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POLICY BRIEF
Building stronger partnerships to prevent terrorism
 
Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to
Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups
M. Karen Walker
Introduction
This policy brief responds to a growing interest
among counterterrorism officials and experts in
programs to counter violent extremist ideologies
and in the search for new policies and
approaches to dissuade youth from joining
violent extremist groups. It delves into factors of
social alienation and discrimination that
increase identity-seeking and examines the
salience and resonance of violent extremist
groups’ appeals to identity seekers. It concludes
by exploring the potential role of cultural
production policies as inoculation as well as
diversion strategies and by offering some
additional steps to effectively reorient cultural-
sector policies and reforms to reduce youth
vulnerability to violent extremist and terrorist
group radicalization.
Defining the Problem
Counterterrorism experts have identified
several root causes, i.e., social, cultural,
economic, and other conditions conducive to the
spread of terrorism, that contribute to a
population’s vulnerability to violent extremist
groups’ radicalization and recruitment efforts.
These conditions are not themselves
precipitating factors; the linkage between root
causes and proclivity toward violence is indirect.
The probability of successful terrorist-group
recruitment increases when these underlying
conditions result in social instability that is
amplified by motivational factors, such as group
grievance, social norms that legitimate the use of
violence, and terrorist group latitude to put
mobilizing structures in place.1
The argument
in this brief centers on social alienation and
discrimination as sources of vulnerability to
violent extremist groups’ identity appeals.2
Perceptions of social alienation build slowly
over time, in response to dynamics including
urbanization, demographic change, progressive
strictures on civil society, and narrowing
opportunities for educational and economic
advancement. Alienation, in turn, prompts
identity seeking.
A correlation between identity seeking and
terrorist activity can be documented through
interviews with terrorist group recruits. For
example, a 2010 study presented a “four
seekers” typology of al-Qaida recruits, based on
interviews with more than 2,000 foreign
fighters.3
Identity seekers—those who define
themselves by the groups to which they belong,
along with their role, their friends, and their
social interactions—comprised the largest
percentage of the combatants. Omar Sheikh,
convicted kidnapper of Daniel Pearl, is a case
in point. Sentiments that Omar shared with
cell mate Peter Gee suggest an overriding need
to belong and to be liked and reveal a
frustrated search for a sense of belonging that
neither London nor Lahore could satiate.4
The status quo response to countering violent
extremism relies on one strategy or a
combination of three basic strategies to address
a number of “root causes.”5
The first strategy
seeks to narrow the “hope gap” through
 
April 2011
© Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation
POLICY BRIEF
 
M. Karen Walker is a
policy analyst practiced in
advancing U.S. national
security and public
diplomacy missions. Ms.
Walker’s research projects
inform our understanding
of terrorist motivation and
intent, with inquiry
focused on identity
narratives, the dynamics of
ideological movements,
and the public sphere. Ms.
Walker is currently a
doctoral candidate at the
University of Maryland
College Park.
2
structural remedies and development
assistance. These measures reduce or remove
disadvantages or horizontal inequalities in
social and cultural status and ability to
participate in politics and the economy.6
Just as
root causes or horizontal inequalities can
prompt myriad forms of political mobilization,
with oscillation between peaceful and violent
protest, structural remedies yield multiple
benefits related to human security and
achievement of the Millennium Development
Goals.
Deterrence is a second strategy that is more
exclusive to combating violent extremism,
including deployment of law enforcement,
intelligence, and sometimes military resources
in response to known and anticipated threats,
as well as public condemnation of violence, to
shrink the space in which violent extremist
groups operate. The third accepted strategy is
often geared toward communication efforts to
engage in the “battle of ideas,” challenging and
discrediting the ideologies espoused by violent
extremist groups or exploiting disunity among
movement leaders. Communication efforts can
take many forms, including participation in
ongoing, online conversations, as exemplified
by the U.S. Department of State’s Digital
Outreach Team that engages actively and
overtly with Arabic, Persian, and Urdu
language Internet sites, including blogs and
discussion fora.7
Rather than address policy
issues with prepackaged news releases and
press guidance, the team relays an American
perspective through a shared lens, such as
poetry, and in discussion of shared interests,
such as global sporting events.8
The team’s
primary purposes are to explain U.S. foreign
policy, correct misinformation, and encourage
consideration of new and alternative ideas as
opportunities arise in the online conversation.
As counterterrorism tools, structural reforms,
deterrence, and strategic communication
largely overlook loss of identity and alienation
as factors that may increase the pool of
terrorist group recruits.9
Success in the “battle
of ideas” is sender focused, measured by the
degree of persuasiveness of extremist group
propaganda. How violent extremist groups
frame their audience and the call to action is a
primary focus of inquiry. For example, we
know that identity-based movements use
frames such as “righting injustice” to mobilize
supporters, assigning them roles in the
narrative.10
This communication paradigm
gives insufficient attention to developing an
evidence base on how youth and others
targeted accept or reject these frames.
Fresh research is needed on specific narrative
techniques. One example is the use, resonance,
and revision of projective, “quest” narratives,
which violent extremist groups have
subverted to their own ends by valorizing self-
sacrifice and inciting individuals to take real-
world action to right historic wrongs, ward
off chaos, and eliminate an existential threat.11
Potential danger of the projective narrative
can be found in The Turner Diaries, a chief
influence on Oklahoma City bomber Timothy
McVeigh.12
The Turner Diaries is a fictional
work that has galvanized the Christian
Identity movement in the United States,
promoting a particular brand of
Reconstruction Theology to justify violence in
defense against a repressive, secular
government and the eventual establishment of
a Christian theocratic state.13
The narrative feeds into movement members’
mythic worldview that begins with identity
seeking.14
Movement members believe that
their identity—their very existence—is denied.
They find a scapegoat and explanation for
their plight in the writings of movement
leaders such as William Pierce, author of The
Turner Diaries; Robert Jay Mathews, a protégé
of Pierce and founder of The Order, a real-
world organization based on Pierce’s fictional
template whose members waged a campaign of
www.globalct.org
 
 
 
M. Karen Walker
Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups
terrorism against the “system” by targeting state
and other prominent institutions;15
and David
Lane, a member of The Order, convicted as an
accomplice in the murder of Denver radio
personality Alan Berg, as well as on charges of
racketeering and conspiracy, who called his
supporters to “secure the existence of our people
and a future for white children.”16
The Turner
Diaries and similar tomes present the signs of a
sacralized struggle taking place in the here and
now. When members commit acts of violence
against the group’s named enemies, they enact
their role in this mythic struggle and thereby
affirm their legacy.
The elements and ends of a projective narrative
are not deterministic. The very quality of open-
endedness of projective narratives presents
individuals with choices on what roles to adopt
for themselves and others and how to complete
the narrative. Cultural policies that place a
premium on creativity and critique can prove
instrumental in reducing the convincingness of
radicalizing appeals. Cultural literacy and
creativity programs are among the tools
available to provide guidance in interpreting
and explaining historical events, humanizing
problems and conditions, celebrating the
ordinary hero, and expressing confidence that
change can be achieved through ordinary,
nonviolent means.
Belongingness and group identity are closely
related to goal achievement, making young
people especially vulnerable to the loss of
identity caused by social upheaval; the absence
of leadership and opportunity spurs
contemplation of one’s self worth and place
within a larger community.17
Diasporic and
second-generation youth are doubly challenged,
forced by circumstance to revise personal
narratives to express cultural and ethnic identity
in a way that is acceptable to their host
communities. Individuals seek membership in
groups that are well regarded and yet not
entirely conformist; distinctiveness creates the
boundaries between “us” and “them” and
thereby engenders group intimacy and pride
and reduces identity-seeking behaviors.18
Violent extremist groups use messaging
strategies, information and communication
technologies (ICT), and social networks to
shepherd individuals through an interactive,
multistep process ending with violence as the
only available option to remedy social injustice
and ensure group survival. Visualize a
staircase: As one climbs higher, the group
becomes more exclusive and single-minded,
with greater proclivity to engage in violence.
At the top of the staircase, committing a
violent act cements one’s identity, proves one’s
loyalty, and imbues specialness.19
This process
takes place within a collective of individuals
with a shared sense of outrage, belief, and
experience; individuals further along the path
to violence function as Sherpas for those in the
earlier stages of inquiry and exploration.20
As the staircase metaphor implies,
radicalization is a process with multiple
decision-points at which the individual steps
back, plateaus, or continues to the next level.
At each decision point, the number of
windows and doors open or blocked to the
individual will determine whether the
individual takes the next step.21
Offering
multiple doors and windows for individuals to
reduce their sense of alienation, to avoid a
forced choice in how an individual defines his
or her identity, remains an essential policy goal
toward reducing the number of individuals
who can be persuaded to commit acts of
violence.
ICT, sometimes referred to as “new media,”
has positive and negative attributes for identity
seekers and the violent extremist groups
attempting to exploit them. The dynamic that
plays out involves information-pull by identity
seekers and information push by violent
extremist and terrorist groups that monitor
individuals who browse their websites.22
If a
violent extremist or terrorist group obtains the
“Violent
extremist
groups use
messaging
strategies,
information and
communication
technologies,
and social
networks to
shepherd
individuals
through an
interactive,
multistep
process ending
with violence as
the only
available option
to remedy social
injustice and
ensure group
survival.”
3
© Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation
POLICY BRIEF
 
information seeker’s Internet Protocol and e-
mail addresses, the group can push
information to the individual target, including
messages, invitations, web links, and
YouTube videos sent through web-enabled
cell phones and other mobile devices.
Information-push techniques channel
information-seeking behaviors and build
enthusiasm, creating tunnel vision, on the part
of the message recipient.
Moreover, web-based communication is
insufficient to spur an individual to join and
follow through with a terrorist group attack.
Personal contact and social interaction are
necessary to the oxygenation process, during
which face-to-face communication reinforces
interpretations of experience and events,
renders the group identity tangible and
memorable, and solidifies individuals’
commitments to take action.23
The role of
web-based communication becomes more
complex, however, when considering the
phenomenon of the “lone wolf” terrorist, such
as Faisal Shahzad, whose May 2010 attempt to
detonate a car bomb in New York City’s
Times Square was disrupted by vigilant
bystanders and technical deficiencies. The
Web exposed Shahzad to radicalizing
messages, and he relied on websites for
operational planning, communicating with
Pakistan-based militants exclusively online.24
Proposing a Solution
The foregoing section addressed identity
seeking as a precipitating factor that violent
extremist and terrorist groups can exploit,
presented anecdotal evidence that identity-
seeking behavior is a motivational factor for
committing acts of violence, and highlighted
associated knowledge gaps and policy goals.
This section offers a framework for cultural
policies that can reduce identity seekers’
vulnerability to violent extremist groups’
appeals. An individual’s identity has stable and
dynamic elements. Dynamic elements are
influenced by historical memory, language,
and culture, which in turn are the rhetorical
resources necessary for exercising one’s voice
and negotiating social relationships, and drive
the creative enterprise.
Multilateral efforts in cultural production
policies can assist in combating violent
extremism, but currently mirror the triad of
structural reform, deterrence, and “battle of
ideas” strategies. Representative of structural
reform initiatives, the UN Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) Cultural Sector has announced a
technical assistance program to help
developing countries strengthen systems of
governance for culture, thereby reinforcing
the role of culture as a path toward sustainable
development and poverty reduction.
UNESCO’s Creative Cities Network and the
European Union’s Capitals of Culture
likewise address structural reforms,
promoting the social, economic, and cultural
development of cities. The metrics selected to
determine program success reinforce the
structural reform approach. For example, a
before-and-after case study of Liverpool’s
2008 Capital of Culture designation focused
on the growth of creative industries, number
of enterprises and jobs created, improved
public perceptions of Liverpool, improved
morale of creative industry employees, and
optimism for long-term positive impacts.25
Illustrating an effort at deterrence, the UN
Alliance of Civilizations promotes cross-
cultural understanding and seeks to reduce
public acceptance of violence as a means to
address community grievance. Member states
and organizations such as the Organization of
the Islamic Conference jointly design and
implement programs regionally and
nationally. Key thrusts for action programs
include dialogue and outreach programs that
promote tolerance and respect across cultures;
“Cultural
policies that
place a
premium on
creativity and
critique can
prove
instrumental in
reducing the
convincingness
of radicalizing
appeals.”
4
www.globalct.org
 
 
 
M. Karen Walker
Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups
partnerships with civil society actors, including
private sector organizations, to promote
intercultural understanding and cooperation in
the workplace; and development of tool kits
for educators, media, and citizen journalists to
increase intercultural competence and
counteract hate speech, racism, and cultural
and religious stereotypes.
Turning to the “battle of ideas,” the Islamic
Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (ISESCO) conducts education
and information campaigns, sponsors
recognition prizes, and implements related
programs to increase public understanding of
Islamic civilization and contemporary
communities. ISESCO engages in cross-
cultural dialogue with a specific point of view,
communicating values of justice and peace and
principles of freedom and human rights in
accordance with its members’ defined Islamic
civilizational perspective. Answering others’
campaigns against Islam and Muslims remains
a stated strategic objective of the organization.
Looking outside this defensive and competitive
frame, ISESCO initiatives expose Muslim
identity seekers to an affirmative vision of the
Islamic community’s contribution to achieving
development, progress, security, and
prosperity.
These multilateral initiatives present cultural-
sector platforms to reduce and overcome social
alienation and discrimination. More attention
can be paid to the design of cultural-sector
initiatives that intercede on behalf of identity
seekers, in order to reduce their vulnerability
to violent extremist and terrorist group
radicalizing messages. Two facets of cultural
production can guide planning and
implementation. A quantitative metric is the
number of youth who actively participate in
creative endeavors and cultural production. A
qualitative metric is innovation that youth
inject into cultural production, aided by
society’s acceptance of cultural hybridity—the
fusion of distinct forms, styles, traditions, and
cultural identities—expressed in art, dance,
music, theatre, literature, and other media.26
Cultural hybridity is a coping tool for members
of minority communities, to maintain ethnic
and cultural identifications that fit with the
majority community’s tastes and traditions.
Cultural hybridity has an added benefit of
generating a cross-cultural vocabulary that
allows individuals to move between and
among social groups with ease, making the
boundaries between “us” and “them” soft and
permeable.
Keeping these metrics in mind, the following
steps can effectively reorient cultural-sector
policies and reforms to reduce identity seekers’
vulnerability to violent extremist and terrorist
group radicalization.
 Integrate incentives for creative industries
with urban planning to ensure that cities
provide a welcoming environment for
diasporic and migratory youth, including
circular migration within national borders.
Assess the level of participation and quality
of youths’ cultural expressions within a given
urban center as factors in youths’ acceptance
or rejection of violent extremist groups’
appeals.
 Fund ethnographic and allied research to
assess whether and how creative cities and
capitals of culture attract and provide a
safety net for identity seekers. Validate
assumptions regarding identity seekers’
vulnerability to and resilience against violent
extremist group appeals.
 Supplement the evidence base for strategic
communication with a research agenda to
better understand how youth co-construct
narratives, constitute their identity, and
participate in the framing process.
 Facilitate the formation of public-private
partnerships to attract and apprentice youth
in creative industries, extending the
“Multilateral
efforts in
cultural
production
policies can
assist in
combating
violent
extremism, but
currently
mirror the triad
of structural
reform,
deterrence, and
‘battle of ideas’
strategies.”
5
© Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation
POLICY BRIEF
 
promise of community recognition and
commercial success while imparting skills
that youth can transfer to other educational
and employment opportunities.
 Expand educators’ and journalists’ tool kits
to include cross-cultural literacy,
constructive critique, and incentives to
integrate cultural resources and traditions in
new, hybrid forms. In partnership with
ministries of education and culture, develop
new curricula and guided learning tools to
help youth frame their own narrative
histories and experiences that can be
conveyed both in traditional and new
media.
 Establish a network of school and other
youth counselors and facilitators who are
experienced in helping youth maximize the
benefits of an integrated, cultural identity.
Promote best practices through the network
in helping youth make sense of divergent
cultural practices, especially when balancing
family, peer, and societal expectations and
when transitioning into university and
professional settings.
 Pilot digital learning environments. One
potential concept is a “school within a
school” where students, parents, and local
community members can increase their
digital literacy through experiential
learning. Learning objectives might
emphasize the benefits of ICT to explore
and interpret cultural artifacts that are not
immediately accessible; to demonstrate
positive norms of online communication,
such as reciprocity and community
building; and to practice coauthorship.
 Sponsor incentive/recognition prizes and
associated programs to guide youth in their
understanding and creative expression of the
causes, consequences, and nonviolent
remedies to social injustice.
 Develop pilot programs in cultural
production for communities where one
might expect a high degree of social
alienation and identity seeking, including
communities recovering from sectarian
violence and refugee settlements, with a
specific objective to maintain or restore
connections to cultural identity and memory.
Begin with Grass Roots Theater and other
cultural programs that have a proven track
record in community reconciliation.
The views expressed in
this policy brief are
those of the author and
do not necessarily
reflect those of the
Center on Global
Counterterrorism
Cooperation, its staff,
or advisory council.
6
______________________________________________________
Notes
1
Paul K. Davis and Kim Cragin, Social Science of Counterterrorism: Putting the Pieces Together (Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND,
2009), p. xxi.
2
Todd C. Helmus, “Why and How Some People Become Terrorists,” in Social Science of Counterterrorism: Putting the Pieces
Together, ed. Paul K. Davis and Kim Cragin (Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, 2009), pp. 81, 85–86.
3
Col. John M. Venhaus, “Why Youth Join Al-Qaeda,” U.S. Institute of Peace Special Report, No. 236 (May 2010), p. 10.
4
Marc Sageman, Leaderless Jihad: Terror Networks in the Twenty-First Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2008),
p. 6.
5
Jonathan Githens-Mazer, “Islamic Radicalisation Among North Africans in Britain,” British Journal of Politics and
International Relations 10, no. 4 (2008): 554.
6
Frances Stewart, “Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: An Introduction and Some Hypotheses,” in Horizontal Inequalities
and Conflict: Understanding Group Violence in Multiethnic Societies, ed. Frances Stewart (New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2010), p. 13.
7
U.S. Department of State, “Digital Outreach Team,” January 2009,
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/116709.pdf.
www.globalct.org
 
 
 
M. Karen Walker
Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups
8
M. Karen Walker, “New Media’s Influence on the Assessment of Publicly Communicated Terrorist Threats,” in Influence
Warfare: How Terrorists and Governments Fight to Shape Perceptions in a War of Ideas, ed. James J.F. Forest (Westport, Conn.:
Praeger Security International, 2009), p. 88.
8
Darcy M.E. Noricks, “The Root Causes of Terrorism,” in Social Science of Counterterrorism: Putting the Pieces Together, ed.
Paul K. Davis and Kim Cragin (Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, 2009), pp. 45–47.
10
Pauline Hope Cheong and Jeffrey R. Halverson, “Youths in Violent Extremist Discourse: Mediated Identifications and
Interventions,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 33, no. 12 (2010): 1106.
11
Roger Griffin, “Shattering Crystals: The Role of ‘Dream Time’ in Extreme Right-Wing Political Violence,” Terrorism and
Political Violence 15, no. 1 (2003): 64.
12
Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Name of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence, 3rd ed. (Berkeley: University of
California, 2003), p. 31.
13
Ibid., pp. 30–36. See Brigitte L. Nacos, Mass-Mediated Terrorism: The Central Role of the Media in Terrorism and
Counterterrorism, 2nd ed. (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), pp. 126–135; Jessica Stern, Terror in the Name of
God: Why Religious Militants Kill (New York: HarperCollins, 2003), pp. 9–31.
14
Robert C. Rowland and Kirsten Theye, “The Symbolic DNA of Terrorism,” Communication Monographs 75, no. 1 (March
2008): 62.
15
George Michael, “David Lane and the Fourteen Words,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 10, no. 1 (March
2009): 46.
16
Ibid., p. 43.
17
Donald M. Taylor and Winnifred Louis, “Terrorism and the Quest for Identity,” in Understanding Terrorism: Psychosocial
Roots, Consequences, and Interventions, ed. Fathali M. Moghaddam and Anthony J. Marsella (Washington, D.C.: American
Psychological Association, 2003), p. 177.
18
Fathali Moghaddam, From the Terrorists’ Point of View: What They Experience and Why They Come to Destroy (Westport,
Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2006), p. 28.
19
Clark McCauley and Sophia Moskalenko, “Mechanisms of Political Radicalization: Pathways Toward Terrorism,”
Terrorism and Political Violence 20, no. 3 (2008): 417.
20
Sageman, Leaderless Jihad, p. 84.
21
Fathali Moghaddam, “The Staircase to Terrorism: A Psychological Explanation,” American Psychologist 60, no. 2
(February–March 2005): 161.
22
Simon O’Rourke, “Online Recruitment, Radicalization, and Reconnaissance: Challenges for Law Enforcement,” in
Influence Warfare: How Terrorists and Governments Fight to Shape Perceptions in a War of Ideas, ed. James J.F. Forest
(Westport, Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2009), p. 217–218.
23
Githens-Mazer, “Islamic Radicalisation Among North Africans in Britain,” p. 563.
24
Liat Shetret, “Use of the Internet for Counter-Terror Purposes,” Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation,
February 2011, p. 1.
25
Impacts 08, “Liverpool’s Creative Industries: Understanding the Impact of Liverpool European Capital of Culture 2008 on
the City Region’s Creative Industries,” November 2009, http://www.liv.ac.uk/impacts08/Papers/Impacts08(2009-
11)CreativeIndustriesSustainability.pdf.
26
Marwan M. Kraidy, Hybridity, or the Cultural Logic of Globalization (Philadelphia: Temple University, 2005), p. 5. (August
2009), http://www.terrorismanalysts.com/pt/articles/issues/PTv3i2.pdf.
7

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April2011_Policy Brief_KW_Final

  • 1. www.globalct.org POLICY BRIEF Building stronger partnerships to prevent terrorism   Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups M. Karen Walker Introduction This policy brief responds to a growing interest among counterterrorism officials and experts in programs to counter violent extremist ideologies and in the search for new policies and approaches to dissuade youth from joining violent extremist groups. It delves into factors of social alienation and discrimination that increase identity-seeking and examines the salience and resonance of violent extremist groups’ appeals to identity seekers. It concludes by exploring the potential role of cultural production policies as inoculation as well as diversion strategies and by offering some additional steps to effectively reorient cultural- sector policies and reforms to reduce youth vulnerability to violent extremist and terrorist group radicalization. Defining the Problem Counterterrorism experts have identified several root causes, i.e., social, cultural, economic, and other conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism, that contribute to a population’s vulnerability to violent extremist groups’ radicalization and recruitment efforts. These conditions are not themselves precipitating factors; the linkage between root causes and proclivity toward violence is indirect. The probability of successful terrorist-group recruitment increases when these underlying conditions result in social instability that is amplified by motivational factors, such as group grievance, social norms that legitimate the use of violence, and terrorist group latitude to put mobilizing structures in place.1 The argument in this brief centers on social alienation and discrimination as sources of vulnerability to violent extremist groups’ identity appeals.2 Perceptions of social alienation build slowly over time, in response to dynamics including urbanization, demographic change, progressive strictures on civil society, and narrowing opportunities for educational and economic advancement. Alienation, in turn, prompts identity seeking. A correlation between identity seeking and terrorist activity can be documented through interviews with terrorist group recruits. For example, a 2010 study presented a “four seekers” typology of al-Qaida recruits, based on interviews with more than 2,000 foreign fighters.3 Identity seekers—those who define themselves by the groups to which they belong, along with their role, their friends, and their social interactions—comprised the largest percentage of the combatants. Omar Sheikh, convicted kidnapper of Daniel Pearl, is a case in point. Sentiments that Omar shared with cell mate Peter Gee suggest an overriding need to belong and to be liked and reveal a frustrated search for a sense of belonging that neither London nor Lahore could satiate.4 The status quo response to countering violent extremism relies on one strategy or a combination of three basic strategies to address a number of “root causes.”5 The first strategy seeks to narrow the “hope gap” through   April 2011
  • 2. © Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation POLICY BRIEF   M. Karen Walker is a policy analyst practiced in advancing U.S. national security and public diplomacy missions. Ms. Walker’s research projects inform our understanding of terrorist motivation and intent, with inquiry focused on identity narratives, the dynamics of ideological movements, and the public sphere. Ms. Walker is currently a doctoral candidate at the University of Maryland College Park. 2 structural remedies and development assistance. These measures reduce or remove disadvantages or horizontal inequalities in social and cultural status and ability to participate in politics and the economy.6 Just as root causes or horizontal inequalities can prompt myriad forms of political mobilization, with oscillation between peaceful and violent protest, structural remedies yield multiple benefits related to human security and achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. Deterrence is a second strategy that is more exclusive to combating violent extremism, including deployment of law enforcement, intelligence, and sometimes military resources in response to known and anticipated threats, as well as public condemnation of violence, to shrink the space in which violent extremist groups operate. The third accepted strategy is often geared toward communication efforts to engage in the “battle of ideas,” challenging and discrediting the ideologies espoused by violent extremist groups or exploiting disunity among movement leaders. Communication efforts can take many forms, including participation in ongoing, online conversations, as exemplified by the U.S. Department of State’s Digital Outreach Team that engages actively and overtly with Arabic, Persian, and Urdu language Internet sites, including blogs and discussion fora.7 Rather than address policy issues with prepackaged news releases and press guidance, the team relays an American perspective through a shared lens, such as poetry, and in discussion of shared interests, such as global sporting events.8 The team’s primary purposes are to explain U.S. foreign policy, correct misinformation, and encourage consideration of new and alternative ideas as opportunities arise in the online conversation. As counterterrorism tools, structural reforms, deterrence, and strategic communication largely overlook loss of identity and alienation as factors that may increase the pool of terrorist group recruits.9 Success in the “battle of ideas” is sender focused, measured by the degree of persuasiveness of extremist group propaganda. How violent extremist groups frame their audience and the call to action is a primary focus of inquiry. For example, we know that identity-based movements use frames such as “righting injustice” to mobilize supporters, assigning them roles in the narrative.10 This communication paradigm gives insufficient attention to developing an evidence base on how youth and others targeted accept or reject these frames. Fresh research is needed on specific narrative techniques. One example is the use, resonance, and revision of projective, “quest” narratives, which violent extremist groups have subverted to their own ends by valorizing self- sacrifice and inciting individuals to take real- world action to right historic wrongs, ward off chaos, and eliminate an existential threat.11 Potential danger of the projective narrative can be found in The Turner Diaries, a chief influence on Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh.12 The Turner Diaries is a fictional work that has galvanized the Christian Identity movement in the United States, promoting a particular brand of Reconstruction Theology to justify violence in defense against a repressive, secular government and the eventual establishment of a Christian theocratic state.13 The narrative feeds into movement members’ mythic worldview that begins with identity seeking.14 Movement members believe that their identity—their very existence—is denied. They find a scapegoat and explanation for their plight in the writings of movement leaders such as William Pierce, author of The Turner Diaries; Robert Jay Mathews, a protégé of Pierce and founder of The Order, a real- world organization based on Pierce’s fictional template whose members waged a campaign of
  • 3. www.globalct.org       M. Karen Walker Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups terrorism against the “system” by targeting state and other prominent institutions;15 and David Lane, a member of The Order, convicted as an accomplice in the murder of Denver radio personality Alan Berg, as well as on charges of racketeering and conspiracy, who called his supporters to “secure the existence of our people and a future for white children.”16 The Turner Diaries and similar tomes present the signs of a sacralized struggle taking place in the here and now. When members commit acts of violence against the group’s named enemies, they enact their role in this mythic struggle and thereby affirm their legacy. The elements and ends of a projective narrative are not deterministic. The very quality of open- endedness of projective narratives presents individuals with choices on what roles to adopt for themselves and others and how to complete the narrative. Cultural policies that place a premium on creativity and critique can prove instrumental in reducing the convincingness of radicalizing appeals. Cultural literacy and creativity programs are among the tools available to provide guidance in interpreting and explaining historical events, humanizing problems and conditions, celebrating the ordinary hero, and expressing confidence that change can be achieved through ordinary, nonviolent means. Belongingness and group identity are closely related to goal achievement, making young people especially vulnerable to the loss of identity caused by social upheaval; the absence of leadership and opportunity spurs contemplation of one’s self worth and place within a larger community.17 Diasporic and second-generation youth are doubly challenged, forced by circumstance to revise personal narratives to express cultural and ethnic identity in a way that is acceptable to their host communities. Individuals seek membership in groups that are well regarded and yet not entirely conformist; distinctiveness creates the boundaries between “us” and “them” and thereby engenders group intimacy and pride and reduces identity-seeking behaviors.18 Violent extremist groups use messaging strategies, information and communication technologies (ICT), and social networks to shepherd individuals through an interactive, multistep process ending with violence as the only available option to remedy social injustice and ensure group survival. Visualize a staircase: As one climbs higher, the group becomes more exclusive and single-minded, with greater proclivity to engage in violence. At the top of the staircase, committing a violent act cements one’s identity, proves one’s loyalty, and imbues specialness.19 This process takes place within a collective of individuals with a shared sense of outrage, belief, and experience; individuals further along the path to violence function as Sherpas for those in the earlier stages of inquiry and exploration.20 As the staircase metaphor implies, radicalization is a process with multiple decision-points at which the individual steps back, plateaus, or continues to the next level. At each decision point, the number of windows and doors open or blocked to the individual will determine whether the individual takes the next step.21 Offering multiple doors and windows for individuals to reduce their sense of alienation, to avoid a forced choice in how an individual defines his or her identity, remains an essential policy goal toward reducing the number of individuals who can be persuaded to commit acts of violence. ICT, sometimes referred to as “new media,” has positive and negative attributes for identity seekers and the violent extremist groups attempting to exploit them. The dynamic that plays out involves information-pull by identity seekers and information push by violent extremist and terrorist groups that monitor individuals who browse their websites.22 If a violent extremist or terrorist group obtains the “Violent extremist groups use messaging strategies, information and communication technologies, and social networks to shepherd individuals through an interactive, multistep process ending with violence as the only available option to remedy social injustice and ensure group survival.” 3
  • 4. © Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation POLICY BRIEF   information seeker’s Internet Protocol and e- mail addresses, the group can push information to the individual target, including messages, invitations, web links, and YouTube videos sent through web-enabled cell phones and other mobile devices. Information-push techniques channel information-seeking behaviors and build enthusiasm, creating tunnel vision, on the part of the message recipient. Moreover, web-based communication is insufficient to spur an individual to join and follow through with a terrorist group attack. Personal contact and social interaction are necessary to the oxygenation process, during which face-to-face communication reinforces interpretations of experience and events, renders the group identity tangible and memorable, and solidifies individuals’ commitments to take action.23 The role of web-based communication becomes more complex, however, when considering the phenomenon of the “lone wolf” terrorist, such as Faisal Shahzad, whose May 2010 attempt to detonate a car bomb in New York City’s Times Square was disrupted by vigilant bystanders and technical deficiencies. The Web exposed Shahzad to radicalizing messages, and he relied on websites for operational planning, communicating with Pakistan-based militants exclusively online.24 Proposing a Solution The foregoing section addressed identity seeking as a precipitating factor that violent extremist and terrorist groups can exploit, presented anecdotal evidence that identity- seeking behavior is a motivational factor for committing acts of violence, and highlighted associated knowledge gaps and policy goals. This section offers a framework for cultural policies that can reduce identity seekers’ vulnerability to violent extremist groups’ appeals. An individual’s identity has stable and dynamic elements. Dynamic elements are influenced by historical memory, language, and culture, which in turn are the rhetorical resources necessary for exercising one’s voice and negotiating social relationships, and drive the creative enterprise. Multilateral efforts in cultural production policies can assist in combating violent extremism, but currently mirror the triad of structural reform, deterrence, and “battle of ideas” strategies. Representative of structural reform initiatives, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Cultural Sector has announced a technical assistance program to help developing countries strengthen systems of governance for culture, thereby reinforcing the role of culture as a path toward sustainable development and poverty reduction. UNESCO’s Creative Cities Network and the European Union’s Capitals of Culture likewise address structural reforms, promoting the social, economic, and cultural development of cities. The metrics selected to determine program success reinforce the structural reform approach. For example, a before-and-after case study of Liverpool’s 2008 Capital of Culture designation focused on the growth of creative industries, number of enterprises and jobs created, improved public perceptions of Liverpool, improved morale of creative industry employees, and optimism for long-term positive impacts.25 Illustrating an effort at deterrence, the UN Alliance of Civilizations promotes cross- cultural understanding and seeks to reduce public acceptance of violence as a means to address community grievance. Member states and organizations such as the Organization of the Islamic Conference jointly design and implement programs regionally and nationally. Key thrusts for action programs include dialogue and outreach programs that promote tolerance and respect across cultures; “Cultural policies that place a premium on creativity and critique can prove instrumental in reducing the convincingness of radicalizing appeals.” 4
  • 5. www.globalct.org       M. Karen Walker Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups partnerships with civil society actors, including private sector organizations, to promote intercultural understanding and cooperation in the workplace; and development of tool kits for educators, media, and citizen journalists to increase intercultural competence and counteract hate speech, racism, and cultural and religious stereotypes. Turning to the “battle of ideas,” the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO) conducts education and information campaigns, sponsors recognition prizes, and implements related programs to increase public understanding of Islamic civilization and contemporary communities. ISESCO engages in cross- cultural dialogue with a specific point of view, communicating values of justice and peace and principles of freedom and human rights in accordance with its members’ defined Islamic civilizational perspective. Answering others’ campaigns against Islam and Muslims remains a stated strategic objective of the organization. Looking outside this defensive and competitive frame, ISESCO initiatives expose Muslim identity seekers to an affirmative vision of the Islamic community’s contribution to achieving development, progress, security, and prosperity. These multilateral initiatives present cultural- sector platforms to reduce and overcome social alienation and discrimination. More attention can be paid to the design of cultural-sector initiatives that intercede on behalf of identity seekers, in order to reduce their vulnerability to violent extremist and terrorist group radicalizing messages. Two facets of cultural production can guide planning and implementation. A quantitative metric is the number of youth who actively participate in creative endeavors and cultural production. A qualitative metric is innovation that youth inject into cultural production, aided by society’s acceptance of cultural hybridity—the fusion of distinct forms, styles, traditions, and cultural identities—expressed in art, dance, music, theatre, literature, and other media.26 Cultural hybridity is a coping tool for members of minority communities, to maintain ethnic and cultural identifications that fit with the majority community’s tastes and traditions. Cultural hybridity has an added benefit of generating a cross-cultural vocabulary that allows individuals to move between and among social groups with ease, making the boundaries between “us” and “them” soft and permeable. Keeping these metrics in mind, the following steps can effectively reorient cultural-sector policies and reforms to reduce identity seekers’ vulnerability to violent extremist and terrorist group radicalization.  Integrate incentives for creative industries with urban planning to ensure that cities provide a welcoming environment for diasporic and migratory youth, including circular migration within national borders. Assess the level of participation and quality of youths’ cultural expressions within a given urban center as factors in youths’ acceptance or rejection of violent extremist groups’ appeals.  Fund ethnographic and allied research to assess whether and how creative cities and capitals of culture attract and provide a safety net for identity seekers. Validate assumptions regarding identity seekers’ vulnerability to and resilience against violent extremist group appeals.  Supplement the evidence base for strategic communication with a research agenda to better understand how youth co-construct narratives, constitute their identity, and participate in the framing process.  Facilitate the formation of public-private partnerships to attract and apprentice youth in creative industries, extending the “Multilateral efforts in cultural production policies can assist in combating violent extremism, but currently mirror the triad of structural reform, deterrence, and ‘battle of ideas’ strategies.” 5
  • 6. © Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation POLICY BRIEF   promise of community recognition and commercial success while imparting skills that youth can transfer to other educational and employment opportunities.  Expand educators’ and journalists’ tool kits to include cross-cultural literacy, constructive critique, and incentives to integrate cultural resources and traditions in new, hybrid forms. In partnership with ministries of education and culture, develop new curricula and guided learning tools to help youth frame their own narrative histories and experiences that can be conveyed both in traditional and new media.  Establish a network of school and other youth counselors and facilitators who are experienced in helping youth maximize the benefits of an integrated, cultural identity. Promote best practices through the network in helping youth make sense of divergent cultural practices, especially when balancing family, peer, and societal expectations and when transitioning into university and professional settings.  Pilot digital learning environments. One potential concept is a “school within a school” where students, parents, and local community members can increase their digital literacy through experiential learning. Learning objectives might emphasize the benefits of ICT to explore and interpret cultural artifacts that are not immediately accessible; to demonstrate positive norms of online communication, such as reciprocity and community building; and to practice coauthorship.  Sponsor incentive/recognition prizes and associated programs to guide youth in their understanding and creative expression of the causes, consequences, and nonviolent remedies to social injustice.  Develop pilot programs in cultural production for communities where one might expect a high degree of social alienation and identity seeking, including communities recovering from sectarian violence and refugee settlements, with a specific objective to maintain or restore connections to cultural identity and memory. Begin with Grass Roots Theater and other cultural programs that have a proven track record in community reconciliation. The views expressed in this policy brief are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation, its staff, or advisory council. 6 ______________________________________________________ Notes 1 Paul K. Davis and Kim Cragin, Social Science of Counterterrorism: Putting the Pieces Together (Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, 2009), p. xxi. 2 Todd C. Helmus, “Why and How Some People Become Terrorists,” in Social Science of Counterterrorism: Putting the Pieces Together, ed. Paul K. Davis and Kim Cragin (Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, 2009), pp. 81, 85–86. 3 Col. John M. Venhaus, “Why Youth Join Al-Qaeda,” U.S. Institute of Peace Special Report, No. 236 (May 2010), p. 10. 4 Marc Sageman, Leaderless Jihad: Terror Networks in the Twenty-First Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2008), p. 6. 5 Jonathan Githens-Mazer, “Islamic Radicalisation Among North Africans in Britain,” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10, no. 4 (2008): 554. 6 Frances Stewart, “Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: An Introduction and Some Hypotheses,” in Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: Understanding Group Violence in Multiethnic Societies, ed. Frances Stewart (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), p. 13. 7 U.S. Department of State, “Digital Outreach Team,” January 2009, http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/116709.pdf.
  • 7. www.globalct.org       M. Karen Walker Reorienting Cultural Production Policies: Ideas to Dissuade Youth from Joining Violent Extremist Groups 8 M. Karen Walker, “New Media’s Influence on the Assessment of Publicly Communicated Terrorist Threats,” in Influence Warfare: How Terrorists and Governments Fight to Shape Perceptions in a War of Ideas, ed. James J.F. Forest (Westport, Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2009), p. 88. 8 Darcy M.E. Noricks, “The Root Causes of Terrorism,” in Social Science of Counterterrorism: Putting the Pieces Together, ed. Paul K. Davis and Kim Cragin (Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, 2009), pp. 45–47. 10 Pauline Hope Cheong and Jeffrey R. Halverson, “Youths in Violent Extremist Discourse: Mediated Identifications and Interventions,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 33, no. 12 (2010): 1106. 11 Roger Griffin, “Shattering Crystals: The Role of ‘Dream Time’ in Extreme Right-Wing Political Violence,” Terrorism and Political Violence 15, no. 1 (2003): 64. 12 Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Name of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence, 3rd ed. (Berkeley: University of California, 2003), p. 31. 13 Ibid., pp. 30–36. See Brigitte L. Nacos, Mass-Mediated Terrorism: The Central Role of the Media in Terrorism and Counterterrorism, 2nd ed. (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), pp. 126–135; Jessica Stern, Terror in the Name of God: Why Religious Militants Kill (New York: HarperCollins, 2003), pp. 9–31. 14 Robert C. Rowland and Kirsten Theye, “The Symbolic DNA of Terrorism,” Communication Monographs 75, no. 1 (March 2008): 62. 15 George Michael, “David Lane and the Fourteen Words,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 10, no. 1 (March 2009): 46. 16 Ibid., p. 43. 17 Donald M. Taylor and Winnifred Louis, “Terrorism and the Quest for Identity,” in Understanding Terrorism: Psychosocial Roots, Consequences, and Interventions, ed. Fathali M. Moghaddam and Anthony J. Marsella (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 2003), p. 177. 18 Fathali Moghaddam, From the Terrorists’ Point of View: What They Experience and Why They Come to Destroy (Westport, Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2006), p. 28. 19 Clark McCauley and Sophia Moskalenko, “Mechanisms of Political Radicalization: Pathways Toward Terrorism,” Terrorism and Political Violence 20, no. 3 (2008): 417. 20 Sageman, Leaderless Jihad, p. 84. 21 Fathali Moghaddam, “The Staircase to Terrorism: A Psychological Explanation,” American Psychologist 60, no. 2 (February–March 2005): 161. 22 Simon O’Rourke, “Online Recruitment, Radicalization, and Reconnaissance: Challenges for Law Enforcement,” in Influence Warfare: How Terrorists and Governments Fight to Shape Perceptions in a War of Ideas, ed. James J.F. Forest (Westport, Conn.: Praeger Security International, 2009), p. 217–218. 23 Githens-Mazer, “Islamic Radicalisation Among North Africans in Britain,” p. 563. 24 Liat Shetret, “Use of the Internet for Counter-Terror Purposes,” Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation, February 2011, p. 1. 25 Impacts 08, “Liverpool’s Creative Industries: Understanding the Impact of Liverpool European Capital of Culture 2008 on the City Region’s Creative Industries,” November 2009, http://www.liv.ac.uk/impacts08/Papers/Impacts08(2009- 11)CreativeIndustriesSustainability.pdf. 26 Marwan M. Kraidy, Hybridity, or the Cultural Logic of Globalization (Philadelphia: Temple University, 2005), p. 5. (August 2009), http://www.terrorismanalysts.com/pt/articles/issues/PTv3i2.pdf. 7