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evolution of the protest
researched and designed by Shlomo Goltz
evolution of the protest
“Nonviolent direct action seeks to
create such a crisis and foster such a
tension that a community which has
constantly refused to negotiate is
forced to confront the issue. It seeks
to dramatize the issue so that it can
no longer be ignored.” Martin Luther King Jr.
3	 introduction	
	
	 nashville sit–ins	
9	 background	
11	 what happened
13	 communication tactics
	 social networks	
17	 network features	
18	 how networks act
	 battle of seattle
21	 background
25	 groups involved
29	 what happened
37	 communication tactics
41	 conclusion
introduction
History is littered with examples of how
people have gathered together in order to
alter the status quo and improve their lives.
Activism such as protests, demonstrations,
and direct action have created remarkably
swift improvements in society. Many aspects
of contemporary American life, such as the
privilege for all adult citizens to vote, and racial
equality were made possible by such activism.
The protestors of today are able to do more
then their predecessors could have dreamed
of because of the tools available to them.
Technology has played a role in the evolution
of protest by allowing people to act together
in new ways and in situations where collective
was not possible before. It is true that activist
movements prior to the mid 20th century
brought about tremendous changes and are
landmarks in history, but they were dumb.
Though fewer in number, the
minority can create change by
joining forces and organizing.
introduction
1912	
Woman’s suffrage protest and parade
1955
Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott
1957
Desegregating Little Rock, nine students
1960
Greensboro sit–ins
Nashville lunch counter sit–ins
1963
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
1965
Three marches of Selma to Montgomery
1970
Kent State and Cambodia Incursion Protest
1999
Battle of Seattle against the wto
1912	 1955	 1957	 1960
1963	 1965	 1970	 1999
introduction
Dumb is not meant in the pejorative
sense; the people involved in protests
were likely intelligent, and their collective
actions were valiant. In the context of this
book, dumb does not mean stupid; rather
it denotes that activism had several
structural and functional deficiencies.2
The dumb mobs of the past are dumb
because the activists had a limited ability
to plan and communicate with one other.
Creating strategy and sharing information
are what allow individuals to work cohe-
sively as a group, to collaborate in order
to achieve a single goal. Understanding
the limits of planning and communicating
allows one to see the limits of yesterdays
activism.
This book will explore of the use of
communication networks in the context of
activism. It Is about how networks emerge,
what they look like, and how they act.3
An example from the Civil Rights era
known as the Nashville sit-ins will set the
stage by illustrating how a basic sit–in
functions. A protest known as the Battle
of Seattle will be used to show how the
advances of communication and organiza-
tion that have been facilitated by mobile
communications technologies.12
It is im-
perative that the protestors of today
understand how modern communications
technology can improve the efficiency,
precision, and effectiveness of protest.
The shortcomings of activism in the
past comes from the inability to manage
coordination beyond a certain threshold
of size, complexity, and velocity.5
Activ-
ists could only communicate with each
other before the protest via face-to-face
discussion, the telephone, or mail. With
the exception of talking directly, these
media formats are inflexible because they
are wired in place, and require significant
amount of time to convey information.
During activist activities, people needed
to be within hearing range or line of sight
to communicate with one another since
cell phones did not exist until the 1980s.
Only under conditions of the recent wave
of information and wireless technologies
that allow for both communication and
computation capabilities, can activists
become smart in the way they configure
themselves during a protest. 5,12
nashville
10
The Nashville Civil Rights protests are
an example of a form of protest known
as a sit-in. As the name implies, a sit-in
is a kind of protest that involves groups
of individuals sitting in areas in order to
disrupt or halt the actions of others.
Protesters were trained to remain passive and calm
if provoked in order to reduce any confrontation and
hopefully eliminate negative publicity.
Sit-Ins are an example of direct action,
as those involved are attempting to effect
immediate change by directly address-
ing their perceived problem and those
perceived to be responsible.
From February to May 1960, a total of 500
students from universities in the area sat
at tables and counters at four stores and
ordered food. Each group would sit-in
their respective stores until closing and
then would return the next day.
background
11 12
in the stores
The protesters attended training to make
their time in the stores effective and safe.
Utilizing power in numbers, the protes-
tors congregated in groups for protection,
and to create a more noticeable presence
in the stores. Once seated, the protesters
remained quite, polite, calm, and did not
directly react to taunts or harassment.
group communication
Once the plan was enacted, the protesters
could not update each other on their status
due to their large sizes. Therefore the protes-
tors walked together in one large group and
split into smaller sub-groups who then broke
off to enter different establishments.
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what happened
13 14
segmentation
As each sub-group separates, the
network shrinks and fragments until the
network ceases to function.
All protesters can do is hope their prior
planning will work, as they cannot update
their strategy if conditions change or if
they need assistance.
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limitations
Technological abilities of the time meant
that during a protest, protesters could
only communicate to those in their close
physical proximity.
nashville structure
The students organized and communi-
cated in a hierarchical way. Hierarchies
are formed in a rigid, tiered structure
that do not allow for efficient means of
communication. The sit-ins were limited
in their scope and complexity because
the students were not organized into a
structure called a network.
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isolation
Once seated, the protestors in each store
are isolated from the other sub-groups.
They have no idea if their fellow protest-
ers are being successful or have been
arrested. They are also unable to keep
track of other protest movements if the
protesters do not have access to news-
papers or other media.
communication tactics
line of sight
distance of hearing
15 16
social
networks
17 18
Swarming appears in the animal kingdom,
long before it did in human affairs. Human
swarming cannot be directly modeled after
animal swarming, but some useful lessons
and insights can be drawn from animals
of such as the bee and ant.3
The swarming
pattern of these social insects resembles
guerilla tactics in some ways, with linear
formations used for movement, then omni-
directional blanketing ‘wave’ attacks at the
point of contacts.3
For these five phases to
work correctly, they must be synchronized
between a diversity of seemingly discon-
nected individuals. Therefore there must
be a layer of instantaneous communication
between these individuals. This level is the
most difficult aspect of swarming, and this
prerequisite has made swarming extremely
difficult, or impossible, up until now.15
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c`eb
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types of networks
Centralized networks are the most simple
in structure, and easiest to break. If the
central hub is removed, the whole net-
work falls apart.3
Decentralized networks are stronger then
those that are centralized, but they are
vulnerable if more then a few hubs are
removed. The advantage of this type of
network can be set up relatively quickly.
Distributed networks creates robust
command and control structures that
allows rapid shifts in strategic targeting,
resistance to decapitation (attacks that
target leadership), and the disruption of
the communication channels. Since every
node is a hub, this network is almost
impossible to break down.1
connecting people
It wasn’t until the ‘Kevin Bacon Theory’
of six degrees of separation came along
that mass media and popular culture
have thought of social groups as literal
networks — interwoven connections
between people that are made by interac-
tion, and the formation of relationships.3
Each person in a network is a node who
in turn connects to one or more people.
Highly connected nodes are called hubs.
Hubs are the leaders in a group, and are
like the people you know who seem to
know everyone. Through these connec-
tions, information and resources can be
shared. It is from sharing that a network
gains its utility.3
A protest known as the
Battle of Seattle was the first example of
networked political protest in America.
swarming
Networks utilize a technique called
swarming to attack other institutions.
Swarming, in the context of protesting, can
be thought of as the technique of quickly
massing a large number of individuals
from all directions onto a single position
in order to attain a specific goal.15
The use
of modern communications technology
allows a extremely large amount of people
divided into small units to synchronize
their actions to a precise time and place.2
If conditions change, plans can be updated
on the fly.
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network features
how networks act
centralized decentralized distributed
19 20
battle
of seattle
21 22
During four days from November 30th to
December 3rd 1999, activists held mas-
sive protests to voice opposition against
the state of globalization, and cancel the
meeting of the wto (World Trade Organi-
zation). The wto is the body that creates
rules and regulations governing the global
trading system.
400,000 protesters from dozens of countries met in
Seattle for four days in order to protest the wto.
This protest, which has become known
as The Battle of Seattle, represented one
of the biggest public demonstrations of
anti-globalization in America at the time.7
A ragtag army of nonviolent global citizens
spoke, and the world listened.11
Protesters were not against trade, but
they wanted economic policies to include
social concerns: the environment, labor
rights, and third world poverty.8
Because
it deals with so many separate issues,
from farm subsidies to intellectual prop-
erty rights, the wto attracts a very mixed
bag of opponents, which is one reason
that opposition to it has been hard to
focus.8
Some of the wto opponents want
to reform the organization. Some want
to abolish it. Virtually all of them resent
the secrecy in which the wto makes
decisions that its 135 member nations are
supposed to abide by.9
background
23 24
importance
While some recent demonstrations in
America have drawn more people and
some have been more violent, the Battle
of Seattle is unique in recent US history.10
The Battle of Seattle is important because
it was the first protest to utilize a modern
sophisticated network.
The Seattle protests were chosen as a
case study because they were a prototype
for a series of global protests that have
followed and are continuing in the early
21st century. The Battle was notable for a
number of reasons; the protests were on
of the largest and most visible challenges
to economic globalization in the United
states. Many of the tactics, from the use
of the technologies such as the internet
and cell phone networks, to organiza-
tional strategies, were subsequently
imitated around the world and built upon
at demonstrations that followed. In short,
Seattle has become a shorthand term for
a new global justice movement.15
The country had not witnessed such
widespread direct action protests in many
years. Demonstrators have shut down
corporate lobbies, performed sidewalk
political theater and put their bodies in
the middle of the streets to draw atten-
tion to their cause.4
The direct action protests in Seattle, were
executed without permits, unlike typical
mass marches. Their illegal nature have
sparked harsh criticism, but now there are
signs that direct action is actually begin-
ning to change the way people think talk
and even act. The sheer volume of protest
forced increased press coverage, and
corporate entities that most people have
never heard of are now slipping into the
public eye. On the ground the movement
has coalesced remarkably quickly and has
been able to shift tactics nimbly, in a large
part because of the internet.4
None of these issues began, or ended
with Seattle. Seattle did, however, cast
them in a new light, highlighting a wide
and global movement of protest against
both international organizations and
corporate power.10
The Battle of Seattle saw a more deliber-
ate and tactically focused use of wireless
communications and mobile networks in
urban political conflict.12
Floating above
the tear gas was a pulsing info-sphere of
enormous bandwidth, reaching around
the planet via the internet.6
To raise public awareness and enhance moral,
protesters created and displayed huge banners with
slogans and vivid imagery. The signs could be seen
from miles away.
background
25 26
police vs protesters
The Battle of Seattle is a battle waged
by protesters against the police. Though
there were hundreds of groups that were
involved in these protests, the Direct
Action Network (dan) and the Ameri-
can Federation of Labor Union (afl-cio)
played the most significant role. Together,
these two protest groups outnumbered
the police by a ratio of 100 to 1.
The police operated under the misguided
assumption that dan activists would stop
their protests in order to join to the
afl-cio parade. This theory would prove
to be wrong; the parade would join dan
and embolden their ranks.6
The strategy
to suppress the Direct Action Network
protests while allowing the parade frag-
mented the police force and made it near
impossible to stop the dan activists.
groups involved
wave 1	 200–300
locate and lockdown intersections
nonviolent and risk arrest
wave 2	 4,000–5,000
protect wave 1 at all costs
nonviolent and do not risk arrest
wave 3	 30,000
show symbolic solidarity
nonviolent and do not risk arrest
swarmed the streets
afl-cio	 4,000–5,000
not technically part of dan
augmented dan wave 3
local force	 400
allow the afl-cio parade
prevent protests
attempt to make arrests
group breakdown
27 28
description
The Direct Action Network is a collection
of grass roots groups from Los Angeles to
Vancouver.13
The Direct Action Network
is not, in of it self, an organization; rather
dan is a network of many individual
activists groups that work cooperatively
to achieve shared goals. Together, these
groups practiced direct action, a type of
activism that attempts to immediately
fix perceived problems in society.5
dan
serves as an umbrella organization in
which organizations such as the People’s
Global Actions, Ruckus Society, Earth-
First!, Rainfroest Action Network, and
Art  Revolution.6
Through the Direct Action Network,
these groups coordinated non-violent
protest training, communications and
collective strategy and tactics through
a decentralized process of consultation
and consensus decision making.6
strategy
The major strategy utilized by dan, was to
prevent the wto conference from opening
by stopping the flow of delegates into the
conference center and closing down major
roads in downtown Seattle.11
The plan was organized through the affin-
ity groups by spatially dividing downtown
Seattle into 13 areas, each area in effect
a slice radiating out from the conference
center.6
Different affinity groups of 5–15
people, many willing to risk arrest, took
responsibility for blocking key intersec-
tions and hotels in each wedge.11
goal
The overall strategic goal of the Direct
Action Network was to “shut down” the
World Trade Organization meeting in
Seattle.13
This goal was sufficiently broad
to join together two a variety of wto
opponents. The Direct Action Network
protesters clustered around the inter-
national network of non-governmental
organizations (ngo) devoted to extending
the principles of liberal democracy.6
seattle center
washington 	
convention 	
center
delegate route
dan 	
protesters
downtown seattle
groups involved
29 30
stage 1	
dan wave 1 protestors seize and hold
onto a handful of strategic intersections,
immobilizing the police force.
Though the police didn’t realize it, the
Direct Action Network had already
swarmed them and now shifting to a
defensive strategy of holding on to the
streets in immovable groups.6
stage 2
The police split into two groups, one to
protect and allow a labor parade, and the
other to suppress dan protests. The afl-
cio rally and parade was planned in con-
junction with the police, and the strategy
of parading without protesting dovetailed
neatly with the city plans for a minuscule
protest and a media-genic parade. As the
number of protesters increased, the 400
police remained in their lines around the
Convention Center or at their positions at
the Memorial Stadium.6
stage 3
Members of the parade join the dan
Protest to reinforce the protesting. The
afl-cio parade delivered crucial rein-
forcements to the protesters, instead of
sweeping them out of downtown. This
was the reverse of what government of-
ficials thought would happen. The police
plan to reorganize for an attempt to force
the Direct Action Network protesters out
of the downtown area and into the afl-cio
parade was a major turning point in the
Battle of Seattle. It sealed the victory of
protestors over the Police, and the wto.6
what happened
overview
The core structure of the Battle of Seattle
was sit-in protesting. Wave 1 simply sat
down at strategic locations just as the
students in Nashville did decades before.
The additional use of modern technol-
ogy to facilitate collaboration among
multiple waves of people augments and
modifies the simple tactics of the Civil
Rights era. It is important to understand
that the massive increase in people
involved in the Battle of Seattle and ad-
ditional sophistication of communication
represents an evolution of protesting. To
better understand how this modern form
of protest functions, the events of The
Battle of Seattle can be broken down into
three stages.
31 32
realtime communication
Using cell phones to constantly stay con-
nected, each group frequently updated
each other on their status and location if
some groups encountered difficulties or
was running late, they told the others to
slow down or help them out.
lockdown
To maintain their strategic positions, the
dan activists locked themselves to heavy
and immobile objects such as mailboxes,
lamp posts, and fire hydrants.
sample conversation: wave 1 to wave 1
“We’re about five minutes
behind schedule.”
“We’re almost there.
What’s your timing?”
what happened
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stage 1: intersections seized
33 34
sample conversation: wave 1 to wave 2
mix of old and new
Wave 2 was close enough wave 1 to allow
for face to face conversation. Cell phones
were reserved for communicating at
longer distance or calling for backup using
3-way calling.
“We need help!
Police are approaching!”
“Roger that. I’ll bring
backup right away.”
immobilization
Unfortunately for the police, at this point
the dan protesters had been so successful
at blockading the area around the conven-
tion center that police couldn’t move and
therefore couldn’t remove people from the
area in order to arrest them. Seattle Police
Captain Jim Pugel, who commanded the
force in the streets, later said he had too
few officers to even make mass arrests.6
what happened
T
E
R
R
Y
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POLICE MOVEMENT
“We’re not close enough,
but I’ll find some help.”
stage 2: parade and protest
35 36
T
E
R
R
Y
UNIVERSITY
8TH
7TH
TERRY
PIKE
UNION
9TH
SENECA
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less talk more action
Wave 3 did not communicate with waves
1 and 2. Rather, their mission was to make
it difficult for police to move about by
clogging the streets and making their
presence known to the media. The afl-cio
parade intermingled with wave 3, further
strengthening dan’s Numbers .
afl-cio parade
During the 2nd and 3rd days of the Battle
of Seattle, thousands of peopled left the
afl-cio parade to join dan’s street actions.
This could be thought of as additional
fourth wave of protest.
what happened
stage 3: reinforcements
37 38
dan communications
The cohesion of the Direct Action Net-
work was partly due to their improvised
communications network assembled out
of cell phones, radios, police scanners
and portable computers. Protesters in the
street with wireless Palm Pilots were able
to link into continuously updated web
pages giving reports from the streets.
Police scanners monitored transmissions
and provided some warning of changing
police tactics. Cell phones were widely
used for voice communication.6
use of technology
The disorder spreading through the
streets downtown was instantly commu-
nicated to the crowd through cell phones,
radios and the rest of the info-sphere.
Behind the scenes, furious activity was
taking place by the protesters to prevent
the parade from being canceled by city
authorities.6
Multiple media channels were used by
thousands of dan protesters simultane-
ously to share information with each
other and also to inform the public about
what was happening. dan was able to
bypass mainstream media and tell their
side of the story.
communication tactics
Information can flow through multiple paths to
reach the same destination.
The police understand that real-time communica-
tion is essential to dan’s strategy, and so they try to
destroy the cellular network in the Downtown area.
Signal towers are shut down.
Cell phones utilize a centralized communications
network to distribute information.
To compensate for the loss of cell phones, Nextel
walkie-talkies were utilized to communicate in a
peer-to-peer decentralized network.
In each group of eight protesters, there is 1 person
that acts as a major hub to other groups.
Communications are impossible since the signal
towers, which act as the main hubs, are down. dan
members cannot communicate via cell phone.
Kelly Quirke, Executive Director of the
Rainforest Action Network, reports that
early Tuesday, “the authorities had suc-
cessfully squashed dan’s communications
system.” The solution to the infrastructure
attack was quickly resolved by purchas-
ing new Nextel cell phones. According
to Han Shan, the Ruckus Society’s wto
action coordinator, his organization and
other protest groups that formed the
Direct Action Network used the Nextel
system to create a cellular grid over the
city. They broke into talk groups of eight
people each. One of the eight overlapped
with another talk group, helping to quickly
communicate through the ranks.6
cell texting
instant messaging
zines
radio
world wide web
activist intranets
subnet a subnet b
hub connects a to b
message 1 start message 2 start
message 1 and 2 end
39 40
conclusion
41 42
The rights and liberties we enjoy today
were not always present; they were
earned by the determination and effort
of those in the past that demanded
improvements in the status-quo and saw
hope for a better future. Each generation
has used the tools available at their dis-
posal to generate those improvements.
In the 1960s, the black minority in
the United States utilized face to face
meetings, as well as small, coordinated,
focused, and synchronized protests that
took many forms, one of them being the
sit-in. The sit-in is but one form of pro-
test, but it has been used by many other
groups throughout history.
Today, the tools available to the pub-
lic for communication are much more
sophisticated and mobile then those used
in Nashville. In the right hands, devices
such as cell phones and walkie-talkies are
powerful tools indeed. The dan activists
showed the world what a determined
group of people can do with communica-
tions technology.
conclusion
The most profound outcome of the wto
protests is the appearance of the netwar
construct in American politics. The Battle
of Seattle was fought not only in the
streets, but also in the info-sphere. The
wto protests were the first to take full
advantage of the extremely dense and
wide-reaching alternative media network
which uses the internet.6
The wto protests in Seattle were the
largest scale left-wing demonstrations in
America since the Gulf War. They were
also the most successful American politi-
cal demonstrations of the decade.6
The
wto protests succeeded in the streets
by a combination of strategic surprise
and tactical openness. Since the Battle of
Seattle, protests throughout the world, in
places such as Bangkok, London, Prague,
Melbourne and other cities have been
visited what protesters call the ‘Spirit of
Seattle’. The tactics and methodology
practiced in 1999 are utilized today as a
model for effective protests.
43 44
works cited
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
This book was researched, illustrated,
designed, and produced by Shlomo Goltz
during the 2007 spring semester at
Wasington University in Saint Louis Sam
Fox School of Art and Design in the Visual
Communications major.
This book represents the culmination of
my undergraduate studies, and is an amal-
gamation of many of my academic inter-
ests: graphic design, social psychology,
and technology. The content of this book
was inspired by the numerous protests
against the Iraq war, and the book entitled
Smart Mobs by Howard Rheingold, which
I discovered on NPR and read while living
in the Washgtion University Cooperative.
The text is set in Whitney and printed on
Mohawk Navajo superfine paper at the
Lewis Center computer lab.
A special thanks to my seminar professor
Heather Corcoran for providing helpful
critiques, advice, and guidance along the
way. I would also like to acknowledge the
support of family and friends for dealing
with me as I took on the task of creating a
capstone seminar project.
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Wainwright, Joel. “The Battles in Seattle; Microgeog-
raphies of Resistance.” Environment and Planning os
18 (2000).
Wall, Melissa A., “NGOs VS. Street Groups’ communi-
cation in the Battle of Seatle” The Public. 10 (2003)
Why War Staff. “Swarming and the Future of Protest-
ing.” Why-War? http://www.why-war.com/features/
read.php?id=4.
45 46
Evolution of the Protest

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Evolution of the Protest

  • 2. researched and designed by Shlomo Goltz evolution of the protest
  • 3. “Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks to dramatize the issue so that it can no longer be ignored.” Martin Luther King Jr. 3 introduction nashville sit–ins 9 background 11 what happened 13 communication tactics social networks 17 network features 18 how networks act battle of seattle 21 background 25 groups involved 29 what happened 37 communication tactics 41 conclusion
  • 5. History is littered with examples of how people have gathered together in order to alter the status quo and improve their lives. Activism such as protests, demonstrations, and direct action have created remarkably swift improvements in society. Many aspects of contemporary American life, such as the privilege for all adult citizens to vote, and racial equality were made possible by such activism. The protestors of today are able to do more then their predecessors could have dreamed of because of the tools available to them. Technology has played a role in the evolution of protest by allowing people to act together in new ways and in situations where collective was not possible before. It is true that activist movements prior to the mid 20th century brought about tremendous changes and are landmarks in history, but they were dumb. Though fewer in number, the minority can create change by joining forces and organizing. introduction
  • 6. 1912 Woman’s suffrage protest and parade 1955 Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott 1957 Desegregating Little Rock, nine students 1960 Greensboro sit–ins Nashville lunch counter sit–ins 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom 1965 Three marches of Selma to Montgomery 1970 Kent State and Cambodia Incursion Protest 1999 Battle of Seattle against the wto 1912 1955 1957 1960 1963 1965 1970 1999 introduction Dumb is not meant in the pejorative sense; the people involved in protests were likely intelligent, and their collective actions were valiant. In the context of this book, dumb does not mean stupid; rather it denotes that activism had several structural and functional deficiencies.2 The dumb mobs of the past are dumb because the activists had a limited ability to plan and communicate with one other. Creating strategy and sharing information are what allow individuals to work cohe- sively as a group, to collaborate in order to achieve a single goal. Understanding the limits of planning and communicating allows one to see the limits of yesterdays activism. This book will explore of the use of communication networks in the context of activism. It Is about how networks emerge, what they look like, and how they act.3 An example from the Civil Rights era known as the Nashville sit-ins will set the stage by illustrating how a basic sit–in functions. A protest known as the Battle of Seattle will be used to show how the advances of communication and organiza- tion that have been facilitated by mobile communications technologies.12 It is im- perative that the protestors of today understand how modern communications technology can improve the efficiency, precision, and effectiveness of protest. The shortcomings of activism in the past comes from the inability to manage coordination beyond a certain threshold of size, complexity, and velocity.5 Activ- ists could only communicate with each other before the protest via face-to-face discussion, the telephone, or mail. With the exception of talking directly, these media formats are inflexible because they are wired in place, and require significant amount of time to convey information. During activist activities, people needed to be within hearing range or line of sight to communicate with one another since cell phones did not exist until the 1980s. Only under conditions of the recent wave of information and wireless technologies that allow for both communication and computation capabilities, can activists become smart in the way they configure themselves during a protest. 5,12
  • 8. 10 The Nashville Civil Rights protests are an example of a form of protest known as a sit-in. As the name implies, a sit-in is a kind of protest that involves groups of individuals sitting in areas in order to disrupt or halt the actions of others. Protesters were trained to remain passive and calm if provoked in order to reduce any confrontation and hopefully eliminate negative publicity. Sit-Ins are an example of direct action, as those involved are attempting to effect immediate change by directly address- ing their perceived problem and those perceived to be responsible. From February to May 1960, a total of 500 students from universities in the area sat at tables and counters at four stores and ordered food. Each group would sit-in their respective stores until closing and then would return the next day. background
  • 9. 11 12 in the stores The protesters attended training to make their time in the stores effective and safe. Utilizing power in numbers, the protes- tors congregated in groups for protection, and to create a more noticeable presence in the stores. Once seated, the protesters remained quite, polite, calm, and did not directly react to taunts or harassment. group communication Once the plan was enacted, the protesters could not update each other on their status due to their large sizes. Therefore the protes- tors walked together in one large group and split into smaller sub-groups who then broke off to enter different establishments. nffcnfik_j j%_%bijj dZZcccXe ^iXekj c`Yikp +k_Xm *i[Xm ,k_Xm dZ^XmfZb dfccfpjk% what happened
  • 10. 13 14 segmentation As each sub-group separates, the network shrinks and fragments until the network ceases to function. All protesters can do is hope their prior planning will work, as they cannot update their strategy if conditions change or if they need assistance. nffcnfik_j j%_%bijj dZZcccXe ^iXekj kXcbn`k_`e^iflg le`]`[Zfddle`ZXk`fej jgiXk`ekf]flijlY^iflgj kXcbn`k_`e^iflg kXcbn`k_`e^iflg kXcbn`k_`e^iflg kXcbn`k_`e^iflg j^dek[Zfddle`ZXk`fej1jlY^iflgjZXeefkkXcbkffeXefk_i `e`k`Xc^iflg limitations Technological abilities of the time meant that during a protest, protesters could only communicate to those in their close physical proximity. nashville structure The students organized and communi- cated in a hierarchical way. Hierarchies are formed in a rigid, tiered structure that do not allow for efficient means of communication. The sit-ins were limited in their scope and complexity because the students were not organized into a structure called a network. ef[ c`eb fi[ij cX[i ][YXZb isolation Once seated, the protestors in each store are isolated from the other sub-groups. They have no idea if their fellow protest- ers are being successful or have been arrested. They are also unable to keep track of other protest movements if the protesters do not have access to news- papers or other media. communication tactics line of sight distance of hearing
  • 12. 17 18 Swarming appears in the animal kingdom, long before it did in human affairs. Human swarming cannot be directly modeled after animal swarming, but some useful lessons and insights can be drawn from animals of such as the bee and ant.3 The swarming pattern of these social insects resembles guerilla tactics in some ways, with linear formations used for movement, then omni- directional blanketing ‘wave’ attacks at the point of contacts.3 For these five phases to work correctly, they must be synchronized between a diversity of seemingly discon- nected individuals. Therefore there must be a layer of instantaneous communication between these individuals. This level is the most difficult aspect of swarming, and this prerequisite has made swarming extremely difficult, or impossible, up until now.15 ef[ c`eb _lY Yjk Z_f`Z types of networks Centralized networks are the most simple in structure, and easiest to break. If the central hub is removed, the whole net- work falls apart.3 Decentralized networks are stronger then those that are centralized, but they are vulnerable if more then a few hubs are removed. The advantage of this type of network can be set up relatively quickly. Distributed networks creates robust command and control structures that allows rapid shifts in strategic targeting, resistance to decapitation (attacks that target leadership), and the disruption of the communication channels. Since every node is a hub, this network is almost impossible to break down.1 connecting people It wasn’t until the ‘Kevin Bacon Theory’ of six degrees of separation came along that mass media and popular culture have thought of social groups as literal networks — interwoven connections between people that are made by interac- tion, and the formation of relationships.3 Each person in a network is a node who in turn connects to one or more people. Highly connected nodes are called hubs. Hubs are the leaders in a group, and are like the people you know who seem to know everyone. Through these connec- tions, information and resources can be shared. It is from sharing that a network gains its utility.3 A protest known as the Battle of Seattle was the first example of networked political protest in America. swarming Networks utilize a technique called swarming to attack other institutions. Swarming, in the context of protesting, can be thought of as the technique of quickly massing a large number of individuals from all directions onto a single position in order to attain a specific goal.15 The use of modern communications technology allows a extremely large amount of people divided into small units to synchronize their actions to a precise time and place.2 If conditions change, plans can be updated on the fly. cfZXk jkXik e[ Zfemi^ XkkXZb i`e]fiZ [`jgij network features how networks act centralized decentralized distributed
  • 14. 21 22 During four days from November 30th to December 3rd 1999, activists held mas- sive protests to voice opposition against the state of globalization, and cancel the meeting of the wto (World Trade Organi- zation). The wto is the body that creates rules and regulations governing the global trading system. 400,000 protesters from dozens of countries met in Seattle for four days in order to protest the wto. This protest, which has become known as The Battle of Seattle, represented one of the biggest public demonstrations of anti-globalization in America at the time.7 A ragtag army of nonviolent global citizens spoke, and the world listened.11 Protesters were not against trade, but they wanted economic policies to include social concerns: the environment, labor rights, and third world poverty.8 Because it deals with so many separate issues, from farm subsidies to intellectual prop- erty rights, the wto attracts a very mixed bag of opponents, which is one reason that opposition to it has been hard to focus.8 Some of the wto opponents want to reform the organization. Some want to abolish it. Virtually all of them resent the secrecy in which the wto makes decisions that its 135 member nations are supposed to abide by.9 background
  • 15. 23 24 importance While some recent demonstrations in America have drawn more people and some have been more violent, the Battle of Seattle is unique in recent US history.10 The Battle of Seattle is important because it was the first protest to utilize a modern sophisticated network. The Seattle protests were chosen as a case study because they were a prototype for a series of global protests that have followed and are continuing in the early 21st century. The Battle was notable for a number of reasons; the protests were on of the largest and most visible challenges to economic globalization in the United states. Many of the tactics, from the use of the technologies such as the internet and cell phone networks, to organiza- tional strategies, were subsequently imitated around the world and built upon at demonstrations that followed. In short, Seattle has become a shorthand term for a new global justice movement.15 The country had not witnessed such widespread direct action protests in many years. Demonstrators have shut down corporate lobbies, performed sidewalk political theater and put their bodies in the middle of the streets to draw atten- tion to their cause.4 The direct action protests in Seattle, were executed without permits, unlike typical mass marches. Their illegal nature have sparked harsh criticism, but now there are signs that direct action is actually begin- ning to change the way people think talk and even act. The sheer volume of protest forced increased press coverage, and corporate entities that most people have never heard of are now slipping into the public eye. On the ground the movement has coalesced remarkably quickly and has been able to shift tactics nimbly, in a large part because of the internet.4 None of these issues began, or ended with Seattle. Seattle did, however, cast them in a new light, highlighting a wide and global movement of protest against both international organizations and corporate power.10 The Battle of Seattle saw a more deliber- ate and tactically focused use of wireless communications and mobile networks in urban political conflict.12 Floating above the tear gas was a pulsing info-sphere of enormous bandwidth, reaching around the planet via the internet.6 To raise public awareness and enhance moral, protesters created and displayed huge banners with slogans and vivid imagery. The signs could be seen from miles away. background
  • 16. 25 26 police vs protesters The Battle of Seattle is a battle waged by protesters against the police. Though there were hundreds of groups that were involved in these protests, the Direct Action Network (dan) and the Ameri- can Federation of Labor Union (afl-cio) played the most significant role. Together, these two protest groups outnumbered the police by a ratio of 100 to 1. The police operated under the misguided assumption that dan activists would stop their protests in order to join to the afl-cio parade. This theory would prove to be wrong; the parade would join dan and embolden their ranks.6 The strategy to suppress the Direct Action Network protests while allowing the parade frag- mented the police force and made it near impossible to stop the dan activists. groups involved wave 1 200–300 locate and lockdown intersections nonviolent and risk arrest wave 2 4,000–5,000 protect wave 1 at all costs nonviolent and do not risk arrest wave 3 30,000 show symbolic solidarity nonviolent and do not risk arrest swarmed the streets afl-cio 4,000–5,000 not technically part of dan augmented dan wave 3 local force 400 allow the afl-cio parade prevent protests attempt to make arrests group breakdown
  • 17. 27 28 description The Direct Action Network is a collection of grass roots groups from Los Angeles to Vancouver.13 The Direct Action Network is not, in of it self, an organization; rather dan is a network of many individual activists groups that work cooperatively to achieve shared goals. Together, these groups practiced direct action, a type of activism that attempts to immediately fix perceived problems in society.5 dan serves as an umbrella organization in which organizations such as the People’s Global Actions, Ruckus Society, Earth- First!, Rainfroest Action Network, and Art Revolution.6 Through the Direct Action Network, these groups coordinated non-violent protest training, communications and collective strategy and tactics through a decentralized process of consultation and consensus decision making.6 strategy The major strategy utilized by dan, was to prevent the wto conference from opening by stopping the flow of delegates into the conference center and closing down major roads in downtown Seattle.11 The plan was organized through the affin- ity groups by spatially dividing downtown Seattle into 13 areas, each area in effect a slice radiating out from the conference center.6 Different affinity groups of 5–15 people, many willing to risk arrest, took responsibility for blocking key intersec- tions and hotels in each wedge.11 goal The overall strategic goal of the Direct Action Network was to “shut down” the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle.13 This goal was sufficiently broad to join together two a variety of wto opponents. The Direct Action Network protesters clustered around the inter- national network of non-governmental organizations (ngo) devoted to extending the principles of liberal democracy.6 seattle center washington convention center delegate route dan protesters downtown seattle groups involved
  • 18. 29 30 stage 1 dan wave 1 protestors seize and hold onto a handful of strategic intersections, immobilizing the police force. Though the police didn’t realize it, the Direct Action Network had already swarmed them and now shifting to a defensive strategy of holding on to the streets in immovable groups.6 stage 2 The police split into two groups, one to protect and allow a labor parade, and the other to suppress dan protests. The afl- cio rally and parade was planned in con- junction with the police, and the strategy of parading without protesting dovetailed neatly with the city plans for a minuscule protest and a media-genic parade. As the number of protesters increased, the 400 police remained in their lines around the Convention Center or at their positions at the Memorial Stadium.6 stage 3 Members of the parade join the dan Protest to reinforce the protesting. The afl-cio parade delivered crucial rein- forcements to the protesters, instead of sweeping them out of downtown. This was the reverse of what government of- ficials thought would happen. The police plan to reorganize for an attempt to force the Direct Action Network protesters out of the downtown area and into the afl-cio parade was a major turning point in the Battle of Seattle. It sealed the victory of protestors over the Police, and the wto.6 what happened overview The core structure of the Battle of Seattle was sit-in protesting. Wave 1 simply sat down at strategic locations just as the students in Nashville did decades before. The additional use of modern technol- ogy to facilitate collaboration among multiple waves of people augments and modifies the simple tactics of the Civil Rights era. It is important to understand that the massive increase in people involved in the Battle of Seattle and ad- ditional sophistication of communication represents an evolution of protesting. To better understand how this modern form of protest functions, the events of The Battle of Seattle can be broken down into three stages.
  • 19. 31 32 realtime communication Using cell phones to constantly stay con- nected, each group frequently updated each other on their status and location if some groups encountered difficulties or was running late, they told the others to slow down or help them out. lockdown To maintain their strategic positions, the dan activists locked themselves to heavy and immobile objects such as mailboxes, lamp posts, and fire hydrants. sample conversation: wave 1 to wave 1 “We’re about five minutes behind schedule.” “We’re almost there. What’s your timing?” what happened nXj_`e^kfe Zfemek`feZeki LE@MIJ@KP /K? .K? KIIP G@B LE@FE 0K? JE:8 E ]inXpgXib IFLGJF=,$(,GFGC :FEMIE:GF@EKJ IFLGDFMDEK stage 1: intersections seized
  • 20. 33 34 sample conversation: wave 1 to wave 2 mix of old and new Wave 2 was close enough wave 1 to allow for face to face conversation. Cell phones were reserved for communicating at longer distance or calling for backup using 3-way calling. “We need help! Police are approaching!” “Roger that. I’ll bring backup right away.” immobilization Unfortunately for the police, at this point the dan protesters had been so successful at blockading the area around the conven- tion center that police couldn’t move and therefore couldn’t remove people from the area in order to arrest them. Seattle Police Captain Jim Pugel, who commanded the force in the streets, later said he had too few officers to even make mass arrests.6 what happened T E R R Y nXj_`e^kfe Zfemek`feZeki LE@MIJ@KP /K? .K? KIIP G@B LE@FE 0K? JE:8 E ]inXpgXib nXm)^iflgj nXm(^iflgj gfc`Z^iflgj gfc`ZYcfZb[ POLICE MOVEMENT “We’re not close enough, but I’ll find some help.” stage 2: parade and protest
  • 21. 35 36 T E R R Y UNIVERSITY 8TH 7TH TERRY PIKE UNION 9TH SENECA nXj_`e^kfe Zfemek`feZeki ]inXpgXib nXm)^iflgj nXm(^iflgj gfc`Z^iflgj N8M*IFLGJ G8I8;IFLGJ less talk more action Wave 3 did not communicate with waves 1 and 2. Rather, their mission was to make it difficult for police to move about by clogging the streets and making their presence known to the media. The afl-cio parade intermingled with wave 3, further strengthening dan’s Numbers . afl-cio parade During the 2nd and 3rd days of the Battle of Seattle, thousands of peopled left the afl-cio parade to join dan’s street actions. This could be thought of as additional fourth wave of protest. what happened stage 3: reinforcements
  • 22. 37 38 dan communications The cohesion of the Direct Action Net- work was partly due to their improvised communications network assembled out of cell phones, radios, police scanners and portable computers. Protesters in the street with wireless Palm Pilots were able to link into continuously updated web pages giving reports from the streets. Police scanners monitored transmissions and provided some warning of changing police tactics. Cell phones were widely used for voice communication.6 use of technology The disorder spreading through the streets downtown was instantly commu- nicated to the crowd through cell phones, radios and the rest of the info-sphere. Behind the scenes, furious activity was taking place by the protesters to prevent the parade from being canceled by city authorities.6 Multiple media channels were used by thousands of dan protesters simultane- ously to share information with each other and also to inform the public about what was happening. dan was able to bypass mainstream media and tell their side of the story. communication tactics Information can flow through multiple paths to reach the same destination. The police understand that real-time communica- tion is essential to dan’s strategy, and so they try to destroy the cellular network in the Downtown area. Signal towers are shut down. Cell phones utilize a centralized communications network to distribute information. To compensate for the loss of cell phones, Nextel walkie-talkies were utilized to communicate in a peer-to-peer decentralized network. In each group of eight protesters, there is 1 person that acts as a major hub to other groups. Communications are impossible since the signal towers, which act as the main hubs, are down. dan members cannot communicate via cell phone. Kelly Quirke, Executive Director of the Rainforest Action Network, reports that early Tuesday, “the authorities had suc- cessfully squashed dan’s communications system.” The solution to the infrastructure attack was quickly resolved by purchas- ing new Nextel cell phones. According to Han Shan, the Ruckus Society’s wto action coordinator, his organization and other protest groups that formed the Direct Action Network used the Nextel system to create a cellular grid over the city. They broke into talk groups of eight people each. One of the eight overlapped with another talk group, helping to quickly communicate through the ranks.6 cell texting instant messaging zines radio world wide web activist intranets subnet a subnet b hub connects a to b message 1 start message 2 start message 1 and 2 end
  • 24. 41 42 The rights and liberties we enjoy today were not always present; they were earned by the determination and effort of those in the past that demanded improvements in the status-quo and saw hope for a better future. Each generation has used the tools available at their dis- posal to generate those improvements. In the 1960s, the black minority in the United States utilized face to face meetings, as well as small, coordinated, focused, and synchronized protests that took many forms, one of them being the sit-in. The sit-in is but one form of pro- test, but it has been used by many other groups throughout history. Today, the tools available to the pub- lic for communication are much more sophisticated and mobile then those used in Nashville. In the right hands, devices such as cell phones and walkie-talkies are powerful tools indeed. The dan activists showed the world what a determined group of people can do with communica- tions technology. conclusion The most profound outcome of the wto protests is the appearance of the netwar construct in American politics. The Battle of Seattle was fought not only in the streets, but also in the info-sphere. The wto protests were the first to take full advantage of the extremely dense and wide-reaching alternative media network which uses the internet.6 The wto protests in Seattle were the largest scale left-wing demonstrations in America since the Gulf War. They were also the most successful American politi- cal demonstrations of the decade.6 The wto protests succeeded in the streets by a combination of strategic surprise and tactical openness. Since the Battle of Seattle, protests throughout the world, in places such as Bangkok, London, Prague, Melbourne and other cities have been visited what protesters call the ‘Spirit of Seattle’. The tactics and methodology practiced in 1999 are utilized today as a model for effective protests.
  • 25. 43 44 works cited 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 This book was researched, illustrated, designed, and produced by Shlomo Goltz during the 2007 spring semester at Wasington University in Saint Louis Sam Fox School of Art and Design in the Visual Communications major. This book represents the culmination of my undergraduate studies, and is an amal- gamation of many of my academic inter- ests: graphic design, social psychology, and technology. The content of this book was inspired by the numerous protests against the Iraq war, and the book entitled Smart Mobs by Howard Rheingold, which I discovered on NPR and read while living in the Washgtion University Cooperative. The text is set in Whitney and printed on Mohawk Navajo superfine paper at the Lewis Center computer lab. A special thanks to my seminar professor Heather Corcoran for providing helpful critiques, advice, and guidance along the way. I would also like to acknowledge the support of family and friends for dealing with me as I took on the task of creating a capstone seminar project. text sources image sources Baker, Jean H. Sisters the Lives of America’s Suffragists. New York: Hill and Wang, 2005. Durham, Michael S. Powerful Days. New York: Eastman Kodak, 1991. flickr user ntisocl.http://www.flickr.com/photos/nti- socl/49566715/ and http://www.flickr.com/photos/nti- socl/49560271/ Jennings, Peter, and Tood Brewster. TheCentury. New York: Dooubleday, 1998. Nashville Public Library. Civil Rights Collection ©2006 Seattle Post-Intelligencer ©1996-2007 Arquilla, John, and David F. Ronfeldt. Networks and Netwars: the Future of Terror, Crime, and Militancy. New York: RAND Corporation, 2002. 201–235. Arquilla, John, and David Ronfeldt. Swarming the Future of Conflict. New York: Rand Corporation, 2000. Barabasi, Albert-Laszl. Linked. New York: Plume, 2003. Brahinsky, Rachel. “Life During Wartime.” The San Fransisco Bay Gaurdian 16 Apr. 2003. Castells, Manuel. “Why Networks Matter.” Network Logic. London: Demos. 221–225. De Armond, Paul. “Black Flag Over Seattle.” Albion Monitor (2000). http://albionmonitor.net/seattlewto/ index.html. Feldman, Charles, and Don Knapp. “wto Protests Awaken ‘60s-Style Activism.” CNN. 2 Dec. 1999. Asso- ciated Press, Reuters. http://archives.cnn.com/1999/ US/12/02/wto.protest.perspective/index.html. Hornblower, Margo. “The Battle in Seattle”.Time 29 Nov. 1999. Lacayo, Richard. “Rage Against the Machine.” Time 13 Dec. 1999. Lichbach, Mark I. Global Order And Local Resistance: Structure, Culture, And Rationality In The Battle of Seattle:. Diss. Univ. of Maryland, 2002. Parrish, Geov. “The Day the wto Stood Still.” Seattle Weekly 1 Dec. 1999. Rheingold, Howard. Smart Mobs. Cambridge: Basic Books, 2002.191-202. Wainwright, Joel. “The Battles in Seattle; Microgeog- raphies of Resistance.” Environment and Planning os 18 (2000). Wall, Melissa A., “NGOs VS. Street Groups’ communi- cation in the Battle of Seatle” The Public. 10 (2003) Why War Staff. “Swarming and the Future of Protest- ing.” Why-War? http://www.why-war.com/features/ read.php?id=4.
  • 26. 45 46