Dissertation (Maija Metsola)

“NEW” INTERNATIONAL MODEL FOR COOPERATIVE
MILITARY FORCES: THE NORDIC ANSWER
Maija Kristiina Metsola
W15720694
25 August 2016
A Dissertation submitted to the faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Department of
Politics and International Relations, University of Westminster, as partial requirement for a
Master of Arts degree in International Relations and Security, 2016

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Regent Campus
University of Westminster
Name:_________________________________________________
Date:___________________
MA Dissertation Title:
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___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
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In confirm that the above-submitted dissertation is my own work and that all
references/sources are duly acknowledged.
Signature:________________________________________

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Writing a Master level dissertation is a journey to life and to the unknown, for most of the
students it is the end of their academic life and a springboard to the world of jobs and careers.
I have to say that I am one of those students and very apprehensive about my future. I never
thought that this day would come this fast that I do not have another degree to complete. I
am excited and hesitant to live a very different life than the academic one.
However, there are many opportunities in front of me, but those would not have been possible
without the undying support from my parents, twin sister, relatives, great friends, fellow
students and my adviser Dr. Nitasha Kaul. I want to thank you all who have been part of this
journey that has been very fast paced, full of surprises and loads of tears and sweat. You have
made it possible and carried me to the end, and towards an even greater future.
“Alikersantti Metsola kiittää ja kuittaa”.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………………5
INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………8

CHAPTER 1 - NORDEFCO: past, present and multiple memberships……10
1.1 - Overview of the present: NORDEFCO in 2016…………………………….11
1.2 - NORDEFCO: structure and roles……………………………………………13
1.3 - Historical context and the relevance of the cooperation………………….14
1.4 - Alternative and overlapping memberships: NORDEFCO, EU, NATO….17
CHAPTER 2 - NORDEFCO: A new dimension to defence…………………..19
2.1 - The image of the North: The Nordic Model………………………………..20
2.2 - Uniqueness of the Nordic defence: Nordic armies and NORDEFCO…...21
2.3 - A Finnish army reservist's brief perception on the Nordic defence and...24
2.4 - Divergent interests: Baltic relations…………………………………………25
CHAPTER 3 - Regionalism: Regional alliances in the past and present…..28
3.1 - Significance of regional alliances in history………………………………..28
3.2 - Strengths of regional alliances……………………………………………….30
3.3 - Weaknesses of regional alliances……………………………………………32
3.4 - Future prospects of regional alliances: in case of NORDEFCO………….33
CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………………..34
APPENDICES………………………………………………………………………37
BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………..40

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ABBREVIATIONS
ABDI Advisory Board for Defence Information
CBT Cross Border Training
COPA ARMA Armaments
COPA CAPA Capabilities
COPA HRE Human resources and education
COPA OPS Operations
COPAs Cooperation Areas
CS Coordination Staff
CSDP Common Security and Defence Policy
EU European Union
FDS Finnish Social Science Data Archive
GDP Gross Domestic Product
MCC Military Coordination Committee
MoD Ministry of Defence
MoU Memorandum of Understanding
NCO Non-commissioned officer
NAPs NORDEFCO Action Plans
NATO North Atlantic Treaty
NORDAC Nordic Armaments Cooperation
NORDCAPS Nordic Arrangement for Military Peace Support
NORDEFCO Nordic Defence Cooperation
NORDSAMFN Nordic Cooperation Group for Military UN Matters
NORDSUP Nordic Supportive Defence Structures
PfP Partnership for Peace
PSC Policy Steering Committee
PSCS Policy Steering Committee Secretariat

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PTSD Post-traumatic stress disorder
TEU Treaty on European Union
TFEU Treaty on the Functioning European Union
UN United Nations
USSR Soviet Union

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“Ajattelemme, että vahvat puolustusvoimat ennaltaehkäisevät
konflikteja nostamalla hyökkääjän kynnystä. Ehkä harvemmin
ajatellaan, että ne luovat myös kiinnostusta kumppanuuteen...”
(Suomen Tasavallan Presidentti, Sauli Niinistö 19. Kesäkuuta 2016, Kultaranta)
(“We think that strong defence forces prevent conflicts by raising the possibility of an
enemy invasion. But rarely we think that they might also increase the interest for
partnership...”)
(The President of the Republic of Finland, Sauli Niinistö 19. June 2016 in Kultaranta)

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INTRODUCTION

This research paper introduces a new model for cooperative military forces, which is
based on the Nordic Model that is a foundation of the Nordic societal structure and the very
foundation of the Nordic Defence Cooperation. The newly established Nordic Defence
Cooperation is a platform for that model and the issues regarding defence and security in the
Northern region. NORDEFCO is very new to the realm of cooperative alliances, but its
credibility and essentiality for the Nordic region has definitely become more evident. There
are several reasons for that and one of the main ones is the growing influence of the Russian
Federation in the region and especially their interest towards the Baltic region, and continuous
conflicts and rise of terrorism in Europe.
It is necessary for the Northern region to become together in the matters of defence
and security and unify the region for creating a greater bond of safety and stability. We are
entering in the era of new normal were ‘business as usual’ does not exist anymore. Regional
alliance is a very necessary step to be taken by achieving that goal of proximity. Theoretical
regionalism is the the very of this area, where despite having noticeable diversity in culture,
language, and religion, the Nordics still stands united in their mutual respect for those
diffrences.
Nordic defence and security possess the expertise and uniqueness that interest defence forces
all over the globe and especially the Finnish Defence Forces have been time and time again
look up to and researched. This phenomenon needs to be harnessed better to make it even
more functional in the current climate.
The following three chapters will look more closely the relations surrounding the
NORDEFCO. In chapter one the focus is on the organisation itself. We will look at the current
state of the cooperation and where it is in 2016 as well as the historical foundations that lead
to the creation of the cooperation in the first place, and also why its creation became necessary
for this particular time. Chapter two is proposing different ways in which NORDEFCO has
brought up a new dimension to defence and security: Firstly, introducing the Nordic Model
in which the cooperation is highly based on, strong Nordic societal structure is the foundation
of the strong and effective Nordic armies. Secondly, looking more closely the uniqueness of

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the cooperation and how it differs from other organisations such as NATO and EU. Thirdly,
providing a Finnish army reservist’s point of view of the current state of the Finnish armed
forces, Nordic foreign affairs and touching lightly the topic about gender equality in the
armed forces. Finally, looking into the Baltic relations and how complicated they are today as
they have close knit ties to NATO and at the same acting as bumper between Russia and the
Nordics. The third chapter considers the theoretical basis for the cooperation between military
alliances and regionalism. This chapter will discuss the weaknesses and strengths of regional
alliances such as NORDEFCO. And lastly illustrating future prospects, in particular for
NORDEFCO. The main argument through out this research paper is to provide proof for the
fact that the Nordic model of cooperative military forces is the partial answer for todays
issues, regarding Russia and the international community.
Keywords: Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO)/the Nordics/Scandinavia/
/Denmark Finland Iceland Norway Sweden/ the Baltics/ the Russian Federation/defence
forces/ defence and security/ regional alliances /International Organisations/ EU/NATO/
UN

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CHAPTER 1 – NORDEFCO: present, past and multiple memberships

The first chapter of this research paper provides an overview of the present state of the
cooperation in 2016, the historical foundations and the relevance of the cooperation and it
concludes with the overlapping memberships with the other international organisations that
the signatory countries are members. “The main aim and purpose of the Nordic Defence
Cooperation (NORDEFCO) is to strengthen the participating nations’ national defence, explore
common synergies and facilitate efficient common solutions.” (Nordefco.org, 2016; Regeringe.se, 2009).
In 2009 and still in 2016 the idea is the same to bring the Northern part of Europe closer
together and at the same time respecting the values of the nations that are part of this platform
and the other alliances that the five Nordic countries are part of such as the North Atlantic
Treaty (NATO), the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN). It is not trying to
replace any of the existing organisations, but trying to create a platform for the Nordic region
and act as an alternative cooperative forum.
The key argument here is that the NORDEFCO and Nordic cooperation in general is
necessary for the Nordic region as the region combines small countries with very influential
and strong neighbours in military terms. This is the simple geopolitical fact why the Nordic
are joining their powers together. They need the support from each other to compete in the
international arena and also further promote themselves in the global arena.
Nordic affinity also plays a very major role in the matter of unite Nordic security and
defence. It is based on geographical proximity of the countries, cultural and political
similarity, and a mutual history (Saxi, 2011). Other common features include that the
Scandinavian languages are also very similar and most of the Nordics follow the Lutheran
faith, and their outlook on law and obeying the law is very similar. The Nordics are seen as
the most law-abiding and state-trusting people in the world and that all comes down to the
fact of the Nordic model of the welfare state, where there are universal social benefits, free
healthcare, schools and higher education. The Nordics are covered by the state and they are
well taken care of (Strang, 2016).

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1.1 - Overview of the present: NORDEFCO in 2016
In the course of the year 2016 the Nordic countries have definitely had to rethink their
foreign and security policies. The current political and military climate has been very
turbulent due the various attacks all over the world and especially in Europe. In the month of
July there has been attacks in France (Paris and Nice), in Germany (Munich) and in Belgium
(Brussels). Also the very recent developments in Turkey among the government and the
defence forces, as they tried for a military coup d’état that eventually failed, but caused
significant damaged in the political relations of Turkey (The Economist, 2016).
This is all happening to the very close proximity of the Nordic countries or at least have
a great impact on their international relations. So far the Northern part of Europe is fairly safe
place to be, but several steps have been taken to raise the level of security in the Northern
countries and especially in the Baltics. For those reasons it is vital for NORDEFCO to evolve
each year and one of the main attributes was the yearly rotation of the chairmanship, and this
year it was assigned to Denmark. For each year every chairman creates an agenda for their
year as chairman. In late November 2015 at the ministerial meeting, it was agreed that there
is going to be different NORDEFCO Action Plans (NAPs) and other projects for Denmark’s
term as the chairman (Nordefco, 2016).
It was agreed that there would be continued work on field exercises with respective
NATO and EU partners, greater pooling and sharing of information among international and
national partners, enhancing the cooperation among the Baltic nations, further Cross Border
Training (CBT) among the Nordic countries and third parties if it is possible, longer term
defence planning regarding sustainability and industry, further further attention to cyber
security due to the fact of the fast paced technological developments and growing importance
of social media in political and military matters, and finally taking care of our veterans. It is
our duty as citizens of the Nordics as they have fight for our stability, to make sure that
military families are taken care pre- and post-deployment and that soldiers are supported
mentally and physically during and after deployment, avoiding the possible cases of PTSD
(Post-traumatic stress disorder) as early as possible and make sure that current patients
receive the treatment that they need and deserve (Nordefco, 2016).

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In the most recent Nordic ministers meeting in Copenhagen in March 2016, the main
topic that was raised was regional security (Nordefco.org, 2016). The recent attacks in Europe
were raised and the immediate notion was made to increase Nordic cooperation due to the
current events. As well as further Nordic cooperation in ongoing and upcoming UN
operations. The current security challenges were named; the fragile area of the Baltic Sea,
Russia’s lack of transparency and very unpredictable nature when it comes to military actions
and the invasion of Ukraine and Crimea, the violations performed by the Russian government
against international law and agreements (Forvarsministeriet - Danish Ministry of Defence,
2015).
The Russian Federation has always been one of the main concerns for the Nordic region
as its geographical proximity of them and the Nordic being strategically located on the
Russia’s point of view, but well as their long lasting history, especially during the two World
Wars. The notion of the Russian threat has definitely become an even greater concern for the
Northern region of Europe as well as due to the fact that the two respective countries of
NORDEFCO, Finland and Sweden are not part of NATO and staying as non-aligned
countries, and that the Nordic countries have different security affiliations and outlets. The
Nordic countries primary obligations does not lie in the NORDEFCO, but in NATO or in the
EU (Nordfeco.org, 2016; Strang, 2016).

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1.2 - NORDEFCO: structure and roles
NORDEFCO’s agenda for the year 2016 is very clear; “promoting security through
cooperation” (Forvarsministeriet - Danish Ministry of Defence, 2015), but what is actually
NORDEFCO or Nordic Defence Cooperation? As was acknowledged in the beginning of this
research paper the NORDEFCO’s purpose is to strengthen national defence systems and
encourage sharing of expertise and intelligence among Nordic countries. The tasks of
NORDEFCO are shared among Finland, Denmark, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, which
rotate every year as the chairmanship does.
When it comes to the structure of the platform itself, in the top of the pyramid of the
platform there are the Ministers of Defence from the respective signatory countries. One level
down is the Policy Steering Committee (PSC) that with the Ministers of Defence take care of
the cooperation at the political level. In the same branch there is also the Policy Steering
Committee Secretariat (PSCS) that works under the supervision of the committee and
provides necessary assistance for the committee. Second level down is the Military
Coordination Committee (MCC) that takes care of the cooperation at the military level. Each
of the signatory countries appoint generals or flag officers to participate in it. In the MCC is
he Coordination Staff (CS) that is an executive body and its main task is to provide staff
support to the MCC. In the final level are the Cooperation Areas (COPAs), which are the
cornerstone of the military framework of NORDEFCO (Government Offices of Sweden -
Ministry of Defence, 2016). The COPAs cover all of the five main areas of cooperation of
NORDEFCO: capabilities (COPA CAPA), armaments (COPA ARMA), human resources and
education (COPA HRE), training and exercises (COPA OPS), and operations (COPA OPS).
The COPAs’ responsibility areas are the tasks that are rotating every year among the signatory
countries. The COPAs are there to implement the outcomes made by the MCC and to provide
a gateway between multinational and national organisations (Government Offices of Sweden
- Ministry of Defence, 2016). As the tasks rotate every year and the chairmanship, there are
new goals to be achieved in every COPA area that mostly change for the needs for the current
political and military climate. The framework stays for the most part unchanged, but the goal
of it keeps modifying for the current need and suitability.

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It can be seen that the NORDEFCO has the structure of an any international
organisation, but it does not acquire signatory partners for certain actions even though they
all have signed the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). It is not the same as the North
Atlantic Treaty, and the MoU does not oblige the member partners to act upon as the Article
5 of the Treaty might do, which suggest on actions of collective defence that is the cornerstone
of NATO, where the whole organisation has been built around (Nato.int, 2016). As was
mentioned, the NORDEFCO does not necessarily oblige the partners for anything, but it does
offer them an alternative platform to usages for defensive and security purposes especially in
the Nordic region and with its surrounding neighbours. It is an opportunity for further
development and unification for the Nordic region that needs to be harnessed due to the
current unstable climate of security and defence (Frey, 2014).
1.3 - Historical context and relevance of the cooperation
The current state of NORDEFFO is very similar as its partnering organisations,
concerned about the current political climate, but the historical events tell another story of
creation. The cooperation was not created in the boardrooms in the course of few weeks, but
in several years. The creation of the Nordic Council in 1952 that was the first step to be taken
towards further Nordic Cooperation. The Nordic Council is an inter-parliamentary body were
the Nordic parliamentarians that also denotes the Faroe Islands, Åland and Greenland can
meet and discuss the matters of the Nordic region on the regular basis. However, the Council’s
agenda in the 21st
Century and in the 1950s did not include defence and security as part of
their agenda due the fact that it is seen as taboo (Forsberg, 2013). It is very delicate matter for
the Nordic region due to its multiple negative connotations as one of being the matter of the
legacy of the two Great Wars and the Cold War. The 1950s was not the most suitable time for
the Nordic region discuss the matters of defence and security so openly (Norden.org, 2016).
And that is why their agenda includes still these topics and not security defence: to create
safer cities, promote gender equality, education and research in the Nordic region, produce
pure food, combat against human trafficking, develop Nordic bio-economy, preserve the

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Artic, provide climate solutions, create working health and social affairs policies, Freedom of
Movement, green growth in the Nordic way and promote Nordic nutrition recommendations
(Norden.org, 2016).
The Nordic Council is there to handle and advise the matters of social construction and
politics and then there is NORDEFCO that dealt with the military side of society. The Nordics
have been very clear to have these two matters in separate platforms that they can achieve the
best possible result that pleases all the parties and provide greater attention for them. This has
worked so far and there is multiple evidence that it is so. The Nordics are in top of the list of
the education statistics and as well as defence when producing efficient troops in short period
of time and with very small overall defence budget. The Nordic countries use less than 2% of
their GDP (Gross Domestic Product) on defence and they are considered as one of the most
efficient fighting forces in the world for that amount of money (Sipri.org, 2015)1
.
However, the NORDEFCO is not the first cooperative platform in the fields of defence and
security to be created by the Nordics. Although the first one was a fail, the Scandinavian
Defence Union (Cvce.eu, 2016). The two great wars created a standstill in the Northern region.
Many of them tried to recover socially and economically, and security and defence were not
the first things on their minds’. In certainty Nordic countries wanted provide security and
stability in the area, but providing it themselves was not really up to them as Finland was
paying reparations to the Soviet Union (USSR), and Denmark, Norway and Iceland were
trying to recover from the damage done by their invaders. The Nordics relied on the other
international organisations for providing them the stability what they needed in the late 1940s
and early 1950s (Westberg, 2013).
During the Cold War period there was a slight rise in Nordic cooperation due to the
greater closeness in UN-led operations such as the operation Sinai UNEF I, greater closeness
was achieved in the terms of peacekeeping. In 1964 the Nordic Cooperation Group for Military
UN Matters (NORDSAMFN) was established to deepen the cooperation even further. It meant
that the UN now had Nordic stand-by forces in its disposal (Nordefco, 2016). The post-Cold

1
See app. 1

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War era and especially the early 1990s thrust the Northern region towards even greater
cooperation because of the disintegration of the USSR and the eastern part of Europe was
securing themselves by joining respective alliances such as NATO and the EU by making sure
that they are not left on their own devices when a possible World War or invasion might occur.
The North and the West, especially the United States (US) saw it as sign of stability in Europe.
“This development changed the fundamental view of security in many European countries”
(Westberg, 2016, pp. 62.). The existential threat was seen as less likely and it was not believed
to happened in the near future. The questions about international security, failed- or fragile
states, and transnational security were raised again to the table due to the multiple
possibilities that presented themselves as the political and military climate was much clearer.
In 1994 the Nordic Armaments Cooperation (NORDAC) was established, in 1997 the Nordic
Coordinated Arrangement for Military Peace Support (NORDCAPS) was initiated and in 2008
the Nordic Supportive Defence Structures (NORDSUP) was created. And finally in 2009 the
three parallel cooperation structures (NORDCAP, NORDAC and NORDSUP) were merged
into one that is more commonly known as the NORDEFCO (Helmvik and Iversen, 2015).
The reason why it took several years the cooperation structures to merge was that the political
climate stayed stable and there was not a great need for further development until the terrorist
attacks on the US soil on the 11th
of September 2001 and the 2008 economic recession. New
assessments were made on the Northern security and defence. It was also found out that it
was much more cost effective to join the three structures together and make the cooperation
much clearer and effective in the eyes of the Nordic, Europe and rest of the West. And pooling
resources and defence materiel in close knit area is much smarter and providing more major
support for the Nordic Defence Industry (Nordberg, 2016). Further rethinking was also made
due to the external security environment in the Northern region that was drastically changing
as the growing asymmetry on defence spending in Russia and EU member states, the EU’s
failure to actually further develop the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and
making it legally binding, as the newest amendment of the Treaty on European Union (TEU)
and the Treaty on the Functioning European Union (TFEU), that are the founding treaties of
the EU and considered the cornerstones of EU law (Eur-lex.europa.eu, 2009).

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However, the deepened Nordic Cooperation is still in some what turmoil as all of the
signatory countries have their primary alliances who they hold true to. They are seen as an
obligation than a choice and what this means is that the biggest problem of the cooperation is
that it is not at the same level of binding such as NATO and EU were they pool parts of their
sovereignty (Westberg, 2016).
1.4 - Alternative and overlapping memberships: NORDEFCO, EU, NATO and UN
Overlapping and alternative memberships are definitely a challenge to NORDEFCO. It
is the question of “who they hold true to” and “where does their primary obligations lie”? All
of the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden) are all part of the
Nordic cooperation, NORDEFCO, but it is not unitary among the other international
organisations. Denmark has been an EU member since 1973, and Finland and Sweden since
1995. On the other hand, Denmark, Iceland and Sweden have been part of NATO since 1949.
And all them are part of the UN. Denmark and Norway joined 1945 and in 1946 followed by
Iceland and Sweden. Finland finally became UN member in 1955 as hence Stalin’s death,
when it was no longer under the influence of the Soviet Union (Norden, 2016).
Before NORDEFCO countries joined other alliances a one thing and only thing in mind
and that was security, these massive organisations provided the security blanket that many
of the countries needed right after the WWII. It was seen as a ticket to brighter and safer future,
and the opportunity to pool greater resources than your own. However, it does not only mean
that you can only rely on the US or Germany when it comes to NATO and provoking the
article on collective defence. Countries also have to stand on their own and not solemnly rely
on their alliances, constant development needs to occur when being able to maintain standing
armed forces. Of course all the countries do not have the possibility to do so and they need
the international organisations precisely for that purpose, but Nordics can stand on their own
if necessary. NORDEFCO is a very suitable platform for further development that encourages
the Nordics to achieve even higher standards of defence capabilities. It is a place of creative
development and not being economical commitment per se, but at the same time this

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difficulty arises, the question of attraction (Archer, 2010).” … sometimes the larger forums are
more attractive and cooperation with larger allies more productive.” (Archer, 2010, pp. 48).
We can see that the road was paved from the 1940s onwards for NORDEFCO as the
cooperation has been deepened ever since, due to the multiple defence and security activities
in the Nordics prior its arrival. Such as the Nordic Battlegroup incorporated in the context of
the CSDP or the Nordic defence forces in the UN peacekeeping missions and the non-aligned
partners especially Finland providing troops for the disposal of NATO in terms of Partnership
for Peace (PfP). Without these alliances the NORDEFCO would not now have the connections
it does and without the underlying support. The Nordic countries need to been seen more
unified and this cooperation should not be seen as a burden, but an opportunity (Archer,
2010).
The NORDEFCO has gone through multiple changes as what it has become today. It
was a necessary shift for the Nordics to provide them a platform just to discuss the matters of
defence and security that have become more and more distressing matters of the state affairs.
Multiple memberships with other international organisation can be seen as a challenge, but
an opportunity as well. They can provide the information and resources that the NORDEFCO
have not acquired yet, but it also pushes them to further development and deepen Nordic
cooperation. Time will tell how far the Nordics are able and willing to go, will they only
concentrate their time and money on COPAs and in exercises and training? There is great
potential that needs to be harnessed and protected. The Nordics are pioneers in technology
and in defence. As the motto of the NORDEFCO implies at the moment they are looking into
what the cooperation can offer and how efficient it can become. Hopefully on the long run a
shift will occur and it will move from the observation state to something more solid and even
sturdier.

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CHAPTER 2 - NORDEFCO: A new dimension to defence
In the first chapter it was established what is NORDFECO and how does it work along
other international organisations such as EU, NATO and the UN. The Nordic Defence
Cooperation has achieved more international and global credibility in the recent years
compared to the earlier days when the whole cooperation was on a shakier ground and not
as solid that is today. Although, in every organisation’s beginning is filled with chaos and
disorder. What makes it so unique then compared to other international organisations that it
was necessary to being established? “The Nordic Defence Cooperation is characterised by its
transparency as well as non-exclusiveness and it is open for all Nordic countries to attend. Nothing in
this MoU will imply any obligation for the Participants (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and
Sweden) to commit themselves to participating in certain activities or projects. Unless otherwise agreed,
each Participant retains the right to withdraw at nay stage from activities and projects conducted under
the auspices of this MoU.” (MoU-Memorandum of Understanding, s 2 (4)).
The second chapter will focus on the image, what are the aims of the cooperation other
than political and military and what are the particularities of Nordic Defence such as
functionality in harsh weather conditions, complex and diverse terrain, and having the
welfare of society as part of defence. Here the main argument is the NORDEFCO providing a
new dimension to defence. As well as discussing the matter of divergent interests such as the
Baltics and the perception of the role of the Russian threat, and finally providing a perspective
from the Finnish army reservist on the matters of defence and security and gender equality in
the defence forces in the Nordic countries, but mainly in the Finnish Defence Forces due to
the more profound knowledge on that branch.

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2.1 - The image of the North: The Nordic Model
The Nordic countries have been divided into multiple alliances and organisations as
was stated before. However, they have been able to create this model of a welfare state that
functions in all the Nordic countries. Many other European countries are trying recreate that
and ingrate into their society. The Nordic Model can be seen as the foundation of the Nordic
security and defence. Strong societies, create strong armies (Andersen, Holmström,
Honkapohja, Korkman and Vartiainen, 2007). The Model that is as well as known Nordic
capitalism or Nordic social democracy defines the economic and social policies that are
common to the Nordic countries. Mostly known are related to the policies on education. The
education is free in all the levels of education and every child has to attend school until the
age of 14/15 and by then the general education are being seen seen as accomplished. It
provides the general information that every child, potentially at least needs to acquire. It
consists of the subjects such as mathematics, multiple languages, geography of the globe,
world history, science, religion or ethics and social studies. General education is much more
diverse compared to other western countries. It is not only the history of your own home
country, but the world. The Finnish education system is seen as one the top ones of the world
(Oph.fi, 2016). The general education seeks to create connections between society and safety,
from the early age we learn about traffic safety and safety of your home. For example, in
Finnish schools the information about the military is already embedded to the general
education, through campaigns such as “Get to know the army” (in Finn.’ Intti tutuksi’)
(Maavoimat.fi, 2016). From the early age we are taught about society and its functions.
The Nordic welfare system is provided by the high taxation that allows the Nordic
citizens as well as receive health care and aid for studying, unemployment and living. In a
sense there is a greater care and interest for the citizens and greater trust for the system. The
model has survived due to the radical decisions made by the politicians. The Nordic countries
have achieved excellency in economic efficiency as well that has lead to greater growth,
although in recent years, since the 2008 economic recession, it has slowed down significantly,
but the economic recession could not destroy the strong infrastructure they had built,
compared to the other European countries such as Greece, Portugal and Spain. There are some

21
challenges that model has faced due to fast pace globalisation, demographic change and
global social trends, but it has been able to reform and surpass the challenges. Constantly
changing national and international political climate will always oppose difficulties and
remain unpredictable, difficult to predict and creates challenges for creating preventive
measures (Andersen, Holmström, Honkapohja, Korkman and Vartiainen, 2007). But with
great innovative and experimental vision on services that the state provides and being very
competitive at the same time. They are combining best of both worlds and being true to
European values by having the right policies and by having a tough look on government (The
Economist, 2013).
2.2 - Uniqueness of Nordic Defence: Nordic armies and NORDEFCO
The Nordic Model creates a foundation for solid and functional society that produces
active armed forces. The Nordic countries are the only few countries in the world that still
have a form of conscription as the method for assembling armed forces. The Finland is the
only Nordic country that has compulsory military service for the men between the ages of 18
and 60, and since 1995 there has been voluntary service for women. The length of the service
varies between 165 days to 347 days, it can be 5,5 months or 8,5 months or even 11,5 months.
The Finnish Defence Forces (in Finn. Puolustusvoimat) produces hundreds of NCOs and
officers in the course of the year and some of them even continue to military career. Every
soldier that completes military service, becomes a reserve from the army, navy, coast guard
or air force. And that reserve is called to refresher training every few years to keep them active
and functional (Puolustusvoimat.fi, 2016). Sweden terminated conscription in 2010, but it has
been considering in the recent months to have the possibility to reinstated it again that it might
help in the refugee crisis, which the European Union has been greatly experiencing
(DefenseNews, 2016; Reuters UK, 2016). However, at the moment the Swedish Armed forces
(in Swe. Förvasrmakten) has a voluntary training programme that is from 3 to 11 months that
produces the Home Guard and they are only called in training when needed
(Armedforces.co.uk, 2016). After the abolishment of the conscription some of the Swedish

22
defence disappeared and they partially needed NORDEFCO’s help to reinstate it and the
European Union’s help as well. NORDEFCO provides the cooperation that the non-
conscripted armies do not have and Finland is seen as a great asset as it still has mandatory
military service for the men. The bilateral relations between Finland and Sweden has
deepened partially due to that and also the fact they both are non-aligned partners of NATO
and working under the PfP programme (Gill and Schou, 2015). Also it should be noted that
Finland and Sweden are acting as buffers between Russia and NATO. They are the most
wanted members due to their strategic hot spot. They both have been discussing joining since
the greater emergence of Russian military power, but both them still agree that it is not going
to happen in the near future. Finland is already paying the NATO membership without the
article 5 and the protection of it as it provides troops to NATO missions more than other actual
NATO signatory countries (NUPI, 2016).
Denmark in theory has mandatory military service, but only in theory due to the high
amount of volunteers because the Danish Armed Forces (in Dan. Forsvaret) have been the
most active Nordic armed forces in the war in Afghanistan. Their calling up rate has dropped
due to that fact (DR.dk, 2014). Norway is the only one, which had had universal military
service since 2015 that affects both men and women of 18 years of age. The Norwegian Armed
Forces (in Nor. Forsvaret) are the first NATO country to do so and by doing that they are
promoting equal rights and duties. The Nordic are seen as the most equal nations when it
comes to military service and combat (Forsvaret.no, 2016).2
Iceland is the only Nordic country
that does not have a standing army, but it has a coast guard and national police forces. NATO
makes regular air policing exercise to Iceland and trains a voluntary expeditionary
peacekeeping forces. The military assistance that Iceland receives comes from the NATO
signatory countries and now from NORDEFCO as well (Nato.int, 2016;
News.nationalpost.com, 2013).

2
See app. 2

23
Nordic countries are unique in many ways and especially when it comes to the defence
forces. Very few countries still have operative conscription, but that is what makes the Nordic
defence workable that raises the interest of other armed forces. It is as well as their expertise
on combat conditions. The soldiers are able to function in extreme weather conditions and use
the harsh terrain as their advantage. The example of working in cold weather conditions is
the Cold Response exercise that is Norwegian led and is held every other year. It is a showcase
of Finnish, Swedish and Norwegian reservist and active soldiers’ level of expertise. Many
other partnering countries are there to learn from the Nordics. The Northern weather is and
can be extreme and most of the European and international fighting forces are very unfamiliar
of such conditions, but for the Nordic forces is part of their basic training (Forsvaret.no, 2016).
Every soldier needs to familiarize themselves to the drastically changing weather conditions
and unfamiliar terrain that can vary from the city to the forest near the eastern boundary
mark. All of those skills are mostly acquired in the course of 6 months or less. Training is very
high-intensity and at the same time the soldiers acquire a level of expertise to their principal
assignment that is assigned to them that can vary from communications to artillery (Hakanen,
2011; Puolustusvoimat.fi, 2016).
There can be seen strong links between Nordic countries in the areas of defence,
security and society. This is what NORDEFCO tries to achieve by harnessing these similarities
under one roof and creating stronger links through voluntary and beneficial cooperation. The
Nordics do not need law abiding treaties when they have the tenacious societal links and
similar historical pasts (Hakanen, 2011).

24
2.3 - A Finnish army reservist’s brief perception on the Nordic defence and
security
Patriotism, country and protection have been valued traits in the Nordic countries
since the time of revolutionary wars. The Nordics have always valued for their armed forces
and it is seen as how many Nordic citizens have signed up for the army in the recent years,
voluntarily or as part of obligatory military service; conscription. The will to defend your
country has especially risen in recent years as partially due to the current political climate in
the global community. According to a study between the years 1970 and 2015 by the Finnish
Social Science Data Archive (FDS) and the Advisory Board for Defence Information (ABDI),
shows gradual rise in the will to the defend your country in the emergence of a crisis (in Finn.
maanpuolustustahto). In the 2015 survey almost 80% of the Finnish population were willing
to defend their country; less than 20% were not willing to do so and only 5% were unable to
give an answer (Findikaattori.fi, 2016)3
.The motivation towards defending your nation is
deeply rooted in the Finnish society due to the wars against the Russian Federation and
remaining as an independent nation since 1917. These are just the few examples why the
Finnish nation still appreciate their fighting forces.
As a female army reservist, there is great potential for women in the armed forces and
that has made a huge change how does the global community see us and of course our high
level of expertise in warfare and the ability to reform for the needs of the global community
and nationally. The continuous ascending training is the core of the functionality of the
Finnish Defence Forces and the ability to adapt to the changing conditions. Nordic defence in
many respects is special to its kind due to its adaptations to the strategic location with Russia.
The Russian Federation will always be the main concern for the Nordic region and especially
its effects to the Baltics and the Baltic Sea. The geographical location of the Nordic countries’
is their weakness, but at the same their strength. The Nordics has to be prepared for the great
unknown.

3
See app. 3

25
2.4 - Divergent interests: Baltic relations
The Baltic region has been the main security concern since the collapse of the USSR in
1991/92 that plunged the Baltic countries into a drifting stage, defence wise. They had no
functional armies or even working societal structure. All collapsed when the Soviet Union
collapsed. Since then the Nordic countries have tried to introduce the partial Nordic Defence
Model for the Baltic nations, but not necessarily introducing conscription, but make them
stronger partners and compatible for the needs of the Nordic countries by creating joint
military units, educational institutions and defence infrastructure. They encouraged them for
bilateral and later on trilateral relations, as well as the endeavour to join NATO and the EU,
only until 2004 when Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were accepted to join both organisations
(Gill and Schou, 2015).
NORDEFCO is economically beneficially cooperation for the Nordic countries, but for
the third parties as well such as the Baltics, rising costs of equipment and multiple equipment
coming to end of their time that means multiple procurements is very challenging for ex Soviet
nations. The economic recessions have set limitations, but pooling and sharing resources
through the Nordics has proved to be very successful and optimal step for the enhancement
of Nordic Cooperation that leads to deeper relations across region (Gill and Schou, 2015, pp.6).
In 2012 NORDEFCO was willing and able to invite the Baltics to become part of their projects
with a limited participation that includes issues such as cyber and energy security (Gotkowska
and Osica, 2012, pp. 47-48). This deepening relationship has made the Russian issue more
evident. The invasion of Crimea and the situation in Ukraine has raised the question of the
Baltic Sea security if the conflict grows it might even spread over the Baltic Sea and possibly
reach to the Nordics (Dahl, 2011). At least that is seen as one of the possibilities and that is
why the security of the Baltic region has become even more important to the Northern part of
Europe.
The Russian Federation has been in the recent months been adding troops on
its Western boarder, but at the same has stated that it has not done so for the North-Western
border that is closest to the Finnish border (Grove, 2016). The most striking in that comment
is the fact that in Murmansk that is the closest troops concentration to Finland, the Russian

26
army has there three brigades, three squadrons from the air force and 2 squadrons from the
navy. In St. Petersburg they have 10 brigades and parts of the air force based there and in
Kaliningrad the border area between Poland and Lithuania they have five active brigades
from the navy and the air force. As well as Belarus has upgraded the effectiveness of their
troops and added more numbers, and most of the soldiers are contract based soldiers that
work in cycles. What are the countermeasures taken by the Baltics to answer the Russian
capacity building (in Span. Armada) surrounding their borders? Estonia has two minus
brigades, very small special forces and an air base in Ämäri, in Harjunmaa that holds four on-
call NATO countries’ fighter planes. Latvia only has one self-effacing infantry brigade (Yle
Uutiset, 2016). This is basically what the Baltics have to offer military wise. Their ability to
defend and use defensive measures is very slight without external assistance. They are not
capable for defending themselves or halting external invasion and that is when NATO comes
to the picture. In the NATO Summit 2016, in Warsaw was decided that NATO will increase
the amount of troops in the Baltic region and in Poland due to the actions taken by the Russia
against Ukraine and potentially to the Baltics and the Nordics.
It can be seen that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania has greater trust on NATO
as they rely on it in times of need such in the mist of the Ukraine crisis and not NORDEFCO
even though they are capable of offering protection as well, but it is matter of trust and greater
amount resources. Although there is a link between the Nordics and the Baltics which comes
down to the infrastructure of the armed forces and that is the active use of conscription as a
method building up troops and for more efficient training purposes (Nato Review, 2016).
NATO and NORDEFCO are both offering opportunities, but in different ways and especially
for different needs. NATO sees the potential what the NORDEFCO can offer and that
incorporating more international forces to their training exercises will improve the relations
between them. Deepening relations in the Baltics among the Nordic countries and with NATO
does not undermine the other, but creates greater opportunities and greater, secure networks
in the region (Nato Review, 2016).

27
NORDEFCO has definitely created a new dimension on defence that is regional based
and focusing on cooperation. The cooperation that is merging and creating stronger ties
between society and defence structure, and that is the uniqueness of NORDEFCO that
separates it from other organisations whether they are regional or international. It is one of a
kind linkage that it makes, and it strengthens the Nordic Model that has proven to be
successful way to run a state with great efficiency. The Nordics have been appraised of their
multiple success on education, social policies and the functionality of the state, but defence
and security have been somewhat undermined before NORDEFCO or at least it was not as
apparent. Unity factor is the key for functional armed forces and for greater cooperation and
that is what we need when the Russian military power has become even more apparent in the
region and its inability to settle the situation with Ukraine.
Cooperation creates opportunities, improves cost effectiveness and the ability to pool
resources. NORDEFCO is not unnecessary because it is creating another necessary link
between NATO and other international organisations, by that it is closing the the circle among
them. From a women’s perspective the armed forces are gender equal enough at least in the
Nordic countries and that is what makes even more special and wanted. Acknowledging the
fact that women’s abilities are as useful as men, in which of the state creates an even greater
link between society and armed forces. Trust of for the state is that makes the Nordic unique
and harnessing that uniqueness is necessary as the global community is very unstable and is
warming up all the time.

28
CHAPTER 3 – Regionalism: regional alliances in the past and present

There are many international organisations that are standing, but their inability to
reform has proved to be a challenge, but at the same time it has given an opportunity for
regional alliances to raise. And the main argument here is that regional are as necessary and
as capable as their international counterparts. NORDEFCO could be categorised as a regional
alliance even though it identifies itself as a cooperation, but there is the same underlying idea
that is in regional cooperation and alliances and that is pooling and sharing resources.
In the final chapter of this research paper is accessing the theory of regional alliances
and how does that correlates the Nordic Defence Cooperation. The discussion varies from
general to particular. Firstly, we will establish the regional alliances in history and what do
they actually mean. Secondly, arguing the strengths and weaknesses of the alliances. And
finally opening the discussion about the future prospects of regional alliances and in
particular NORDEFCO. Will there be a bright future for NORDEFCO ahead?
3.1 - Significance of regional alliances in history
Firstly, the word ‘region’ can mean more than a geographical location. In most cases
it is the first thing that comes to your minds. A locus, which multiple states are sharing. From
another perspective region is seen more than a territorial location. In the modern day the
ancient definition is not enough to cover the entire meaning of the word as society and politics
have become more complex and diverse. We need more defined definition for example region
can be seen as unit or zones that accompanies groups and states that have similar patterns of
behaviour such as the Nordics that share acknowledges of similar religions, languages and
cultures (Fawcett, 2004).
Secondly, defining the region is important when moving to regionalism, “which
implies a policy whereby states and non-state actors cooperate and coordinate strategy within
a given region” (Fawcett, 2004, pp. 433). In sum, regionalism is the theory of regional rather
than central systems of societal infrastructure (Oxforddictionaries.com, 2016). It is the pursuit
of common goals in multiple areas. It can be divided into two categories: soft and hard

29
regionalism. In ‘soft’ sense the goal is to promote a sense of regional awareness. In ‘hard’
terms it is the transformation of regional groups and networks to, pan- or subregional groups
that are affirmed by interstate arrangements and organisations (Fawcett, 2004, pp. 433).
Another term that is linked to regionalism is regionalization that is often mixed to
regionalism or used as an overlapping term, but they are two different terms. In simpler terms
regionalism is policy or project and regionalization is as well s project and process. In the field
of security, the term regionalization is referred to the actions taken to halt a regionalized
conflict. Although in many of the cases the conflict does not stay regional and receives
international attention, and finally acquires international involvement. Very rarely conflicts
stay regional and especially being only controlled by regional forces.
According to history, regionalism has always been with us. There have always been
regions since the time of empires and some of them have been stronger than others. However,
the particular region for them was the centre of the attention, there was not really the notion
of that grass is greener on the other side of the fence, unless the rulers did not live in that
particular region. In more modern times such as the end of the First World War, regionalism
has taken a different direction than the historical one. You could say that in every decade it
has formed into the needs of the time or shaped by the political situation. The League of
Nations that ended up failing, provided the frame where regional groups could build from
and acquire legitimacy. The legacy of the League of Nations still lives in the United Nations
that is considered to be the former and better version of the League of Nations (Fawcett, 2004).
The UN enabled regional cooperation and action, were different views on the matters of
peace, security, equality and development were shared. In this context regionalism was seen
as an opportunity for greater opportunities of sharing different views in more close knit
platform.
The concept of regionalism has grown since the times of the Roman empire due to the
fact that political relations have become more diverse and broader. It does not mean that
regionalism is disappeared, but it means that has been embedded into other international and
global organisations. It has been become a part of greater and longer chain of relations and
more complex networks. When we look at the UN, which was in the early stages considered

30
some what a regional organisation, but due to its tremendous growth in size where it has
added multiple agencies and groupings. It has become more global than regional that is what
has happened to many organisations that they have shifted from being regional to
international over time through multiple enlargements.
Although, the EU is different compared to NATO or the UN. It is very focused on the
issues regarding Europe as a region and entity, only European countries can be part of it or
they are being regarded as part of Europe. They all have to respect the three main values of
the Union that are known as the Copenhagen Criteria. Number one, stable institutions that
follow the principles of democracy, rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection
of minorities. Number two, a functioning market economy that is able to compete within the
EU and lastly, obeying EU law. And most importantly willing to pool their sovereignty in the
matters of trade and economy (Eur-le.europa.eu, 2016). The European Union is a regional
organisation that has an international aspect, it is being seen as an international actor, but its
main focus is not international issues, but European issues that are highly regional based that
are linked to global matters. Regionalism as a theory is needed and not being in ant means
forgotten. It will keep evolving like the organisations, groups and networks. It is not a fixed
theory, but fluid one. (Fawcett, 2004)
3.2 - Strengths of regional alliances
As was mentioned before that it is not a fixed concept, but it continuously tends to
evolve for the needs and purposes. NATO and the UN both are international organisations
and they have been criticized of not being able to reform. The goal or the purpose of the
organisation is no longer the same, we are not defencing yourselves or protecting us from
others as the possible emergence of World War Three. We battle with international and
regional terrorism and conflicts, and matters regarding of cyber security. Wars are not
necessarily fought on the field, but via internet by destroying stock markets and accessing
people’s personal information by confiscating their whole assets in matter of seconds that in
today’s is very crippling issue. And still there is no major changes made in either of the

31
organisations. International organisations are remaining as well as disorganised and
complicated due to the amount of agencies, and that communication among themselves is
poor. Miscommunication in global organisations is a crippling quality that can be avoided in
regional organisations and alliances as they are smaller in size and have greater ability for
communication. They have better chances to reform and evolve, communication in a sense
easier at least in theory.
You could say that regional alliances have reached more goals than their international
counterparts as they have the ability to change goals more frequently and not potentially wait
for all the over hundred member states to agree on it. Smaller and more compact alliance are
easier to handle and run. Another positive aspect of regional alliances is that they have set
agendas. The European Union is an economic union, which focus is purely economical and
improving trade relations among Europeans. And when looking at the Nordic Defence
Cooperation you can see similar trade marks. Their focus is purely on defence and security
related issues, which means sharing and pooling resources, and making the defence industry
more prominent and efficient. In 2009 NORDEFCO was a very smart move for the Nordics to
be taken as many of them were suffering of the effects of the economic recession that exploded
in 2008. Most of the Nordic countries were unable to reform their forces and making new
equipment procurements for the new generations of soldiers. For Nordics it was an
opportunity to share their concerns about defence and security, and as well providing
expertise when it comes to procurement and what are necessary for the Nordic status quo
(Nordefco, 2016).
When creating regional alliances at the right time, it will have multiple benefits for the
region and for the countries surrounding the region. Not every single alliance or cooperation
needs to be international to succeed. By having international networks will provide the extra
resources that the smaller countries might not have in the alliance. Networking does not make
alliance less strong, but stronger. It will make sure that the alliance will not be left with
nothing when and if the main figures might fall (Fawcett, 2004).

32
3.3 - Weaknesses of regional alliances
The primary weakness of the regional alliance in the most of the cases is the lack of
resources and that is when they fail. However, bigger alliances might fail for the same reason,
but mostly it is due to lack of reforming and modernizing. The inability to reform and
downsize the amount of agencies has become on the long run that can lead to the destruction,
especially in the case of the UN. The UN is not a regional organisation, but it could destroy
many with it. It is not in the near future that would happen, but grim predictions have been
made and the UN has been constantly under prosecution as it has not taken necessary actions
in the cases of breaches of human rights. Many have said that there are two UN’s, the one that
is the institutions and the other is the member states.
When an international organisation might fall down, it will take another organisations
and network with it and one of the weaknesses for the regional alliances is that they highly
rely on those networks created by the bigger organisations (Fawcett, 2004). The other issue or
hardship for the regional groups is the fact that they have to be able change in the needs of
the region, very rapidly. Being smaller in size is a challenge, but in some cases seen as an
advantage. Every weakness can be seen as a strength and every strength can be seen as a
weakness when you switch the roles. The truth is that money is and will be always an issue.
In the Nordic case pooling of resources helped them to somewhat over come the recession,
but it also left them very weak in military terms. All the Nordic countries also have their
primary obligations to other organisations that can be seen a negative effect and halting the
further development of the cooperation. NORDEFCO is based on the MoU, but it is not the
law and it does not expect them to pool sovereignty. In some case might seen as weak due to
the fact that it does not have the rule of law. Not being as legitimate cooperation it is its
greatest weakness (de Lange, 2010).

33
3.4 - Future prospects of regional alliances: in case of NORDEFCO
There are multiple opportunities for regional alliances, but the current political climate
is causing multiple challenges for all the organisations, handling the conflict in Crimea and
Syria will remain to be seen what will be the end result. Russia is taking moves on both fronts
and that is in many respects concern for the Nordics and NORDEFCO. The NORDEFCO has
potentially deepen the cooperation and you could say that every one of the COPAs have been
evolving and making results. The training missions have raised international attention and
greater interest towards Nordic defence expertise. Nordic defence capabilities are very valued
in the global arena (Nordefco, 2016).
The enlargement towards the Baltics has proved to be very beneficial and strengthen
the eastern borders. Although, the NATO involvement is greater in the area. The Baltics still
have greater trust towards NATO and not the newly established Nordic Defence Cooperation.
The newness of NORDEFCO at this stage is a definite hindrance, but has proven excellence
in the areas defence and security, and at the same working closely with the society and
respecting the Nordic values. The one advantage for NORDEFCO is this that it will never
forget the link between society and security. The armed forces can and will protect the state,
but the state can at the same time support the attributions of the armed forces when the link
is not broken (Norden, 2016). The NORDEFCO will have a future as it is inviting other
international and especially European forces to its training missions for creating greater
deeper connections with them (Forsvaret.no, 2016). The involvement of international partners
is still small, but in the future it will be greater when NORDEFCO is fully functional in all the
areas of defence and security. Improvement has happened, but NORDEFCO is not even
decade old than its counterparts such as the EU is decades old.

34
There is definite need for regional alliances and cooperation due to the heated political
climate. Harnessing certain areas and their expertise will help in the long run to improve the
capabilities in the international level as well. Regional alliances have always been part of
international relations and they have evolved for the needs of the time and for different
purposes such as social policies and defence and security matters. Many alliances, especially
international ones are in turning points as declining has become more detectable in them.
Their inability to reform and modernise for the needs of the global community. The goals and
the setting are no longer the same as in the 1940s. NORDEFCO has the great opportunity to
learn from those mistakes and not make the same ones. It can learn great deal from them and
especially acquiring the necessary networks. Regional cooperation will not be undermined by
international ones. They both can learn from each other and provide necessary expertise that
is specific or generic.
No alliance is perfect, NORDEFCO still has a lot to learn, but when it comes to Nordic
defence forces the global community should learn from them. Women are as capable of
performing the same tasks as men. There are no limits for any branches or units to women to
be involved in that is a prime example of gender equality in the Nordics, which actually
works. It is not perfect, but they have seen the great asset that women can bring to the armed
forces, which other international forces do not in that level of trust as the Nordics do. And
even women are allowed to be in combat in any position. NORDEFCO as a regional
cooperation has seen the potential that not any other alliance could bring out of the Nordic
armed forces. Harnessing the Nordic expertise among greater international alliances is
challenging, but it is ready for the task. Eventually the Nordics will appreciate it more when
the international organisations are declining even more.

35
CONCLUSION
It is definite that NORDEFCO has been long time coming, but it had has gone a process
to becoming the exact one that the title suggests. NORDEFCO is the new model for
cooperative military forces. It is joining Northern Europe together in a way that would not be
otherwise possible. Any of the countries are part of the same defensive union. Finland and
Sweden are non-aligned by not being part of NATO when Denmark, Iceland and Norway are.
Then on the other hand they are not part of the same economic union, the EU. Denmark,
Finland and Sweden are part of the EU, but not Iceland and Norway. The Nordics countries
as being very similar in terms of culture, religion, language and society have not joined forces
together until now. They have discussed the matters of education, human trafficking and
nutrition in the Nordic Council, but it has not opened its doors for the matters of defence and
security.
The Nordic countries have been graving for such platform to harness their military
capabilities under the same roof. Many times it was not the right time or the concept was not
strong enough to survive longer than few years. The Cold War opposed many challenges such
as the two World Wars for the Nordic countries and set restrictions for them as well. Mostly
money wise, but as well as geographically by being strategically located in the underfoot of
the Russian Federation. The 2008 economic recession finally gave the necessary push that the
Nordics needed. In that time, they were resource scare militarily, but needed to improve and
maintain their military capabilities. The NORDEFCO was the perfect answer for that dilemma
and did not demand the countries to go great lengths except pool and share their military
assets in a way that was the most beneficial for them. NORDEFCO is a first major step towards
greater Nordic cooperation. As being categorised as a regional organisation it is being situated
to a certain region that share the similar values of the government structure. The Nordic way
of structuring the societal system is very different compared to the other European and other
western countries. No other region has either the same institutional structures or common
policies.

36
NORDEFCO will keep evolving regarding the training missions and in the COPAs as they
renew their goals for each year. They will introduce new ways of cooperation with third
parties and other international partners. This will be completed using the assets of being a
regional cooperation and connecting with other international organisation for achieving
greater networks for supporting roles and sharing of expertise. Being regional or international
organisation does not undermine the other, but in some cases the attraction is greater towards
the other. However, it is important to respect the primary obligations, but leave room for
another platforms of ideas and deepening connections. NORDEFCO is and will be the new
model for cooperative military forces and only time will tell how successful it will be.

37
APPENDICES
Appendix 1 – Military expenditure by country as percentage of gross domestic product 2008-2014
Country 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Denmark 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.3% 1.3%
Finland 1.3% 1.5% 1,4% 1.4% 1.5% 1.5% 1.4%
Iceland - 0.2% 0.2% 0.1% 0.1% - -
Norway 1.4% 1.6% 1.5% 1.5% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4%
Sweden 1.2% 1.2% 1.3% 1.2% 1.2% 1.2% 1.2%
Country 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Estonia 2.1% 2.3% 1.8% 1.7% 2.0% 2.0% 2.0%
Latvia 1.7% 1.4% 1.1% 1.0% 0.9% 0.9% 0.9%
Lithuania 1.1% 1.1% 0.9% 0.8% 0.8% 0.8% 0.8%
Country 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
USA 4.2% 4.6% 4.7% 4.6% 4.2% 3.8% 3.5%
UK 2.3% 2.4% 2.6% 2.5% 2.4% 2.2% 2.2%
Russia
(estimates)
3.3% 4.1% 3.8% 3.7% 4.0% 4.2% 4.5%
(*Please note, the data shown in the graph was taken from SIPRI Milex data 1988-2014)

38
Appendix 2 – Map: Which countries allow women in front-line combat roles?

39
Appendix 3 – The willingness of defending your country, % 1970-2015

40
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