The
prospective of being viewed by one’s peers as, academic, is likely to be avoided.
This is because, as Willis identified, being academic meant conforming to a certain
way of life and as Epstein (1998, p.97) found, being studious had attached to it,
connotations of illustrating homosexuality. Francis’ research (1999, p.366) has
documented that competition is a factor in explaining why boys reject school for
more masculine activities like football or weight lifting. The consequences include,
boys dropping out of the education system, in fear of failure to prevent them being

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portrayed as losers, in a competitive arena like academia. Younger et al (1999,
p.335) identified this notion of fearing failure in class as, able to explain boys’
disruptive behaviour in class; a response to both not understanding classwork and
their incapability of help seeking; perceived by boys as feminine.
School Experiences: Influence of Teachers and School on Students
Having considered how social networks affect educational outcomes in working class
minority ethnic males, it is now appropriate to analyse how school experiences
determine educational outcomes across these three social groups. The final factor
compromises of school-based influences which are highly significant since a
student’s educational outcomes are not only measured but cultivated within the
school setting. The various experiences faced within this setting are therefore
crucial in affecting students’ results. (Rockstroh, 2013, p.3). There are various
facets of the school experience which affect different social groups’ attainment
including location of school; pedagogic practices and student-teacher relationships.
As discussed earlier the three groups relevant to this analysis respectively possess
characteristics which make them more vulnerable than other groups in attaining at a
lower level. The recognition of this point means there are problems embedded
within the school system that do not comply with these groups’ characteristics.
Ethnic Influence on Gender in School:
Archer (2003, pp.148-153) found through interviews that masculinity in schools was
seen affected by ethnicity. She found Muslim boys, through their religious views,
were actively able to change their stereotypical label of a passive, quiet and
repressed group in school. (Webster, 2007, p.137; Archer, 2003, p.33). The Muslim

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boys in this study displayed inverse stereotypical traits like forcefulness;
assertiveness and strength, in a collective manner. Although the subject matter was
controversial, the issue of Salman Rushdie, it still exhibited how this male peer group
was stringently based on mutual feelings. Their hostile views on this subject were
translated in their actions towards British aspects of school, resulting in sometimes
disruptive behaviour. The impetus for others in the group to follow this trend derived
from Islam’s principle of men as brothers who should act and respond collectively.
Muslim girls on the other hand were seen to display a sentiment of assimilation
which was displayed in their conforming behaviour at school. The findings from the
interviews, given the religious circumstances, may have been assumed as socially
desirable answers; answers which fitted in with the values of the group. This is
disputed however since the boys were responding over one another, suggesting
their feelings were mutual. It was also found that the boys were more sensitive than
girls, to the experience of racism; this may help to explain low achievement amongst
Bangladeshi and Pakistani students, connected by their religion.
These findings of boys being more sensitive to racism were echoed in Crosnoe and
Cavanagh’s (2003, pp.342-345) research. They found despite a high value placed
on education by African American male students, their contact with overt forms of
racism at school led them to like education less. On the other hand, Archer and
Francis (2005, p.391) found Chinese pupils in Britain experienced more open and
frequent forms of racism at school but their educational experience was unscathed
by it. The difference in these responses to racism may be attributed to different
experiences in each groups’ migratory history; the former group’s migration had
connotations of oppression attached to it whereas Chinese migration has historically
been primarily economically related. Moreover, the racism Chinese pupils

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experienced were widely different to that faced by black Caribbean students; the
former were labelled more positively in an educational sense as, geeks the latter
seen as underachieving. Clearly the content of racism can be seen to produce
different effects on students’ views of education. This study also compared with
Archer’s (2003) study where two Chinese boys were seen acting in a similar sense
to the Muslim boys; acting out inverse stereotypical behaviour. This highlights how
some Chinese students rebel against their pigeonholed identities which the study
identified as passive and reserved, regardless of gender.
Working-Class Experiences of Teachers and School
The first social group in the analysis of school experiences affecting educational
outcomes is social class, in particular working class students. Working class
students belong to families with low SES backgrounds which means there are is an
array of home-based factors which prevent these students from performing well
academically. (Leicester, 1991, p.19). These influences are however caused mainly
by structural problems like a lack of material and cultural resources; schools on the
other hand are regarded an institutional influence and are much more manageable in
correcting. Working class underachievement has been widely attributed to
underachieving schools, (Perry and Francis, 2010, p.2) since many poorly
performing schools are located in underprivileged locations; populated by mainly low
income, working class families. Schools are innately middle class organisations,
their philosophy; expectations and methodology all adhere to values held by middle
class households. Teachers are in direct control of categorising students and are
therefore able to position students where they think the student will do best. This is
theoretically stereotypical and it has been empirically (Douglas, 1964, p.) shown that

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teachers have been seen to direct students from manual backgrounds to lower
academic sets and students representative of middle class virtues, to higher sets.
Teachers Views and Treatment of Working-Class Students:
Dunne and Gazeley’s (2008, pp.455-458) research via in-depth interviews with Year
9 school teachers revealed evidence which connects teachers stereotyping students’
achievement levels, based on a student’s social class. One example of this
stereotypical viewpoint which affected a students’ teaching was, two pupils; pupil 11
a middle-class underachiever and pupil 12 a working-class high achiever, the
strategy deemed most suitable for the two was, extended work and entry to a lower
tier exam, respectively. These classed judgements are supported by other
information provided by a separate teacher’s view of social class differentials;
Teacher L identified middle-class parents as respecting schools and teachers, with
the reverse true about working-class parents. This supporting material explains the
strategies deemed appropriate for pupil 11, since teachers view working class
parents as less likely to be content with extra work being burdened upon them by
undesired figures of authority; it may seem necessary to instead enter working-class
students into low tier exams. This strategy may also be deemed appropriate
because, as Teacher A identified, working-class households are less involved or
supportive with school hence extended work may be a wasted option. Another
example of classed judgements by teachers was the case of a working-class student
who was found to be underachieving against age-related cognitive aptitude scores
but whose teachers regarded this as not concerning. This was supported by several
teachers identifying lack of concentration and disruptive behaviour as a cause of
underachievement for working-class students and not a result of underperformance.

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Contrasting from Rockstroh’s (2013) belief that schools and teachers were
significantly influential in affecting students’ outcomes, this research found teachers
‘tended to locate the causes of working-class underachievement beyond their sphere
of influence, in the pupils or their homes’. (Dunne and Gazeley, 2008, p.461). It
should be noted however that not all students in this sample who were
underperforming were categorised as working-class. In addition, the ethnicity of the
sample was largely white which affords the investigation’s later analysis on an
ethnicity and school experiences, an appropriate comparison.
Another research study interviewing graduates’ memories of school work experience
corresponds with Dunne and Gazeley’s (2008) research relating to how teachers
have made decisions on classed assumptions. Here Neilson and McNally (2010,
pp.10-12) identified how students who were high achievers were discouraged by
their school and teachers to pursue work experience that teachers categorised as,
unskilled and which did not require high level qualifications. The researchers noted
however that discouragement for occupations like nursing for instance, were not
classed judgements but instead these placements would be, due to the school’s
limited funding and knowledge, confined to general social work and not in specialist
settings. A similar investigation interviewing school students identified how high
achievers were able to call upon their social capital to acquire more professional
placements that schools were unable to acquire. (Hillage et al, 2001, p.vii).
Waller et al (2012, pp.334-335) found school students from low SES backgrounds
were found to be reliant on relatively little knowledge compared to middle-class
students. In addition, when they had failed at acquiring their desired work
experience, irrelevant and unchallenging contingency placements were assigned to
them by the school. (Waller et al, 2012, pp.334-335).

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Mac an Ghaill (1988, p.41) found the construction of black students as a problematic
group, came from some teachers’ views of how British imperialism had changed with
the influx of immigrants. This process gradually produced characterisations for other
groups like conformist Asians; these descriptions would act as frameworks to base
differential treatment of various students.
SES Importance in Ethnicity:
Strand (2011, pp.199-204) states that SES patterns for ethnic groups may explain
why they underachieve compared to the majority but SES cannot explain
achievement differences between ethnic minorities. These patterns count 20% of
white British families living in poverty compared to 65% of Bangladeshi and 75% of
black Africans; average SES was lower for all BME groups than whites’ SES. Since
all BME groups are in low SES positions and that the ethnic achievement gap
accounts for only one-third of the SES gaps, achievement differences amongst BME
students cannot be explained by SES. By controlling BME social backgrounds, the
relative underachievement compared to white students reduced by 80% for
Pakistanis; 66% for black Africans but only 25% for black Caribbean. This finding is
inconsistent with the data since this final group were not markedly different in SES
and parental expectations compared with white students. The lack of SES value in
this ethnic analysis is demonstrated again when results identified Indians, belonging
to low income and deprived families, at age 11 and 14 assessments pulled far ahead
of any other ethnic group whilst black Caribbean’s fell further behind.
Strand (2014, pp.81-84) argues that SES is not a factor that can explain ethnic
achievement gaps between British white and black Caribbean students. His study

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identified trends in achievement which can be linked to the unfair arrangements in
school assessments. The study identified 12% of white British students achieving
level 7 at age 14 tests, the highest grade at this stage but only 5% of black
Caribbean’s managed to achieve this. These low figures explained by teacher bias;
46% of white British students were enrolled on higher tier papers compared to 28%
of black Caribbean students, bringing to light the stereotypical view of the ability of
some students compared to others. On average Pakistani and black Caribbean
students were 50% less likely to sit higher tier papers; a decision made by the class
teacher. Further evidence negating SES as an important factor in the context of
ethnicity comes from controlling SES to examine the independent effects of ethnicity.
Black Caribbean’s were still underrepresented in higher tier papers but black
Africans and Indians, despite being overrepresented in the low SES group, were
excelling higher than their average SES achievement levels. Strand (2014, p.89)
draws on the high rate of school-exclusion for black Caribbean’s, average likeliness
is 2 to 2.5 times more than any other ethnic group, stating that these statistics are
likely to have affected teachers’ views of these students’ ability.
Middle-Class: Protection From Racism?
Gillborn et al, (2012, pp.129-133) found from interviews that black middle-class
parents, reported feelings of distrust when meeting with white teachers at parents
evenings. These meetings would consist of teachers telling parents how well their
children were doing but not informing them of any negative issues or ways to
improve. Parents’ view of teachers was that they were contempt with their children’s
performance as long as they were not disruptive. This view was supported by how
minor incidences of disruptive behaviour from these parents’ children, were labelled

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as troublesome. This study is representative of race intersecting with social class.
Here the middle-class status for these black families in terms of their cultural capital;
financial freedom and high aspirations, does not provide them immunity from
educational disadvantage. This is because the disadvantage can be seen
embedded inside the system, not out. Here, race can be seen more of an issue than
SES, especially looking at these parents’ professions which are situated in the
highest band. Adding the harsh experiences of racism felt by these parents coupled
with their high aspirations for their children, the findings from this study and Strand’s,
(2014) suggest that, race is more influential than SES, in the context of school.
Lareau and Horvat (1999, pp.42-43) found through interviews with teachers that they
only welcomed a narrow form of parental involvement; parents most liked by
teachers were those compliant with their judgements. This provides an alternate
explanation for why the black middle-class parent did not share a close relationship
with the teacher. This parent was seen as defensive based on her racial disposition
towards education but her social class was not a factor contributing to her being liked.
Boys Experiences of Teachers and the School Setting:
Boys who exemplify their commitment to education studying and achievement are
also simultaneously showing their peers their inferiority and lack of masculinity.
(Walker, 1988, p.125). A male student who wishes to assert his masculinity must
therefore subscribe to a culture of destructive assertiveness; a culture which innately
discards the conformity and composed nature of schooling. The pressure for
schoolboys to present themselves as resistant figures at school may help explain
their underperformance in education. Whilst Willis’ (1977) study identified boys’

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resistance to school as a working-class problem, Epstein (1998, p.97) found that
some middle-class boys also presented characteristics of resisting school culture.
This finding illustrates the notion that resisting school values is a male problem
regardless of social class. The study did however identify that middle-class boys
illustrated tendencies of losing this anti-school trait towards the final and most
important stages of compulsory schooling.
This section developed on from the first by analysing how school experiences affect
different social groups and what this meant for social theory in education. It also
brought to light what the subject group’s lived experiences are and the variations
existent within these groups. Moreover, research into teachers’ treatment of
students from BME and working-class backgrounds coupled with the view of boys as
problems, sets the stage for the final analysis.

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Looking Forward: Policy
Having examined the various problems facing working-class BME boys in education, this
section will discuss the effectiveness of current policy aimed at rectifying these issues. This
analysis ought to find that policy is aware of these problems. Illuminating gaps in policy may
help to explain the underachievement amongst this group. Policy is considered the
‘guidelines that determine how one should proceed given a particular set of circumstances’.
(Bell and Stevenson, 2006, p.14). Effective education policy requires knowing where
disadvantage arises from; institutions or society. (Percy-Smith, 2000, p.60). Social policy
focuses on both, in the objective of defeating disadvantage across several matters including
education. Policy has therefore been a concern for multiple government departments not just
the DFE. Acknowledging social problems as interdependent and requiring collective
strategies (Riddell and Tett, 2001, p.16) refers to joint-up policy making.
Helping out at Home: SES, Parenting and Relationships:
Both chapters highlighted the significance family backgrounds had on students’ achievement.
(Percy-Smith, 2000, p.61). One policy aimed to mitigate in these circumstances is the
entitlement to Free School Meals; (FSM) alleviating financial burdens for low income parents.
Sahota et al (2013) found FSM was an ineffective policy since its use required parents to be
aware of its presence. Leeds City Council found low literacy levels and weak parent-school
relationships excluding some low income and BME parents from FSM. The study was
‘indicative of wider weaknesses in terms of parenting styles and approaches’, (Sahota et al,

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2013, p.1274) hindering effectiveness of policy. In order to increase FSM uptake amongst
disadvantaged families the study advocated improving parent-school relationships.
Effectiveness of Home-Schools Nexus:
Strengthening home-school relationships have aimed to bridge the gap between schools and
families. New Labour emphasised communitarian social justice through bringing people
together, within institutions. Building home-school relationships was thought to help
students better achieve, since all parties would be focused on students’ success. (Bull, 2009,
p.144).
The solutions to improve policy effectiveness are not as simple in practice. Hartas (2011)
found little difference across socioeconomic groups with respect to parental engagement in
children’s education. Parents’ education levels and income did not affect commitment and
involvement these families exerted. Despite all backgrounds being actively engaged in
child’s learning, this did not ‘reduce inequality in children’s language/literacy and social
development’. (Hartas, 2011, p.909). Policy aimed at increasing parental involvement is
therefore overly simplistic. Students with highly educated parents may excel in literacy
ability because their families use sophisticated language; immerse in more home discussion
and may be provided more intense academic provision at home than at school. Implementing
a uniform policy to improve literacy does not simply improve equality educational outcomes
(Bates et al, 2011, pp.119-120). Providing school choice and opportunities for involvement
in school management are good ways to tighten the home-school nexus but may do nothing
to rectify the inequality in achievement. (Brown and Riddell, 1992, p.21: Hartas, 2011).
Helping Boys:

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Structural changes in 20th century UK, led to occupational displacements affecting mainly
working-class men. This insecurity in the labour market (Arnot et al, 1999; McDowell, 2011;
Jones, 2011, p.36) trickled down to impacting working-class boys. As future aspirations
lowered, so too did their academic achievement. (Chitty, 2004, pp.242-243). Despite a
significant achievement gender gap emerging, ‘gender equality in education has rarely been
on the UK government policy agenda’. (Arnot et al, 2001, p.207). Gender equality in
education was initially focused on girls through the Equal Pay Act 1970 and Sex
Discrimination Act 1975. These policies were mainly aimed at ensuring women were treated
equally to men, policy did not recognise the changing needs for males. By the late 20th
century, the failing boys (Epstein, 1998) discourse did shift attention towards male
underachievement but it was largely negative. Partly responsible for this is neoliberal
political ideology; focusing on human capital and value; (Mills et al, 2009, p.37) making
boys’ underachievement, a problem.
Helping or Hampering Boys:
Policy which focuses on individual responsibility has tended to naturalise boys’
underachievement and view them as problems; throughout social policy males are associated
with joblessness, criminality and delinquency. School failure has been regarded as an
individual’s unwillingness to succeed. (Mills et al, 2009, pp.48-49). Policy ought to rectify
social problems based on research-based visions; acknowledging epistemology or knowledge
in the field (OECD, 2007, p.151) to ensuring maximum effectiveness.
Ideology over epistemology in education policy has been discussed by Francis, (2006,
pp.188-191). Until the late 1990’s certain student groups were seen as problems since they
floundered in the face of mass opportunities. Bauman (2005, p.77) notes how this

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policymaker philosophy was illogical. He states that although opportunities provided did not
fully rectify achievement levels, this does not mean opportunities were ignored, it means the
policy was not effective in recognising wider issues. The issues were not all male centric but
involved problems facing BME and working-class students.
Race Policy: A BME Problem?
Recent governments have promoted recruiting more BME male teachers in an attempt to
curtail these groups’ continuing academic underachievement since teachers are highly
influential in affecting attainment. (Rockstroh, 2013, p.3). 75% of teachers are male, leading
many to argue schools are primarily feminine settings. (Education Standards Analysis &
Research Division, 2011, p.1). Francis’ (2006) poor boy paradigm explaining male
underachievement through feminisation of school was echoed by Australian House of
Representatives Standing Committee on Education and Training. (HRSCET, 2002, p.2).
They developed this point by highlighting how low male presence at home and school has
reduced role models for male students. Empirical evidence supporting racial and gender
disproportionalities in school comes from the REACH Report; (2007) directly impacting
upon policymaking. Recruiting these groups is thought to improve ties between these groups
and schools, reducing the sentiment of alienation. (Hunte, 2004). The programme is also
thought to challenge negative black Caribbean identities of gangsters; criminals and street
people. Maylor (2009, pp.11-14) found the effectiveness of this role model policy was
affected by migratory history. One first-generation migrant teacher, who experienced
hardship growing up, did not recognise a need to empathise with migrant pupils but did
encourage a strong work ethic instead. Black male teachers recognised a need to be role
models but as a by-product of their race and gender and because their white colleagues
expected this of them. One black female teacher reported that being black was inadequate in

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preventing black students, especially boys, from underachieving whilst another descendent
from Jamaica felt it necessary to sympathise with pupils. Sewell (2004, p.15) accepts the
former teacher’s critique, stating boys’ underachievement is attributed to the feminisation of
education not the lack of black teachers. Moreover, the latter response may have resulted
from the largely negative experience Caribbean students experience throughout their
schooling hence a need for this teacher to cushion this experience for her pupils. The study
highlights how some teachers do not expect to be role models for their students regardless of
their race or gender, contesting policy aimed at doing so. Crosnoe and Cavanagh (2003,
p.335) state that African Americans’ disenfranchisement from labour market and society have
led them to downplay importance of achievement; changing elements of the school might not
be an effective tool in rectifying that. Moreover, Ashley and Lee (2003, pp.129-133)
contested that primary school teachers posed as subordinate mothers, refuting calls for
increasing male primary school teachers and the poor boys discourse. The curriculum was
however viewed a problem. Music and sport were subjects marginalised to after-school time;
reducing the significance of achieving in these areas. Again inviting male sports qualified
teachers were not seen as adequate interventions since girls were found to be critical of the
lack of sport offered in school.
Effectiveness of Neo-Liberal Policyː
This notion is reflective of the underlying problem neo-liberal policy has, by aiming to
improve disadvantaged children’s achievement, naturally ignores their material and cultural
deficits (Bourdieu 1984) required for them to achieve. This policy model hypothesises that
giving disadvantaged students, assets owned by advantaged students’, achievement gaps can
be narrowed. Without resolving inequalities faced by classes in their access to opportunity,
(Hartas, 2011) the prospects of increasing social mobility. (Brown, 2013, pp.681-683).

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Gewirtz’s (2010, p.273) observed this notion with several New Labour policies. Attempting
to socialise working-class parents through improving their disposition to education was
ineffective since problems with habitus were rooted in inequalities in society. Policies ‘both
deliberately and by default… increasingly favoured groups already privileged’, (Tomlinson,
2005, p.165) because working-classes possessed limited resources to fully maximise use of
these opportunities. School funding policy was seen to reproduce social inequalities. Poor
performing schools, consisting of mainly working-class families, (Noden, 2000, pp.372-373)
were likely to remain poorly resourced because of performance. No amount of policy aimed
at bettering parenting can mitigate in these circumstances. Some wider issues like income
inequality and lack of social and cultural capital have however been countered by policies
like Working Families Tax Credit, New Deal for Communities and national minimum wage.
The main critique of neo-liberal policy reflects the illogical nature of policy which ignores
barriers faced by individuals to make the most of opportunities. Market competition restricts
educational reform impact because social mobility is the problem not solution since neo-
liberal policy cannot resolve wider social inequalities.
Improving Policyː
Improving disadvantaged students’ educational outcomes appears to be more feasible from
working at a micro level in schools as oppose to a macro level aiming to fix structural
inequalities. Mac an Ghaill (1988, p.41) draw on this notion by advocating school-based
policies reflecting back on the high school-exclusion rate of black Caribbean students. He
advocates implementing, conflict resolution policies to mitigate between demands of school
and conflicting culture of these students. These programmes are characterised by traits of
active listening; acceptance of differences and formulation of strategies to move forward.

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The need for student assimilation (Archer, 2003) in preventing disruptions in school can be
seen to act negatively against black boys who are essentially being asked to relinquish their
cultural values. Amending the curriculum to articulate in greater depth and frequency,
accounts of black culture and history, would help to fill the gap of culture in the education
system. Asking the school to fulfil this task for each ethnic background is however a big
demand that, given the finite time and resources would be unlikely to achieve.
Discussion:
The final section in this dissertation evaluated policy interventions to rectify problems faced
in education by different students. The importance of recruiting more male BME teachers
has been contested since the feelings behind providing a more BME, gendered representative
teacher pool, is not a mutual feeling these teachers share. The omission of students’ views in
these studies however means this policy approach cannot be ignored. Moreover, the
complexity involved to correct structural inequalities has been acknowledged by governments
by using Neo-liberal joint-up policymaking to lessen the negative effects, wider factors have
on students’ educational outcomes. Examples that demonstrate this ideology is, WTC; New
Deal, Welfare to Work and Surestart.
Next, the findings have mapped out a variety of working-class BME males’ school
experiences and have demonstrated that these differentiate by more than class, gender and
social class. Instead experiences depend on how strongly a student associates themselves
with each identity and how wider influences like peer groups and parents reinforce these
associations.
Finally, the findings suggest that Bourdieu’s concepts of explaining, class; race and
gendered academic underachievement are useful in explaining how different students achieve

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at different levels. The concept of capital was at first, perceived as an incomplete cause but
wide attainment discrepancies between Indian and Chinese students, compared with black
Caribbean, brought the importance of habitus to the forefront. The different nature students
have, based on the parental involvement; family support and migratory history, highlighted
the importance of habitus.
Conclusion:
This dissertation aimed to explore the importance, interactions between working-
class BME boys had on, theories attempting to explain educational disparity. It also
aimed to draw out the experiences these groups have in schools and finally the
effectiveness of current and potential policy interventions to rectify issues. The last
section discussed the findings from these questions. To summarise, the research
found degree of parental involvement does not differ much across groups.
Outcomes are however determined by students’ perception of themselves in
education and how parents and peers reinforce these identities; quantity of social
and cultural capital helped shape identity. Peers are influential in affecting students’
view of education but they are less important than parental influence. This was
found to be because of the high dependency children have on their parents’
resources.
If this research were to be conducted again, there are several issues which ought to
be addressed. The examination of three social groups against two factors was found
to be a difficult task to perform. The complexity involved and level of workload
required to analyse each of these factors became apparent when writing up the
dissertation. Choosing one social group and exploring the different factors

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influencing achievement would still provide an in-depth investigation but prevent a
complex and difficult investigation. Admittedly, the consequences of this complex
investigation meant intersections between groups interacting in education, was not
properly focused on. This dissertation did however bring to light that students
construct their identities through several sources; that they gain their identity from
and what is offered to them, will help determine their educational outcome. Classes
alone are certainly not complete methods in defining outcomes.
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