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NAME –SHEETAL AGNIHOTRI
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 Human ecology is an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary study of
the relationship between humans and their natural, social, and built
environments. The philosophy and study of human ecology has a
diffuse history with advancements
in ecology, geography, sociology, psychology, anthropology, zoology,
epidemiology, public health, and home economics, among others.
 Human Ecology is the study of the interactions between man and nature in
different cultures. Human Ecology combines the ideas and methods from several
disciplines, including anthropology, sociology, biology, economic history and
archeology
 defined as ‘the study of the form and the development of the
community in human populationswhich the unit of analysis ‘is not
the individual but the aggregate which is either organized or in the
process of being organized’ has offered valuable insights into
demographic phenomena for many years. Given the nature of the
ecological paradigm, contributions are most evident in macro-level
demographic theory and research, as illustrated by studies of
population growth, concentration, and deconcentration of urban
populations, national and international systems of cities, and human
migration both within and across the boundaries of nation states.
Fundamental to its relevance for demography are human ecology's
systemic approach and its conceptualization of population as having
‘operational significance only when clothed with a set of institutions
and located in a space-time context’
 Human demographics and sociology
 Human ecology and behavior are obviously biological in nature, so finding
TPL applies to national census data is not surprising. The US has
conducted 23 censuses since the first in 1790. Since the first census,
citizens and residents have been asked their ethnicity, and gender since
1830, providing a trove of information suitable for TPL analysis.
 The spatial TPL of population per state (Fig. 11.5A) is highly linear, with
minimal serial correlation, and super-aggregated (b = 2.23). It is similar to
the box-counting approach of Arenicola (Fig. 7.36) or Japanese beetle
larvae (Fig. 8.7) but with irregularly shaped and unevenly sized quadrats.
Ignoring the fact that the number of states (quadrats) increased from 15 to
50 over 160 years, the growth of population within the quadrats is
equivalent to increasing the size of quadrats in an ensemble study with a
static population. Converting number per quadrat to density produces a
curved TPL indicating that even as the population grew, the variation
between the states declined.
Environmental Determinism
 Around the turn of the century, geographers, notably Friedrich Ratzel in Germany and his American
 disciple, Ellen C. Semple, espoused the view that humans were completely the product of their
 environment, a theory that came to be called environmental determinism. Followers o f this school,
 which dominated geographical thought well into the 1920s, asserted that all aspects of human culture
 and behavior were caused directly by environmental influences (Figure 1). For example, the British
 were a nation of seafarers because they were an island-dwelling race surrounded by seas; the Arabs
 were monotheistic Muslims because living in the vast empty desert turned their minds toward a single
 God; the Eskimos were primitive nomads because the harsh conditions of their arctic habitat forbade
 their development into a complex civilization. The books of Semple and others were filled with endless
 listings of seemingly plausible environmental determinants of cultural forms.
 IN place of the discredited determinism, a new theory, called environmental possibilism, was
 proposed. Its proponents asserted that while the environment did not directly cause specific cultural
 developments, the presence or absence of specific environmental factors placed limits on such
 developments by either permitting or forbidding their occurrence (Figure 2). Thus, island peoples
 could be seafarers, but residents of Inner Mongolia could not be; inhabitants of temperate regions
 might practice agriculture, but those living in arctic latitudes could not.
 The value of the possibilist approach was perhaps best demonstrated by the American anthropologist
 Kroeber, who showed that the Indians of northwestern North America could not adopt maize
 agriculture from their southern neighbors because the frost-free growing season in their region was
 shorter than the four months required for the maize plants to reach maturity. Their environment thus
 limited the ability of their culture to evolve in an agricultural direction.
 A possibilist stance was also taken by the British historian Arnold Toynbee in his multivolumed A
 Study of History (1947), in which he argued that the development of civilizations could be explained in
 terms o f their responses to environmental challenges.
 Carrying Capacity
 Cultural Ecology
 According to Moran (1979), carrying capacity is "the number of
individuals that ahabitat can support"
 (Moran 1979). This idea is related to population pressure,
referring to the demands of apopulation on
 the resources of its ecosystem (Moran 1979). If the technology
of a group shifts, then the
 carryingcapacity changes as well. An example of the
application of carrying capacity within ecological
 anthropology isdemonstrated in Rappaport’s study of the
TsembagaMaring.
 The Cultural Ecology theory considers how environmental
forces influence humans and how human
 activities affect the biosphere and the Earth itself (Kottak,,
2009). The study of the environment’s
 effects on humans was especially prevalent in the 1950s and
1970s when Julian Steward founded the
 anthropological theory of Cultural Ecology. Steward defined
Cultural Ecology in his 1955 book, The
 Theory of Cultural Change, as "a heuristic device for
understanding the effect of environment
 Considerable disagreement exists within anthropology regarding the
application of ecological
 concepts and principles to the study of human social behavior.
 For cultural ecologists, ecology serves more as an orientation for
the study of human
 environmental relations than as an operational set of theoretical
principles which can be used to
 explain specific human social behaviors.
 Human ecology is the study of the interactions of humans with
their environments,or the study
human_ecologyredefined.pptx

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human_ecologyredefined.pptx

  • 2.  Human ecology is an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary study of the relationship between humans and their natural, social, and built environments. The philosophy and study of human ecology has a diffuse history with advancements in ecology, geography, sociology, psychology, anthropology, zoology, epidemiology, public health, and home economics, among others.  Human Ecology is the study of the interactions between man and nature in different cultures. Human Ecology combines the ideas and methods from several disciplines, including anthropology, sociology, biology, economic history and archeology
  • 3.
  • 4.  defined as ‘the study of the form and the development of the community in human populationswhich the unit of analysis ‘is not the individual but the aggregate which is either organized or in the process of being organized’ has offered valuable insights into demographic phenomena for many years. Given the nature of the ecological paradigm, contributions are most evident in macro-level demographic theory and research, as illustrated by studies of population growth, concentration, and deconcentration of urban populations, national and international systems of cities, and human migration both within and across the boundaries of nation states. Fundamental to its relevance for demography are human ecology's systemic approach and its conceptualization of population as having ‘operational significance only when clothed with a set of institutions and located in a space-time context’
  • 5.  Human demographics and sociology  Human ecology and behavior are obviously biological in nature, so finding TPL applies to national census data is not surprising. The US has conducted 23 censuses since the first in 1790. Since the first census, citizens and residents have been asked their ethnicity, and gender since 1830, providing a trove of information suitable for TPL analysis.  The spatial TPL of population per state (Fig. 11.5A) is highly linear, with minimal serial correlation, and super-aggregated (b = 2.23). It is similar to the box-counting approach of Arenicola (Fig. 7.36) or Japanese beetle larvae (Fig. 8.7) but with irregularly shaped and unevenly sized quadrats. Ignoring the fact that the number of states (quadrats) increased from 15 to 50 over 160 years, the growth of population within the quadrats is equivalent to increasing the size of quadrats in an ensemble study with a static population. Converting number per quadrat to density produces a curved TPL indicating that even as the population grew, the variation between the states declined.
  • 6. Environmental Determinism  Around the turn of the century, geographers, notably Friedrich Ratzel in Germany and his American  disciple, Ellen C. Semple, espoused the view that humans were completely the product of their  environment, a theory that came to be called environmental determinism. Followers o f this school,  which dominated geographical thought well into the 1920s, asserted that all aspects of human culture  and behavior were caused directly by environmental influences (Figure 1). For example, the British  were a nation of seafarers because they were an island-dwelling race surrounded by seas; the Arabs  were monotheistic Muslims because living in the vast empty desert turned their minds toward a single  God; the Eskimos were primitive nomads because the harsh conditions of their arctic habitat forbade  their development into a complex civilization. The books of Semple and others were filled with endless  listings of seemingly plausible environmental determinants of cultural forms.
  • 7.  IN place of the discredited determinism, a new theory, called environmental possibilism, was  proposed. Its proponents asserted that while the environment did not directly cause specific cultural  developments, the presence or absence of specific environmental factors placed limits on such  developments by either permitting or forbidding their occurrence (Figure 2). Thus, island peoples  could be seafarers, but residents of Inner Mongolia could not be; inhabitants of temperate regions  might practice agriculture, but those living in arctic latitudes could not.  The value of the possibilist approach was perhaps best demonstrated by the American anthropologist  Kroeber, who showed that the Indians of northwestern North America could not adopt maize  agriculture from their southern neighbors because the frost-free growing season in their region was  shorter than the four months required for the maize plants to reach maturity. Their environment thus  limited the ability of their culture to evolve in an agricultural direction.  A possibilist stance was also taken by the British historian Arnold Toynbee in his multivolumed A  Study of History (1947), in which he argued that the development of civilizations could be explained in  terms o f their responses to environmental challenges.
  • 8.  Carrying Capacity  Cultural Ecology
  • 9.  According to Moran (1979), carrying capacity is "the number of individuals that ahabitat can support"  (Moran 1979). This idea is related to population pressure, referring to the demands of apopulation on  the resources of its ecosystem (Moran 1979). If the technology of a group shifts, then the  carryingcapacity changes as well. An example of the application of carrying capacity within ecological  anthropology isdemonstrated in Rappaport’s study of the TsembagaMaring.
  • 10.  The Cultural Ecology theory considers how environmental forces influence humans and how human  activities affect the biosphere and the Earth itself (Kottak,, 2009). The study of the environment’s  effects on humans was especially prevalent in the 1950s and 1970s when Julian Steward founded the  anthropological theory of Cultural Ecology. Steward defined Cultural Ecology in his 1955 book, The  Theory of Cultural Change, as "a heuristic device for understanding the effect of environment
  • 11.  Considerable disagreement exists within anthropology regarding the application of ecological  concepts and principles to the study of human social behavior.  For cultural ecologists, ecology serves more as an orientation for the study of human  environmental relations than as an operational set of theoretical principles which can be used to  explain specific human social behaviors.  Human ecology is the study of the interactions of humans with their environments,or the study