Fair Housing Movements and Their Opposition in the Non-Jim Crow Midwest

Fair Housing Movements and Their Opposition in the Non-Jim Crow
Midwest
By Marcus Van Grinsven
History 600: Seminar In History
Professor Joe Austin
May 13, 2015

Introduction:
In the summer of 1966, Dr. Martin Luther King came to Chicago to bring the battle for
civil rights to the north. He became of the leaders of the Chicago Freedom Movement, which
was a movement to promote civil rights, particularly open housing, for African Americans in
Chicago. The following summer, a Catholic Priest form Milwaukee named Father James Groppi
led a similar movement in Milwaukee. While local elected officials tended to support civil
rights causes at the national level, they resisted them at the local level. In 1968, the Fair
Housing Act was passed by Congress.
There were many similarities between these two movements. They were both led by men
of the Clergy, King, a Baptist Minister, and Groppi, a Catholic Priest. Both of these men were
outsiders of a sort, King was not from the Chicago area, and Groppi was white. Both marches
began as non-violent, but unlike similar marches in the American south, the northern marchers
were willing to physically defend themselves against mob violence, even at the hands of the
police.
The mayors of both Milwaukee and Chicago, Henry W. Maier and Richard J. Daley,
respectively, as well as most other elected officials from the cities were resistant and
unsympathetic to the cause at the local level. Maier supported civil rights on the national level,
but didn’t want a patchwork of local laws. Daley was a friend and ally of President Lyndon
Johnson, who was a major proponent of civil rights.
Today these marches in the Midwest are not well as well-known outside of their own
communities as well as the earlier movements in the south, in cities such as Birmingham and
Selma. In their own time, they did not evoke the public sympathy that the earlier marches in the
south had.

The south had a well-known history of segregation from the days of slavery to the Jim
Crow era. It’s city, county, and state governments were mostly unified in their policies of
segregation which were codified as “Jim Crow Laws”. In the cities of the north, de jure
segregation was never a major issue. Where people lived was determined by where they could
afford to live, but more importantly, where they could find a seller or landlord willing to sell or
rent to them. Politicians at different levels of government quarreled and passed the buck on fair
housing and other civil rights issues. While media coverage of protests in Alabama showed
images of police spraying hoses and sicking dogs on peaceful protesters, including children;
there was no such graphic coverage of the civil rights movement in the north. The media
coverage in the north focused more on rioting blacks. Many in the north sympathized with the
civil rights movement, but felt threatened by it when it meant racial integration in their own
neighborhood. The main reasons the civil rights marches of the north faded into historical
obscurity in contrast with Selma and Birmingham is because of bias and a lack of attention
by the media, the fact that southern marches were totally non-violent, while the northern
marches usually had some kind of security force that practiced self-defense, and the fact
the politicians as well as civil rights leaders in the north, while not opposed to civil rights
and open housing, failed to act on a local level.
A Review of the Historical Literatures on Chicago Freedom Movement and The Milwaukee

Marches
In their article “Symposium: The Fair Housing Act After 40 Years: Continuing The
Mission To Eliminate Housing Discrimination And Segregation: Non-Violent Direct Action And
The Legislative Process: The Chicago Freedom Movement And The Federal Fair Housing Act,”
Leonard S. Rubinowitz and Kathryn Shelton compare the Chicago Freedom Movement to civil
rights movements in the Alabama cities of Birmingham and Selma. A leader of this movement
was Martin Luther King, who brought his civil rights leadership to the north after his successful
voting rights campaign in Alabama. King and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference
teamed up with local activists to form the Chicago Freedom Movement, to target discrimination
in Chicago’s housing market1
.
One of the reasons for selecting Chicago as a northern city was because King and the
SCLC believed that Mayor Richard J. Daley would be sympathetic to their cause, since Daley
had sponsored one of the SCLC’s biggest fundraisers just two years earlier2
. Daley and other
elected officials tried at first to negotiate with the marchers, but grew unsympathetic after
receiving backlash from working class white voters, one of his prized voting blocs, for allowing
1
Leonard S. Rubinowitz and Kathryn Shelton, “The Fair Housing Act after 40 Years: Continuing the
Mission to Eliminate Housing Discrimination and Segregation: Non-Violent Direct Action and the Legislative
Process: The Chicago Freedom Movement and the Federal Fair Housing Act” Indiana Law Review 41 Ind. L. Rev.
663 (2008): 2, accessed March 22, 2015, http://www.lexisnexis.com.ezproxy.lib.uwm.edu/hottopics/lnacademic/?
verb=sr&csi=222360&sr=AUTHOR(Rubinowitz)%2BAND
%2BTITLE(THE+FAIR+HOUSING+ACT+AFTER+40+YEARS
%3A+CONTINUING+THE+MISSION+TO+ELIMINATE+HOUSING
2

the marches to occur3
.
President Lyndon Johnson was trying to get a federal fair housing bill through Congress,
and had called on civil rights activists like King for their help. King hoped the movement in
Chicago would create momentum to get the federal bill enacted4
. Unlike many earlier civil rights
measures that had been passed by Congress, the federal fair housing bill would have more of an
effect on the north than the south5
.
When the non-violent activists of the Chicago freedom movement marched for open
housing into white neighborhoods they were usually met with violent opposition from the
residents. A major difference is that in Chicago, the violence was perpetrated against the
marchers by civilians, not police as had been the case in Selma and Birmingham6
. While the
3
4
5
6

police in Chicago did escort the marchers, mobs were able to breach police lines and attack the
marchers7
. In Chicago, like Selma, non-violent marchers were met with violent resistance from
whites, but the Chicago marches failed to garner the same public support as their counterparts in
the south had just a few years earlier. The Fair Housing Act was enacted shortly before King’s
assassination.
In his book The Selma of the North, Patrick Jones compares and contrasts the “Bloody
Sunday” March in Selma, Alabama and the Civil Rights marches in Milwaukee. While there
were many similarities, there were also differences that may explain why the Selma march and
other southern Civil Rights movements are better remembered than the largely forgotten northern
movements. In Selma, the police were among the attackers who tried to suppress the march,
while in Milwaukee, they protected the marchers more or less. In Selma, the marchers remained
non-violent while enduring resistance, while in Milwaukee, the marchers fought back.
Milwaukee had more of an industrial base than the South, and its neighborhoods were ethnic
enclaves. The Catholic Church had a much stronger presence in Milwaukee than in most of the
South.
In March 1965, Father James Groppi was part of a group of Priests who went to Selma,
Alabama to participate in the mass march that followed Bloody Sunday. Groppi’s experience in
the Selma March influenced how the priest would create his own movement just two years later.
7

“According to (fellow Priest, Patrick) Flood, ‘[Selma was] the basis for Jim [Groppi] when he
came back, for the demonstrations [in Milwaukee], and for how to create a movement8
.’”.
Unlike the southeastern United States, Milwaukee had a vibrant industrial base, with strong
organized labor. At times, there was tension between the unions and African Americans. Jones
mentions the example of a railroad workers strike in July 1922, when striking white workers
were replaced with blacks. A group of these black railroad workers were sleeping in boxcars in
the suburb of New Butler, they were attacked by a group of angry union workers who opened
fire on them9
. While it is possible that anger over labor relations rather than race may have been
a factor, it was unusual for strikers to attack strikebreakers in such a fashion.
In an article "’Not a Color, but an Attitude’: Father James Groppi’s and Black Power
Politics in Milwaukee" Jones’ main arguments are that Father James Groppi, the Catholic Priest
and civil rights leader received criticism not just from whites, but from other black groups
because he was white, and that because this march was led by a white man that the civil rights
movement is not just about blacks, it is about everyone. In 1963 Father Groppi traveled to the
south, where he witnessed the racial discrimination there, but he also found that his fellow
Catholics, who were a minority in the south were working with the black community10
. When
Groppi emerged as a civil rights leader, some of the Black Nationalist groups criticized him for
being white. For instance, one member of Pride Inc. claimed that “Father Groppi has only one
thing wrong with him, his color. It’s the same old case of whites using Negroes”11
. In spite of
8
Patrick Jones, The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University Press, 2009), 100.
9
Patrick Jones, The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University Press, 2009), 9.
10
Patrick D. Jones, "’Not a Color, but an Attitude’: Father James Groppi and Black Power Politics in Milwaukee."
Chap 11 in Groundwork: Local Black Freedom Movements in America 2005, edited by Jeanne F. Theoharis and
Komozi Woodard, 2590281. New York: New York University Press, 2005. 263.
11
Patrick D. Jones, "’Not a Color, but an Attitude’: Father James Groppi’s and Black Power Politics in Milwaukee."

the critics, Groppi also had supporters, who felt that he was making the civil rights movement
friendlier to white people, such as Comedian Dick Gregory who said “What we are doing here in
Milwaukee is convincing a lot of cats that Black Nationalism is not a color, it’s an attitude”12
.
Civil rights causes are important not only to the group that is being discriminated against, but to
everyone who believes in equality. A person does not have to be black to care about equal rights
for blacks. One of the important distinctions of the civil rights movement in Milwaukee is that it
did not pit blacks against whites, but civil rights supporters against civil rights opponents.
Margaret Rozga’s article “March on Milwaukee” talks about the tactics used by the marchers
in the Milwaukee marches. In 1962, Milwaukee Alderwoman Vel Phillips introduce a fair
housing bill before the city council13
. While the bill was up for consideration, Father Groppi and
his commandos would peacefully picket in front of the homes of city council members with large
numbers of black constituents to urge them to support the bill14
. In 1966, a black couple was not
allowed to rent a duplex, because the landlady was worried about what her neighbors would
think. Groppi and the Commandos sang Christmas carols for the landlady15
.
The tactics mentioned by Rozga are to target people who are opposing civil rights
because of peer pressure. The landlady who refused to rent to the black couple did so not
because of her own personal feelings but because of what her neighbors would think. The
aldermen who had black constituents were more likely to be supportive of something that would
benefit the members of their districts.
12
Patrick D. Jones, "’Not a Color, but an Attitude’: Father James Groppi;s and Black Power Politics in Milwaukee."
13
Margarret Rozga, “March on Milwaukee,” The Wisconsin Magazine of History 90, no. 4 (2007): 30, accessed
April 21, 2014, 31, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4637228.
14
15

Stephen M. Leahy’s main argument of his article “Polish American Reaction to Civil Rights
in Milwaukee, 1963-1965” are that Polish Americans on Milwaukee’s south side, were less
likely to oppose civil rights and more likely to support them than other whites in the city and
suburbs. The author examines letters that were sent from constituents of Congressmen Clement
Zablocki and Henry Reuss and Mayor Henry W. Maier, and classifies them as either pro or anti
civil rights, and then plots them onto a map using the letter’s return address. The results are that
the predominantly Polish-American neighborhood in which the Milwaukee civil rights marches
took place, had a higher rate of support for and a lower rate of opposition to civil rights than
most of the rest of the city. Another map shows that there is a much higher opposition in
Wauwatosa16
. Another map shows letters from this neighborhood that mention segregationist
Presidential hopeful George Wallace tend to be pro civil rights17
.
Chicago Freedom Movement
On the night of May 26, 1966, the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. announced that on
June 26, he would be leading a rally at Soldier Field in Chicago followed by a march to
Chicago’s City Hall, where he would present Mayor Richard J. Daley with a list of demands for
policies to improve the lives of Chicago’s African Americans18 19
. In the event the mayor was
16
Leahy, Stephen M. “Polish American Reaction to Civil Rights in Milwaukee, 1963-1965.” Polish American
Studies 63, no. 1 (2006): 35-56, accessed March 22, 2015, 52, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20148739.
17
Leahy, Stephen M. “Polish American Reaction to Civil Rights in Milwaukee, 1963-1965.” Polish American
Studies 63, no. 1 (2006): 35-56, 48, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20148739.
18
“King Discloses Plan for Rally, March on City Hall on June 26,” Chicago Tribune (1963-Current file) (Chicago,
IL), May 27, 1966, 1; ;
http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uwm.edu/hnpchicagotribune/docview/178966972/24352BF1BF564ABDPQ/
1?accountid=15078
19
“King and Daley to Talk in City Hall Monday,” Chicago Tribune (1963-Current file) (Chicago, IL), July 9, 1966,
page 7;
http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uwm.edu/hnpchicagotribune/docview/179027847/F1089ACA03C64121PQ/1
7?accountid=15078

not present King said, “If the mayor isn’t just in that Sunday, we’ll tack them (the demands) on
the City hall door”20
. King also vowed “Chicago will have a long hot summer, but not a summer
of racial violence. Rather it will be a summer of peaceful non-violence”21
.
Although eight neighborhood groups were invited to participate in the marches, only one,
The West Side Federation, pledged to actively participate22
. While the other groups were
supportive of the marches, but felt that marching was not a productive solution. Midwest
Community Council director F. Adrian Robson said “We have been working on west side
problems 20 years, and we do not feel that demonstrations get things done”23
. Mile Square
Federation President Clifford Burke called for further negotiations between the civil rights
groups and City Hall24
. West Garfield Community Council member William von Roedher was
concerned that “The least little thing could ignite a conflagration in this neighborhood which was
the scene of last summer’s riots”25
. The Reverend Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, president of the
National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Inc. claimed “that it is not enough to call together large
20
IL), May 27, 1966, page 1;
;http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uwm.edu/hnpchicagotribune/docview/178966972/24352BF1BF564ABDPQ/
1?accountid=15078
21
IL), May 27, 1966, page 1; ;
http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uwm.edu/hnpchicagotribune/docview/178966972/24352BF1BF564ABDPQ/
1?accountid=15078
22
“Only One Group to Join Dr. King’s Rally, March.” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), June 12, 1966, page K6;
5?accountid=15078
23
”Only One Group to Join Dr. King’s Rally, March,” Chicago Tribune (1963-Current file) (Chicago, IL), June 12,
1966, page K6;
5?accountid=15078
24
1966, page K6;
5?accountid=15078
25
1966, page K6;
5?accountid=15078

crowds of people to be used in demonstration and as pressure group”26
.
On July 1, at a convention in Baltimore, The Congress of Racial Equality had proposed
the idea of abandoning their policy of non-violence in exchange for a policy of self-defense27
.
King, who was scheduled to speak at the conference, cancelled his appearance, claiming that he
had forgotten about a previous engagement28
. King held to his stance on nonviolence, stating on
July 9, “If I were not morally against violence, I would be against it practically”29
.
The rally and march originally scheduled for July 26 were actually held on July 10. At
the rally, King reiterated his commitment to nonviolence, “Our power does not reside in Molotov
cocktails, rifles, knives, and bricks”30
. King and Albert A. Raby of the Coordinating Council of
Community Organizations made good on their promise and singed the list of demands and taped
them to the entrance of city hall31
. At the Soldier Field Rally, police estimated 30,000 were in
attendance, while King estimated a number of 65,00032 33
. Police estimated 5,000 people
26
”Negro Baptist Leader Balks At King Rally,” Chicago Tribune (1963-Current file) (Chicago, IL), July 7, 1966,
page A3;
9?accountid=15078
27
“C.O.R.E. Asked To Abandon Nonviolence: King Cancels Speech to Convention,” Chicago Tribune (1963-
Current file) (Chicago, IL), July 2, 1966, page 15;
9?accountid=15078
28
“C.O.R.E. Asked To Abandon Nonviolence: King Cancels Speech to Convention,” Chicago Tribune (1963-
Current file) (Chicago, IL), July 2, 1966, page 15;
9?accountid=15078
29
page 7;
7?accountid=15078
30
“Thousands Go to Soldiers’ Field Rights Rally: King Speaks to 30,000 at Rights Rally: Tells His Aims for
Chicago,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 11, 1966, page 2;
0?accountid=15078
31
“King Tells Goals; March on City Hall,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 11, 1966, page 1;
?accountid=15078
32
“Thousands Go to Soldiers’ Field Rights Rally: King Speaks to 30,000 at Rights Rally: Tells His Aims for
Chicago,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 11, 1966, page 1;
0?accountid=15078
33
“30,000 Hear Dr. King At Soldier Field Rally: 98 Degree Temperature Fails To Prevent Huge Turn-Out,”

participated in the march that followed the rally, while march organizers came up with a much
larger figure, 80% of those who attended the rally were claimed to have participated in the
march34
. There may have been even more trying to get to the rally, as an announcement
made over the public address system said that there were several busses “backed up for
miles along the Outer Drive”35
.
On July 8, Mayor Richard J. Daley announced he would meet with Dr. King the
following Monday at Chicago City Hall to discuss problems in the city. The mayor said he
was going to tell King about the progress Chicago had made in dealing with problems such
as slums, jobs, and education36
. On July 12, the day after the rally and march, King and Daley
met at city hall for three hours to discuss racial issues, in a meeting that left both sides
disappointed. King was disappointed by a lack of specific solutions, and threatened to hold more
marches, while Daley claimed has asked King and his aides what they wanted him to do, and
could not get a direct answer37 38
. According to King, they discussed the demands that had
posted on the door to city hall, and while Daley was sympathetic, he was also vague and made no
Chicago Daily Defender (Daily Edition) (1960-1973) (Chicago, IL), Jul. 11, 1966, page 3;
http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.lib.uwm.edu/hnpchicagodefender/docview/494253431/A95E856C11B043D4PQ
/9?accountid=15078
34
“King Tells Goals; March on City Hall: Posts 14 Demands for Daley on Door: Fill State Street From Curb To
Curb,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 11, 1966, page 1;
?accountid=15078
35
“30,000 Hear Dr. King At Soldier Field Rally: 98 Degree Temperature Fails To Prevent Huge Turn-Out,”
/9?accountid=15078
36
page 7;
7?accountid=15078
37
“Daley, King, Aids, Meet on Rights: Protesters Not Satisfied With Results, Threaten Many More Marches,”
Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 12, 1966, page 1;
?accountid=15078
38
Betty Washington, “Dr. King, Mayor Daly Lock Horns On ‘Open City’ Issue,” Chicago Daily Defender (Daily
Edition) (1960-1973) (Chicago, IL), Jul. 12, 1966, page 1;
/7?accountid=15078

commitments39 40
. King said he didn’t think Daley understood how bad the problems were, but
that he did not think they mayor was a bigot41
. King also claimed that city employees were
being intimidated to prevent them from participating in the marches and that the city
government was strategically granting minor concessions to the African American
community just enough to undermine the civil rights movement42
. When asked about
statements King had made about filling Chicago’s jails with civil rights activists for the
cause, Daley said that he would not tolerate illegal activity, but “I don’t think Dr. King
would violate any law. He said he was not for violence”43
.
On the nights following the rally and march, the west side of Chicago erupted into civil
unrest, which Mayor Daley blamed on outside influences, particularly the Southern Christian
Leadership Council44
. Daley also called out the National Guard, and met with King where they
reached an agreement on five steps that would taken by the city to calm the tensions, including
putting sprinkler heads of fire hydrants, building more swimming pools and ensuring that
39
Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 12, 1966, pages 1-2;
?accountid=15078
40
/7?accountid=15078
41
?accountid=15078
42
/7?accountid=15078
43
?accountid=15078
44
“Dr. Jackson Joins Archbishop in Peace Plea, Daley Links Outsiders to Lawlessness: Rev. Jackson, Cody Ask for
Peace,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 16, 1966, page A1;
1?accountid=15078

everyone has equal access to them, and a citizen council focused on relations between the police
and civilians45
.
Several African American community leaders were also critical of King and the SCLC’s
presence. The Reverend Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, echoed Daley’s sentiment “I believe our young
people are not vicious enough to attack a whole city, some other forces are using these young
people”46
. Jackson also said at a press conference that the city was taking care of its own
problems47
. Chicago Committee of One Hundred President, Ernest E. Rather said that the
SCLC’s presence was not helpful, and that even their non-violent message could indirectly
lead to violence48
. King later denied that the SCLC’s influence had anything to do with the riot,
claiming that the accusers were making those claims to direct attention from the real issues of
racial injustice, and said of those who committed the violence “Violence is but an expression of
his personal life. No wonder it appears logical for him to strike out and return violence against
his oppressor”49
.
On August 5, events took a more violent turn when King led an open housing march at
Marquette Park. Several of the participants had been demonstrating in front of some nearby real
45
Peace,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 16, 1966, page A2;
1?accountid=15078
46
Peace,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 16, 1966, pages A1-A2;
1?accountid=15078
47
Bety Washington, “Dr. King, Rev. Jackson Air Differences: Chicago Rallies Is A Thorny Issue,” Chicago Daily
Defender (Daily Edition) (1960-1973) (Chicago, IL), Jul. 7, 1966, page 4;
/12?accountid=15078
48
“Chicago Negro Urges King to Return South,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 22, 1966, page 5;
0?accountid=15078
49
“Freedom Movement a Riot Remedy: King,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Jul. 22, 1966, page 5;
?accountid=15078

estate offices for hours without incident prior to King’s arrival50
. As King was walking from his
car to join the group, he was hit by a rock, and then white onlookers began throwing other
projectiles at the protesters51
. There were about 700 marchers, who were being protected by
approximately 1,200 police officers, from a crowd of about 4,000 mostly white counter
protesters52
. The police did try to maintain order, arresting those who became violent or threw
projectiles53
. A nearby car was overturned and others damaged54
. The march resulted in 30
people being injured and 41 being arrested55
.
However, Kale Williams, Executive Secretary of American Friends Service
Committee, Inc. complained in a letter to Chicago Police Superintendent Wilson that the
police had been lax in their duties of protecting the marchers in another march the
previous weekend in Gage Park. Williams claimed that police made little effort to restrain
counter protesters, enforce laws against throwing projectiles, and protect protesters leaving
the area, and that several cars in the neighborhood were vandalized56
.
50
?accountid=15078
51
“Dr. King Is Felled by Rock: 30 Injured As He Leads Protesters, Many Arrested in Race Clash.” Chicago Tribune
(Chicago, IL), Aug. 6, 1966, page 2;
?accountid=15078
52
?accountid=15078
53
?accountid=15078
54
?accountid=15078
55
?accountid=15078
56
The Response of the Chicago Freedom Movement to Attacks on Open-Housing Demonstrators. Chicago Freedom
Movement: Fulfilling the Dream (1966). Middlebury College,

An August 18 Chicago Tribune article, titled “The Sabotage of Chicago” accused King
and his followers of overtaxing Chicago’s police resources, by holding too many marches in too
many places with too little advanced warning, which tied up too many police, leading to a 25%
increase in the city’s crime rate57
. The city of Chicago was granted an injunction that limited
King’s marches to 500 people per march, due to the increasing difficulty of providing protection,
and the lack of information provided to the police by march organizers58
. When King announced
plans to expand the marches beyond the Chicago city limits into the suburbs, Cook County
Sheriff, Richard B, Ogilvie, sought a similar injunction on a countywide basis due to concerns
that suburban police departments would face the same problems59
.
On August 22, Mayor Daley condemned hate groups such as the Ku Klux Klan and the
American Nazi Party for their presence in the city, but stopped short of including civil rights
advocates in this group60
. When asked about open housing, the mayor said he believed people
had a constitutional right to live wherever they want, but he did not foresee any rapid integration
of white neighborhoods in the city61
. When the city reached a housing agreement with King,
several neighborhood associations from white neighborhoods called on the mayor to protest the
http://sites.middlebury.edu/chicagofreedommovement/files/2013/07/Response_to_Attacks_Open_Housing.pdf
57
“The Sabotage of Chicago,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Aug. 18, 1966, page 22;
3?accountid=15078
58
“King Assails Ruling; Says He May Ignore It,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Aug. 20, 1966, page B5;
?accountid=15078
59
“Ogilvie Says He Will Seek an Injunction: 20 Arrested During March On S.E. Side,” Chicago Tribune
4?accountid=15078
60
“Daley Blasts ‘Hate Groups’ Invading City,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Aug. 23, 1966, page 1;
4?accountid=15078
61
“Daley Blasts ‘Hate Groups’ Invading City,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL), Aug. 23, 1966, page 2;
4?accountid=15078

agreement62
.
Milwaukee Open Housing Marches
In a June 19, 2007 interview, Margaret (Peggy) Rozga, who participated in the first open
housing march to Kosciuszko Park on August 28, 1967, recalled their being 150-200 participants
in the march, and being confronted by an angry mob of at least 5,000 protesting the march63
.
When the marchers arrived at the park, the police asked Father Groppi to conclude the
demonstration as quickly as possible, because the police would not be able to hold back the
counter demonstrators much longer64
.
At a press conference on Tuesday, August 29, 1967, the night after the first march, Father
Groppi announced that the NAACP Youth Council would be marching again along the same
route in spite of being denied a permit to use Kosciuszko Park65
. Groppi also stated that the
group would march regardless of whether the mayor called out the National Guard or not, and
that if the mayor failed to call out the national guard and anyone got hurt, their blood would be
on the mayor’s hands66
. Father Groppi accused the mayor of using a double standard when
deciding when to call out the National Guard, referencing the Mayor’s speedy dispatch of the
National Guard to disturbances on July 30-31, and his failure to dispatch them to protect the
62
“White Groups Protest Open Housing Pact: Ask for Meeting with Mayor Daley,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, IL),
Aug. 29, 1966, page A8;
1?accountid=15078
63
Oral History Interview with Margaret (Peggy) Rozga, June 19, 2007. The March on Milwaukee Civil Rights
History Project. University of Wisconsin Milwaukee.
http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/march/id/1659/rec/24
64
Oral History Interview with Margaret (Peggy) Rozga, June 19, 2007. The March on Milwaukee Civil Rights
65
News Film Clip of a Press Conference with Father Groppi and NAACP Youth Council Commandos Announcing
the Second Fair Housing March, August 29, 1967. The March on Milwaukee Civil Rights History Project.
University of Wisconsin Milwaukee. http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/ref/collection/wtmj/id/46
66

open housing marches67
.
That night, the Milwaukee Police fired teargas into the Youth Council’s headquarters, the
Freedom House, resulting in a fire that caused extensive damage. Groppi noted that during the
earlier disturbances, the mayor called out the National Guard, when a few black people were
rioting, but only called for a voluntary curfew when the marchers were being attacked by white
mobs68
. Maier’s response to pass the buck to Governor Warren P. Knowles, stating “The
governor can call the guard any time he wants. I personally think that the guard at this time
would be provocative. But Gov. Knowles can at least shoulder a responsibility instead of second
guessing me”69
. For his part, the governor reached out to a diverse group of Milwaukee’s
community leaders including African American leaders and Father Groppi’s boss, Archbishop
William Cousins to act as mediators between Groppi and Maier70
.
One factor that always contributes to public perception is media coverage. While
coverage of Bull Connor’s police force in Birmingham turning fire hoses and police dogs
garnered national television coverage, even local coverage of white mob violence against the
protestors was lacking. Father Groppi criticized the media for their double standard in their
coverage of events, saying the media had given very intense coverage to the Milwaukee riots in
late July, but little to no coverage of the mobs attacking the marchers71
.
67
“Maier Lifts March Curbs, Vows Police Will Do Duty.” Milwaukee Journal (Milwaukee, WI), Sept. 1, 1967. 13.
https://news.google.com/newspapers?
nid=1499&dat=19670901&id=2wIqAAAAIBAJ&sjid=7icEAAAAIBAJ&pg=7558,75689&hl=en
68
News Film Club (partial) of an Interview with Father Groppi and the Commandos After the Burning of the
Freedom House, August 30, 1967. The March on Milwaukee Civil Rights History Project. University of Wisconsin
Milwaukee. http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/ref/collection/wtmj/id/53
69
70
71

On Wednesday, August 30, 1967, Mayor Maier gave an order banning marches and
demonstrations in the city at night time that was to be in effect for 30 days. On Friday,
September 1, just 2 days later, the mayor rescinded the order. In his statement to the media,
Maier appealed to the media to “not publicize the advance plan of the march as though it were
the Fourth of July Parade”72
. Maier also appealed to citizens to avoid partaking in mob violence
saying, “While the mob may think it is opposing Father Groppi, it is helping him in his desire to
injure Milwaukee’s good name”73
.
In a letter from Mayor Maier to the Milwaukee Common Council dated September 5,
1967, Maier talks about efforts to form a countywide cooperation council, consisting of all of the
mayors and village presidents from Milwaukee County74
. In this letter Maier advocates for
turning over several city services to the county to alleviate Milwaukee’s tax burden75
. He also
states that he would be in favor of amongst other things, a countywide open housing law and
additional parks and greenspaces in the inner city76
. Maier further illustrates this sentiment in a
telegram to NAACP National Chairman Roy Wilkins which reads in part “Can’t believe the
NAACP is for law which covers one side of street and not the other, the poor and not the rich,
the central city and not the suburbs”77
. Father Groppi’s response to Maier’s position on a
countywide level was that he agreed with the mayor on the countywide fair housing ordinance,
72
Maier Administration, Box 148, Folder 5, Press Releases and Statements, 1967, September (Selections). The
March on Milwaukee Civil Rights History Project. University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, p. 1-1.
http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/march/id/1001/rec/31.
73
http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/march/id/1001/rec/31.
74
75
76
77
March on Milwaukee Civil Rights History Project. University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, p. 4.

but called on him to act at the municipal level instead of trying to pass the buck to higher levels
of government78
.
The lack of progress and violence took a toll on Father Groppi and his Commandos, and
tested their commitment to non-violence. Groppi stated that his group of Commandos was non-
violent with the sole exception of self-defense79
. On Thursday, September 28, at a two day
conference on churches and urban tension in Washington DC, Father Groppi stated that his
movement was considering putting an end to their non-violent approach. Groppi said that he had
grown weary of the lack of progress his non-violent movement had achieved and had talked with
militants at the event and had convinced him that violence could get results80
.
Another gauge of public sentiment is letters written by people about issues. One hate
letter sent to Father Groppi by an anonymous south side resident expressed racist sentiments
“We don’t want any niggers down here” and “The south side is for whites only”81
. Another hate
letter from an anonymous teacher sent the day after the first march claimed Groppi was forsaking
his race82
. There were also letters of support. Leonard Mills, a white Marine from Milwaukee
expressed shame for his city due to the white mob violence and pride in Father Groppi for taking
a stand83
.
78
79
News film clip of Father Groppi at the Unitarian Church West Summarizing the Struggle for Open Housing in
Milwaukee, September 20, 1967. The March on Milwaukee Civil Rights History Project. University of Wisconsin
Milwaukee. http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/ref/collection/wtmj/id/39
80
John W. Kole, “Militant Negroes Attack Groppi’s Stand On Rights.” Milwaukee Journal (Milwaukee, WI), Sept.
29, 1967. 1. https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1499&dat=19670928&id=WD0aAAAAIBAJ&sjid=-
ycEAAAAIBAJ&pg=7353,4974186&hl=en
81
Groppi Papers, Box 8, Folders 3-6, Correspondence, Hate Mail, 1967 (selections) The March on Milwaukee Civil
Rights History Project. University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, p. 2.
82
Groppi Papers, Box 8, Folders 3-6, Correspondence, Hate Mail, 1967 (selections) The March on Milwaukee Civil
Rights History Project. University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, p. 4.
83
Groppi Papers, Boxes 1-4, Correspondence, Support Mail, 1966-1967 (selections) The March on Milwaukee Civil
Rights History Project. University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, p. 5-1 – 5-3.

According to J. A. Slesinger’s “Community Opinions of the Summer 1967 Civil
Disturbance in Milwaukee”, a survey of 387 randomly chosen Milwaukee County residents
published in 1968, 90 percent of black residents favored a city open housing law, with 4 percent
opposed; 43 percent of inner city whites were in favor and 34 percent opposed; 43 percent of
outer city whites were in favor, and 44 percent were opposed; 58 percent of suburban whites
were in favor, while 29 percent were opposed84
. The same survey asked about a countywide open
housing law, to which 85 percent of blacks were in favor and 6 percent were opposed; 52 percent
of inner city whites were in favor, while 22 percent were opposed, 42 percent of outer city whites
were in favor, and 43 percent opposed, and 59 percent of suburban whites were in favor, while
31 percent were opposed85
. A third question was asked as to whether the efforts to secure open
housing are going. 0 percent of blacks though it was going too fast, 12 percent thought it was
about right, and 78 percent thought it was going too slow; 19 percent of inner city whites thought
it was going too fast, 53 percent thought it was about right, and 16 percent thought it was going
too slow; 9 percent of outer city whites thought it was going too fast, 60 percent thought it was
just right, and 20 percent thought it was too slow, while 11 percent of suburban whites thought it
was going too fast, 54 percent thought it was just right, and 27 percent thought it was going too
slow86
. This indicates that the highest support for open housing came from blacks, but the
highest white support came from the suburbs. Inner city whites also favored a countywide
ordinance over a city ordinance.
84
Slesinger, Jonathan A. “Study of Community Opinions Concerning the Summer of 1967 Civil Disturbance in
Milwaukee.” Study, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 1968. 18-19.
http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/march/id/852/rec/1
85
86

Discussion and Analysis
While the north did not have the de jure practice of Jim Crow Segregation, its
neighborhoods were racially segregated. This was because of the long established
neighborhoods in the older, industrial, cities of the north. The south had had a substantial
African American population since before the American Revolution, and since slavery ended in
1865, they had settled into the same neighborhoods as whites.
In Chicago, the administration of Mayor Richard J. Daley was implementing programs to
improve living conditions in African American neighborhoods, but was not fully addressing the
underlying causes of residential segregation. His counterpart in Milwaukee, Mayor Henry W.
Maier was more resistant to pass a local open housing ordinance, as was the city council. Mayor
Maier passed the buck on to higher levels of government, such as the county, the state, and the
federal government. He did not want a law at the local level that would be different from what
the neighboring suburbs had. Both mayors were quick to call out the National Guard if blacks
rioted, but reluctant to do so when they were targeted by white mobs.
While police in the Alabama cities of Selma and Birmingham personally sicked attack
dogs and turned fire hoses on non-violent protesters, in both Chicago and Milwaukee, the police
did their duty to protect the marchers, although at times were overwhelmed by angry, white,
counter protesters. In Chicago, the police got injunctions limiting the number of people allowed
to participate in a march, citing the overburdening of police resources, and police being spread to
thin to fight crime in other parts of the city. In Milwaukee, the Mayor banned night marching
due to violence that the police were unable to contain, but relented after 2 days.
The disturbing scenes of police brutality ordered by Bull Connor against the non-violent

demonstrators in Birmingham, Alabama were splashed across television screens across the
country, while even local media coverage in the north was often lacking. Coverage in
Milwaukee focused extensively on violence committed by African Americans in the July 1967
riots, but gave hardly any coverage to white mobs attacking peaceful demonstrators on the south
side.
While many northern residents were in favor of open housing, many others waged angry,
and often violent opposition to it. Letters sent by residents to Father Groppi and local elected
officials in Milwaukee showed mixed opinion, with some in opposition, but many others in
support. It’s as if there was an ignorant NIMBY (not in my back yard) sentiment about it, where
many people were in favor of it, as long as it was in someone else’s neighborhood. When it
came to their doorstep, they succumbed to fear and prejudice. In Milwaukee, the most
opposition to the open housing ordinances came from whites in the city, while suburbanites who
were not dealing with open housing conflicts in their own neighborhoods were more in favor.
White city residents were more in favor of a countywide open housing ordinance than one for
just the city.
In the south, most of the protesters were committed to non-violence, while in the north
many marchers, were willing to defend themselves if attacked. While civil rights leaders in the
south at least had the support of most of the African American community, in the north the met
with opposition. In Chicago, Dr. Martin Luther King could only get 1 of the 8 groups he invited
to his rally and march to participate, and was criticized by other African American community
leaders. In Milwaukee Father James Groppi was criticized by blacks and whites alike for being
the white leader of a black movement.

Conclusion
While formal segregation may not have existed in the north like it did in the Jim Crow
South, residential segregation did persist in the north. The civil rights movements addressed
northern segregation just like they did with southern segregation. Today elementary school
children across America learn history about Martin Luther King and his civil rights movement in
the south, but unless they live in Chicago or Milwaukee, they probably don’t hear about the
Chicago Freedom March, or James Groppi’s NAACP Youth Council.
In 1968, the year after the Milwaukee marches, and 2 years after the Chicago marches,
Congress passed the fair housing act, putting the issue of any type of residential segregation to
rest throughout the country. Unfortunately, many neighborhoods in Milwaukee and Chicago still
appear racially segregated today. However, it is no longer due to homeowners refusing to sell or
landlords refusing to rent to African Americans. It is due mainly to generations of poverty that
disproportionately affects African Americans. They simply can’t afford to move to a nicer
neighborhood. Perhaps someday, a new generation of civil rights activists will address this
issue.
Word Count: 5392

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