Interfaith dialogue

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Interfaith dialogue at peace museums in Kenya
Timothy Gachanga & Munuve Mutisya
To cite this article: Timothy Gachanga & Munuve Mutisya (2015): Interfaith dialogue at peace
museums in Kenya, Journal of Peace Education, DOI: 10.1080/17400201.2015.1103395
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Interfaith dialogue at peace museums in Kenya
Timothy Gachanga* and Munuve Mutisya
Community Peace Museums Heritage Foundation (CPMHF), Nairobi, Kenya
This paper makes a case for further studies on the contribution of peace
museums to interfaith dialogue debate. Based on our experiences as museum
curators, teachers and peace researchers and a review of published materials, we
argue that there is a lacuna in the study on the contribution of peace museums to
the interfaith dialogue debate. The development of community peace museums
in Kenya,, in predominantly Christian communities, and the use of traditional
religio-cultural artefacts in peace education and peace building is a case of
interfaith dialogue worth documenting. With religious conflict threatening to tear
the fabric of society apart, the question of interfaith dialogue is now paramount
in the search for sustainable peace and development.
Keywords: peace; peace education; interfaith dialogue; religio-cultural artefacts;
community peace museums
Introduction
At times, it seems that religions all over the world are on a war path. The dominant
are constantly trying to maintain their position (even threatening or using violence
to do so). This has led to each claiming to be the ‘container’ or ‘deposit’ for prede-
termined truth. This has resulted in religious intolerance with some people claiming
to be the ‘defenders’ of their religious truths (Magesa 2010). The end result is
unprecedented conflict as is now being witnessed, e.g. in Central African Republic
and in Northern Nigeria. As a consequence, the question of interfaith dialogue is
now paramount in the search for sustainable peace and development.
Regrettably, adequate learning materials are lacking on how peace museums deal
with the question of interfaith dialogue. This became evident in researching this
paper. We searched for books and wandered through web pages. We were looking
for distinctive literature focusing on interfaith dialogue in museums. Instead, we
gained the impression that very little research has been done in this field. To our
knowledge, no one has conducted comprehensive research on how to foster
interfaith dialogue through peace museums.
A review of the literature on museums and religio-cultural objects displayed at
museums reveals mixed perceptions. Many scholars (for instance, Catalani 2007;
Tarsitani 2009) consider museums as repositories of people’s tangible and intangible
heritage. They argue that through museum collections, people keep and exhibit their
past and present histories and memories. In contemporary society, museums and
their collections are used to build bridges between the items displayed and commu-
nities, and also between different local communities. Pearce, as quoted by Catalani
*Corresponding author. Email: timgachanga@gmail.com
© 2015 Taylor & Francis
Journal of Peace Education, 2015
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2015.1103395
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(2007), considers museums as cultural forums where people’s histories can be dis-
cussed in informal and public ways, and where personal memories are materialised
and shared through collections. This is particularly true when museum exhibitions
are concerned with local communities and their history. Such museums and their
collections can become a remarkable resource for interfaith dialogue and may
strengthen a sense of place, shared history and identity. They can also visually
cement peoples’ religious beliefs and values.
According to Somjee (2011), objects tell us something precious about our life,
our family, the community, its culture, social norms and the past. ‘If you have an
object you have kept from wartime, it will tell the story of where you were during
the war, where your family was and what the war was about,’ he observes. Ejizu
(1987) and Hiebert (1997) observe that in the absence of developed literary culture,
traditional Africans store their knowledge in material cultures which are closely
linked to ideas, feelings and values that lie within its people. This ensures that these
religio-cultural values and narratives are well preserved and successfully transmitted
to successive generations. The Golden Stool among the Ashanti of Nigeria is a good
example. It preserves a vital narrative regarding the Asantehene (traditional king)
and the kingdom itself, its culture and religion (Ejizu 1987; Onwubiko 1991). The
Ofo, a ritual object in traditional Igbo life and culture, expresses an important narra-
tive concerning their religious, social and political life. It also reinforces the narra-
tive about their basic structure of leadership and endorses important traditional
values. Bartlett and Halbwachs, as noted in Beckstead et al. (2011), make a similar
observation. They consider artefacts as stores of memory. ‘Memory is not only
“stored in brains” but rather distributed through social artefacts and cultural tools’,
they observe. They also play an important role in social organisation and in interper-
sonal relations and conﬂicts (Eisenhofer 2008).
According to Hiebert (1997), certain objects are means of communication not only
between the living but between the not-yet born and the no-longer living members of a
society. They are points of contact between the human and superhuman world. Onwu-
biko (1991) notes that sacred objects in African thought and culture are at times political
emblems or religious elements concretising a people’s belief systems in which case they
embody transcendental concepts. Graburn (1976) and Catalani (2009) consider material
objects as symbols of identity within a social category. For instance, Graburn observes
that when identities of small communities are threatened by external political and eco-
nomic forces, they tend to revive their archaic traditions so as to bolster their sense of
identity and to link the people to a past perhaps more glorious than the present. A good
example is Mungiki1
in Kenya which advocates a reversion to indigenous ways of life
as one way to ﬁght against the yoke of mental slavery, which they claim was introduced
by Christianity and colonisation (Wamue 2001).
Negative perceptions about religio-cultural objects
Despite the important role traditional artefacts play in preserving religio-cultural val-
ues and narratives, they continue to suffer from lack of acceptance and inadequate
understanding of their role and essence. This is mainly due to the judgemental atti-
tude that many colonialists and missionaries displayed towards African religion and
culture. According to Kirwen (1987), most missionaries and indigenous Christian
leaders are yet to understand, in a systematic way, how traditional religions function
in people’s lives. As he points out, this is because their theologies were constructed
2 T. Gachanga and M. Mutisya

within the cultural framework of Western societies. ‘The cultural roots of these
theologies are elsewhere and are intelligible only to those who share a western
cultural perspective’, he observes. As such, they do not adequately address African
values, issues and problems.
This attitude has contributed to suppression, erasing and loss of religio-cultural
heritage. It has also hindered an open conversation about the role of peace museums
in interfaith dialogue, in promoting community cohesion, and preserving religio-cul-
tural values and narratives. In addition, it has an impact on how culture is presented
in schools and society. As to the suppression, erasing and loss of religio-cultural her-
itage, Olupona (1991) recounts an incident where two murals painted on the walls
of a Presbyterian-sponsored school in Ghana were to be removed. One mural
showed a drummer on the talking drums (ntumpan), with the drumming phrase
‘Ghana muntie’ (Ghana, listen) below it and the other depicted the famous moment
when the Golden Stool was brought down from the skies, thereby inaugurating the
Asante Empire and giving it its spiritual power. According to Olupona, the murals
were to be removed because they were perceived to be inhabited by evil spirits
whose presence in the school allegedly contributed to its poor performance. This
suggests that the attitude of members of the Presbyterian school towards the murals
was hostile, and unsympathetic to the vital narrative symbolised by the two murals.
As to the role of religio-cultural museums in promoting interfaith dialogue and
community cohesion, similar apathy is expressed. According to Arinze (1999), muse-
ums in many developing nations are seen as places where unwanted objects or materi-
als are deposited. They are also regarded as places where objects associated with
idolatry and fetish religions are kept. This negative view of museums has continued
to inhibit their development in most countries. In her research on ‘Yoruba identity
and Western museums’, Catalani (2009) demonstrates how this attitude impedes open
conversation about the role of religio-cultural objects in museums. In her research
which included discussion of some pictures of traditional, religious and ceremonial
Yoruba objects with members of the Yoruba diaspora in Britain, participants were
reluctant to speak about such artefacts because of their new faith and looked upon tra-
ditional religious objects only as part of their past. They also considered these objects
as meaningless for they have been exposed to public viewing, yet such objects were
not meant for display but for private and initiated worshipping. She concludes that
the adoption of new faiths and resettlement into a new context has changed the Yoru-
ba’s perception of and attitude towards traditional, religious and cultural objects. It
has also created a new, unsympathetic view of their cultural heritage.
With regard to how culture is presented in schools, studies reveal that among
teachers there is a struggle to reconcile educational directives about religio-cultural
heritage with personal religious beliefs. In Kenya, one of the goals of education is to
promote respect for and development of the country’s rich and varied cultures.
According to Bogonko (2000), this is to be achieved through the teaching of African
culture, history, languages, literature and other aspects of African life, which ought
to form the core of all learning. However, there is no guidance on what aspects of
culture are to be integrated into the school curricula. The syllabus only informs
teachers as to what they ‘must’ do, and ‘should’ do but does not explain how such a
task could be carried out. Thus, to employ aspects of religio-cultural heritage would
depend entirely on the teachers’ perceptions of the same. Gachanga (2014) describes
an experience where indigenous peace education classes were shunned by teachers
because of their negative perceptions about indigenous peace traditions.
Journal of Peace Education 3

Coe (2005) observes that in Ghana, primary and junior secondary school
teachers are supposed to teach the three main religions in Ghana – Christianity (the
religion of 63% of Ghanaians), Islam (16%) and traditional religion (21%). The
syllabus makes the three religions both equal and comparable; each is presented as
having divine power, a mode of prayer, specific beliefs and a prophet or a messen-
ger. However, teachers do not see the three religions as equal and often turn these
lessons into a lecture on the superiority of Christianity. Whenever they discuss the
three religions, they belittle traditional religion, describing it as the worship of natu-
ral objects like streams or trees or of divinities less powerful than the Christian God.
Islam has often been ignored, possibly an indication that it was not seen as being in
competition with Christianity.
Reasons for unsympathetic attitude to religio-cultural heritage
One of the reasons as to why this has come about is the tendency by missionaries
and the colonial administration to stereotype African objects. According to Mkangi
(2004), the Scramble for Africa and subsequent colonisation which continues to
manifest itself in the form of ‘modernisation’ dealt a heavy blow to expressions of
traditions, customs, narratives and mores that determine Africa’s cultural identity.
He observes that when colonialists came to Africa in the closing years of the nine-
teenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, they found a highly religious and
spiritual society.
However, many colonialists regarded all variant forms of African religion as
paganism. Besides teaching their language and culture in schools, they tended to
degrade the African cultural identity by upholding their culture as the highest level
of human attainment. For instance, in Portuguese colonies Africans would only be
considered civilised if they could speak Portuguese and had rejected all tribal cus-
toms. They were therefore required to forsake their familial and cultural connections
in order to join the ‘civilised’ community. With the growing political consciousness
among African Christians in many African communities, and the use of ethnic ritu-
als, material culture, songs and dances in defiance of Europeans’ display of cultural
authority, alarmed colonial administrators and missionaries for it was interpreted as
going back to primitivity. The authorities then began to systematically suppress it. In
1930, for example, they banned Muthirigu oral literature and dances in Kenya.
According to Somjee (1996), the colonialists’ approach towards African material
cultures depicted this stereotypical attitude. Some crafts such as pottery and basketry
were viewed as pure art forms and products of labour. Wood carving was discour-
aged in favour of carpentry. Wood carving was indigenous and hence it related to
African belief systems while carpentry has a long tradition in European Christian
beliefs and stories. Carpentry was thus viewed as labour work that inculcated disci-
pline while wood carvings reflected primitive intellect. Other expressions of native
culture such as bead ornaments and body paintings were associated with sensuality
and heathen rites. Thus, missionaries viewed material culture from this point of
view. It also influenced the content of what was to be taught in schools.
Okpewho (1977) argues that the perception of African objects as idols stems
from fifteenth and sixteenth century Europeans. He observes that Greek and Roman
gods and goddesses were also foreign and pagan, but as religious forces, they were
dead, having been vanquished by victorious Christianity. However, African statues,
at the time they were encountered, represented living forces which Europeans

considered to be hostile to Christ and resisting conquest. They were thus included in
the religious segment of the Western reality as negative entities, belonging in the
devil camp. They were thus seen as idols and fetishes, not statues.
Nianoran-Bouah (1991) describes how missionaries and colonial administrators
waged a merciless war against the traditional African drum. To colonial administra-
tors, it was a symbol of political resistance in that it signalled over a long distance to
the natives the Western military campaigns, the punitive expeditions, the time and
itinerary of the repressive forces. Christian missionaries found in the drum an excuse
for waging war against traditional African possession cults. They took away and
destroyed thousands of drums, convinced that the drum was the diabolic instrument
that liberated satanic manifest forces and energies. This concurs with Mveng’s (1975)
observation regarding early missionaries’ interest in studying traditional African reli-
gions. He points out that they were ‘not just looking for points of insertion … they
were out to attack such traditions’. He gives examples from Benin, Congo, and Sierra
Leone where, from the sixth century onwards, the major interest of missionaries was
fetish hunting. Treasures of Negro Art of the ancient kingdom of Congo were burned
by Catholic missionaries and all religious ceremonies, traditional medicine and crafts-
men’s techniques were lumped together under the title of devilries.
According to Olupona (1991), the two monotheistic traditions to which most
Africans have converted over the centuries – Islam and Christianity – have devel-
oped a hostile attitude to African traditions. For instance, he notes that Islam ‘rele-
gates [them] to al-jahilliya, the time of barbarism, and Christianity views [them] as
pure paganism.’ Coe (2005) makes a similar observation regarding Ghana’s charis-
matic Christianity view of their traditions. He notes that it objectifies ‘tradition’ as a
past wrapped up in ancestral and devil worship. It also believes that every Christian
has a past that affects his or her present condition, because it exposes that person to
demonic influence. It therefore does its best to avoid rituals like festivals and funer-
als, which traditionally have served as occasions for individuals to re-affirm ties to
their families and hometowns dependent on their income. He further notes that fears
of personal contact with the devil extend to protecting valued institutions like
schools from demonic intrusion.
Another reason is the imposition of western dichotomous classification on
African objects. Eisenhofer (2008) argues that many western art lovers apply the
label art to African objects. This has consequences for understanding the religious
dimension of African artefacts in that it has no equivalent in African societies. He
observes that objects classified under ‘African Art’ were not primarily created to be
looked at. They were made in order to be used whether in this world or in connec-
tion with the next one. While western art lovers are fascinated by the forms of Afri-
can artefacts, these artefacts had a pragmatic purpose in society in which they were
made or originated. Art as an end in itself, art for art’s sake, was practically
unknown in traditional Africa. ‘If the object did not fulfil their purposes adequately,
they were useless’, he points out. According to Duerden (1968), most of the African
artefacts were created for use in ceremonies performed to induce particular states of
mind in the people. For their creators, their meaning lies in the part they play in
these ceremonies, together with the kindred arts of music, dancing and poetry. They
are brought out of hiding and used in danced masquerades or kept in shrines and
only seen by people during special ceremonies conducted by priests. He further
observes that some people keep images for use in family ceremonies, but these are
never seen by the rest of the community.

The tendency to portray African objects from a functionalist perspective as being
in the service of religion, namely harnessing and communication with divine forces,
is another reason. This is according to Hackett (1996) who argues that over-interpre-
tation of the religious aspects of African objects led earlier writers to claim that
African art was predominantly religious or ‘ritualistic’. Other writers readily ascribed
symbolic and ritual value to aspects or features of African art they did not under-
stand or that appeared mysterious. Schildrout and Keim as noted in Hackett (1996)
cite as an example the famous Mangbetu curved human figures from North-eastern
Zaire which have been described as ancestral effigies and memorial figures for
deceased rulers when there is virtually no evidence for such an interpretation. Like-
wise, Nettleton (1988) claims that Zulu sculptures have often been called ‘ancestor
figures’ in spite of the fact that the Zulus never used these objects in such a context
at all. This type of reductionism fails to address why they take the form they do and
how they convey meaning.
Yet, another reason is that African objects are still regarded by some as
‘primitive’, or archaic. According to Hackett (1996), ‘traditional’ has become the
more acceptable term to describe objects which are seen as characteristically
African. According to Eisenhofer (2008) and Mkangi (2004), this echoes the colo-
nial propaganda which postulated Africa as a static, timeless continent urgently in
need of the leading and developing hand of European colonial powers. And since
Africa and its inhabitants were denied a history, the continent’s sculptural traditions
were also seen as being without growth.
Interfaith dialogue at community peace museums in Kenya
Community peace museums are a new phenomenon in Kenya. Founded in 1997 by
Kenyan ethnographer Dr Sultan Somjee, the museums aim to celebrate and conserve
the religio-cultural heritage of particular communities. They also use peace traditions
and artefacts associated with peace to unite different communities (Hughes 2011).
The community peace museums have two main objectives: to give exposure to
African peace heritage, and to facilitate the community’s access to resources and
management of traditional peace materials. To achieve these objectives, the muse-
ums’ curators research, collect, document and display material culture, environmen-
tal symbols and oral history that are closely connected with peace building.
Hundreds of artefacts derived from local communities have been collected and dis-
played at the peace museums. Environmental symbols such as peace trees are also
found in nurseries of the peace museums or in the environment of the museums.
The museums have worked extensively with outreach approaches to education
and dialogue between different religious and ethnic groups within Kenya. Their
peace program is aimed at young people (both primary schools and young adults)
and involves work with volunteers. In 2008, they coordinated a ‘beaded peace tree
project’ that reached over 30,000 people in 22 communities. In 2013–2014, they
coordinated a travelling exhibition on Kenyan peace cultures which was a great suc-
cess. Over 3000 people across Kenya participated in the project and contributed to
dialogue and building connections. The power of cultural heritage as a peace build-
ing tool and for engaging in interfaith dialogue was clearly demonstrated.
What is unusual about the development of these museums is that it is contrary to
Arinze’s (1999) observation regarding development of museums in many developing
countries. He observes that museums in many developing nations are seen as places

where unwanted objects or materials are deposited. They are regarded as places
where objects associated with idolatry and fetish religions are kept. More intriguing
are observations by Catalani (2007) and da Silva (2010) regarding the shift of mean-
ing once religious objects are removed from their original place. They argue when
such objects are moved to a new place – such as a museum – there can be a shift in
meaning and those objects can lose their traditional values, reinforce prejudice,
cause controversy or aggravate sections of society. It is also interesting to note that
such museums have been established in predominantly Christian communities. The
personnel managing these museums are staunch Christians some of whom hold lead-
ership positions in churches. These people seem to have no difficulty in making
sense of their traditional religio-cultural objects exhibited in these museums. Reli-
gious narratives have also played a significant role in the development of these
museums. In fact, one can observe how biblical narratives and traditional wisdom
have influenced the establishment of these community peace museums.
This is a case of interfaith dialogue materialising into tangible peace museums. It
is a remarkable example of an attempt by peace museums to promote interfaith dia-
logue. It shows an openness of mind as opposed to prejudice, narrow-mindedness
and intolerance. It would therefore be interesting to investigate how this dialogue is
transacted. Peace museums, traditional artefacts, peace-making traditions: How are
these integrated in Christian communities? What inspiration do Christians draw from
peace museums and African religion? What is edited out of museum displays and
narratives? Who decides what should be excluded? Does the rest of the Christian
community exhibit a similar willingness to remember their religio-cultural tradi-
tions? Do these artefacts still retain their religious values and meaning once they are
exhibited at museums?
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Note
1. Mungiki is a fundamentalist movement in Kenya with a religious, political and cultural
agenda. Its followers have denounced the Christian faith and advocate for re-conversion
from foreign worship to indigenous belief (Wamue 2001).
Notes on contributors
Timothy Gachanga teaches peace studies at Tangaza University College, Catholic University
of Eastern Africa. He is also the coordinator of the Community Peace Museums Heritage
Foundation and an advisory board member of the International Network of Museums for
Peace.
Munuve Mutisya is a graduate of Catholic University of Eastern Africa. He is also a board
member of the Community Peace Museums Heritage Foundation and curator of the Akamba
peace museums.
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