1. CONTENTSCOONTENTS
Chapter 1 The Mindanao Context
Chapter 2 Promoters of Peace
Chapter 3 Tools and Instrument for
Advancing Human Security
Livelihood and Enterprises – Jerry E. Pacturan
War in Mindanao – Froilan Gallardo & Bencyrus Ellorin
Relief and Rehabilitation – Karl Vincent Queipo
San Pedro Muscovado Cooperative - Hector Tuburan Jr.
Wahida: Bearing the Torch of Peace - Amy Cabusao
Matinka: A new kind of War - Amy Cabusao
Supporting Local Peace and Development Efforts:
The Case of Pagangan Women Association
Working Animal Project of an IP Community - Froilan Gallardo
The Beautiful Women of Al Jamelah - Fanny Divino
Building Peaceful Homes - Amy Cabusao
Seaweeds Project of Tarakan - Froilan Gallardo
Livelihood and Enterprises in support of Peace and
Development: The Daguma Range Tri-People
Federation
Partners Capacity Index - Ma. Victoria Z. Maglana
Performance of the PDAP PROPEACE Partners
02
23
38
44
49
55
62
67
71
74
81
85
98
106
Preface
This Publication is made possible
with the funding support from
Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA)
Philippines Canada Development Fund (PCDF)
Editor:
Mindanews
Grace Santos
Jing Pacturan
Project Coordinator:
Karl Vincent Queipo
Project Officer, PDAP
Layout Artist:
Mindanews
Mertz Certifico
Copyright 2006
Philippine Development Assistance Programme (PDAP, Inc.)
78-B Dr. Lazcano St., Brgy. Laginghanda, Quezon City, Philippines
Telephone Numbers: (+632) 374-8214, 373-0556
Fax Number: (+632) 374-8216
Email Address: pdap@mydestiney.net; admin@pdap.net
Website: www.pdap.net; www.organicrice.org

2. Preface
Poverty is the biggest challenge facing the country today, where almost a third of the popu-
lation sleeps with an empty stomach. But poverty is not just the failure to meet income
requirements. It is the presence of factors undermining the capacity of communities and
individuals to reach their full potentials.
Human security articulates that development is achieving protection of one’s dignity,
livelihood and life. It also presupposes that an individual has abounding potential which can
be unveiled given the right environment conducive for growth. Mitigating vulnerability and
enhancing potentials are key features in realizing this.
Mindanao is vital in reducing poverty in the country. According to the Philippine National
Statistics Coordination Board (NSCB) Census of 2002, Mindanao has the 2nd largest total
land area with 120.8 thousand sq. km and accounts for 24 percent of the entire country’s
population (18 million people). Touted to be the “Island of Promise”, industry, agribusiness
and tourism can thrive here providing livelihoods to the majority of the population.
But with the fragile peace environment, nothing much can be achieved. There is a need to
intensify assistance to post-conflict areas and to marginalized and poverty-stricken commu-
nities.
Inherent in its vision, PDAP had focused its efforts in rebuilding conflict-affected and post-
conflict communities in Mindanao and Palawan. Immediately after the signing of the final
peace agreement in 1996 between the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the
Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP), two waves of interventions were imple-
mented by PDAP. The First wave through the Program for Peace and Development in the
SZOPAD Ares (PPDSA, 1997-2000) complimented the capacity-building needs, provision of
technical assistance, organizing among war-torn communities and livelihood development.
The Second wave, through the Mindanao Program for Peace and Development (ProPeace,
2000-2004), centered on livelihood and enterprise development, promotion of agriculture-
based livelihoods, and advocacy to enhance networking and partnership building. Muslim
communities and marginalized sectors such as indigenous people and poor Christians in
surrounding areas benefited in these undertakings. Both PPDSA and ProPeace have benefited
a total of 180 community-based organizations involving 10,000 households.
After almost a decade of work in Southern Philippines, PDAP takes stock on the pertinent
learnings from these projects. This publication intends to document and disseminate infor-
mation on some effective strategies, human capital and resource requirements to make
peace-building initiatives work on the ground. It celebrates the little victories and small steps
towards poverty alleviation hoping to share the message and urgency of focusing efforts
where they are direly needed. This book also highlights the role and importance of the differ-
ent stakeholders in achieving peace and development. New tools in measuring project impact
such as the partners capacity index have been included as PDAP’s contribution to the human
security framework.
As we move the torch of peace forward, PDAP would like to acknowledge the assistance of
our valued partners who made this publication possible. Our sincere appreciation to the
Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the Philippine-Canada Development
Fund (PCDF) for the guidance and funding support both to the PPDSA and ProPeace programs.
We also thank the government agencies especially NEDA, the MNLF leadership, and non-
government organizations in the area who have been our constant partners in extending
technical assistance to the target communities. Our gratitude also to the writers and partners
who documented notable cases published in this book.
And lastly, special thanks to the ProPeace staff: Mr. Winston Camarinas, Ms. Linda Ibay, Mr.
Agustin Zerrudo, Mr. Hector Tuburan Jr., Ms. Epifania Divino and Mr. Genes Castillare -- who
were involved in the program implementation and worked tirelessly to alleviate the condi-
tions of our brothers and sisters in the conflict areas of Mindanao. The final copy of this book
was made possible through the efforts also of PDAP staff Mr. Karl Vincent Queipo, Ms. Grace
Santos and Mr. Mertz Certifico for the final editing and layout of this book.
Jerry E. Pacturan
PDAP Executive Director
October 2006
“It would be unthinkable to consider peace as a condition characterized simply
by worldwide absence of conflict when millions of people die yearly from starva-
tion, disease and poverty.” – Statement from Bahai International Community, UN
International Year of Peace Seminar, 1985.
i ii

3. 01
The
Mindanao
Context
Chapter 1Chapter 1

4. 02 03
RURAL ENTERPRISES FOR POVERTY REDUCTION
AND HUMAN SECURITY
By Jerry E. Pacturan
I. Historical Background and Context of the PDAP Development
Work in Mindanao
The Mindanao Colonial Context
Mindanao was once called the land of
promise due to its vast agricultural lands,
rich natural resources and the vibrant
economy that was established resulting
from the island’s strategic trading links
mainly with China as early as 982 A.D.
prior to the coming of Islam in the late
14th century. In the 18th and 19th
centuries, Sulu, Cotabato in Southcentral
Mindanao and Butuan/Caraga, at the
northeastern portion, were the flourishing
trading centers in Mindanao linked with
Europe and China¹ .
In the face of the determined efforts of
Spain to colonize the entire Philippines for three hundred years, from the middle of the 15th
century to the latter part of the 18th century, most portions of Southern and Central Mind-
anao remained free, governed by the Sultanate system (e.g, the Sultanate of Sulu, the
Sultanate of Maguindanao and other smaller sultanates). It was this freedom from the Span-
ish colonizers that the Muslims have been asserting was a historical fact that proved they
were never part of the struggle against Spain, hence not part of the Philippine nation when
the Filipino revolutionary leaders, mostly from Luzon and Visayas, led and almost won the
Philippine Revolution against Spain in the late 1800s.
The Americans, who came at the turn of the 19th century as a result of the Spanish-
American War in 1898 and “liberated” the Philippines from Spain in a mock battle in Manila
Bay, pursued the same pacification campaign to subjugate the entire country including the
Muslim-governed areas in Mindanao. The Americans utilized a divide-and-rule strategy
against the Muslims. They entered into an agreement with the Moro leaders, through the
Bates-Kiram Treaty of 1899² while at the same time fought a cruel war against them. The
U.S. gained military victories but has never been totally successful in transforming the
socio-cultural and political landscape of the Muslim communities. “The struggle has been
costly. From 1903 until 1939, the U.S. initiated ‘land-grabbing’ laws that systematically took
away land from the indigenous inhabitants. During this time it was estimated that 15,000-
20,000 Muslims were killed. Despite these losses, Moro and Lumad³ resistance against
colonial rule continued”4
.
To further counter this resistance, the Americans brought to Mindanao large numbers of
Filipino Christians from Luzon and Visayas in 1912. This continued through the 1950s,
completely changing the demographic makeup of the island. In 1918, the Moros and Lumads
made up approximately 75 percent of the total population in Cotabato Province. By 1970,
they made up only about 34.5% while Christians made up 62.2%5
. Alongside with the
massive migration of Christians was the entry of American firms that capitalized on the
region's economic potential. Between 1900 to 1920, about 46 US firms were established in
Zamboanga and Sulu. Agricultural colonies were also said to have been established in
Cotabato, Davao, Lanao and Agusan by 19306
.
The Philippine Government, which was given autonomy by the U.S. in 1935 under the Philip-
pine Commonwealth and full independence in 1946, continues to uphold, up to this day, its
sovereign authority in this part of the archipelago, a legacy which most of the Muslim popu-
lation took with contempt arguing that their “Bangsamoro territory” have been illegally
annexed by the Americans as part of the Philippine state in the Treaty of Paris of 18987
.
The communist insurgency in Central Luzon set off by the Hukbong Magpapalaya ng Bayan
(HMB) in the 1950s led the Philippine government to offer an amnesty program for its mem-
bers by sending the HMB members and their sympathizers to Mindanao, and granted them
the privilege to own and cultivate agricultural lands. Consequently, the influx of more
migrants, mostly Christians, from other provinces in Luzon and Visayas followed suit.
Around this time the overall relations among the Muslims, Christians and Lumads were
generally commendable despite the centuries-old derision of the Muslims against the various
invaders, foreign and local, of their homeland.
In the early 1970s, para-military groups (some attached to Christian politicians, some with
Muslim politicians and others with the loggers) proliferated. At this time, land conflicts
between Muslims and Christians escalated triggering into armed clashes. The military (then
the Philippine Constabulary) took control of many towns and pave the way for the involve-
ment of a para-military group called ILAGA8
. The group was responsible for attacking a
mosque killing scores of civilians, and driving out Muslims from their communities9
.
This event produced a chain reaction in various parts of Mindanao triggering more violent
retaliation from both sides. Since then the conflict between Muslims and Christians has
been at the center stage of the socio-cultural and politico-economic dynamics in Mindanao.
¹ Sources: Regional Economic Zone Authority/REZA: The Economic Growth Booster, by DTI-ARMM Regional Secretary Ishak V. Mastura; Unpublished
Historical Accounts of Mindanao by Greg Hontiveros, Butuan City; Philippine History & Government by Gregorio F. Zaide and Sonia M. Zaide, 5th
Edition.
² Installation of a separate U.S. military administration for the Moro lands and signature of the so-called Bates-Kiram Treaty that provided for a regime of
indirect rule, the Americans being only concerned with the maintenance of order and peace. The treaty didn't however prevent frictions and soon revolts
broke out. They would last until 1905 in Mindanao and until 1913 in Sulu. (Source: http://www.geocities.com /CapitolHill/Rotunda/2209/Moro.html)
3
Lumad – the local terms used for the indigenous peoples (IPs) in Mindanao.
4
The Struggle in Mindanao, Documentation for Action Groups in Asia, September 2001. (Source: www.daga.org/dd/d2001/d109ph.pdf)
5
Same with no. 4 above.
6
Source: Dr. Samuel K. Tan of the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP-CIDS).
7
On April 25, 1898, the United States declared war on Spain following the sinking of the Battleship Maine in Havana harbor on February 15, 1898. The war
ended with the signing of the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898. As a result Spain lost its control over the remains of its overseas empire -- Cuba, Puerto
Rico, the Philippine islands, Guam, and other islands.
8
ILAGA stands for “Ilongo Land Grabbers Association”. The Ilongos is a Visayan ethnic group originating from the islands of Panay and Negros. The Ilongos is
one of the dominant non-Mindanao ethnic groups which migrated to South and North Cotabato.
9
“Overview of the Moro Struggle” by Professor Datu Amilusin A. Jumaani.

5. 04 05
The Modernday Muslim Rebellion Against the Philippine Government
The seeds of the Muslim rebellion began in the 1950’s with the creation of secessionist
movements initiated by Muslim politicians, Senator Pendatun, a Maguindanao10
, of the
MINSUPALA (Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan) movement and Congressman Lucman, a
Maranao, of the Mindanao Independent Movement (MIM).
In the early 1970s, a revolutionary Muslim movement whose following was across the broad
socio-economic classes of the Muslim population was established in Mindanao led by then
University of the Philippines (UP) Professor Nur Misuari11
. Both the MINSUPALA and MIM
joined this new movement. This became as th Moro
National Liberation Front (MNLF) which waged a secessionist war against the Philippine
government under the administration of the late President Ferdinand E. Marcos who was
elected in 1965. President Marcos declared
Martial Law in 1972 and presided an authoritarian regime for almost 14 years.
In 1976, President Marcos concluded an agreement with the MNLF in Tripoli, Libya with the
facilitation of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC), granting autonomy in 14
provinces, together with its component cities, in Southern Philippines, including the
predominantly Christian provinces of North and South Cotabato. This agreement was never
implemented prompting the MNLF to continue its struggle for secession against the Philip-
pine government.
In 1978, a breakaway faction of the MNLF led by its Vice-Chair Ustadz Hashim Salamat12
asserted itself as the “New MNLF Leadership” primarily due to differences in positions vis-
à-vis the Tripoli Agreement. From this faction, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was
formally organized in 1982 and eventually separated from the MNLF13
. The MILF established
10
In Southern Philippines, there are at least 13 known Muslim ethno-linguistic groups, three of which are dominant in terms of population and political
prominence: the Maguindanaos situated in the south-central Mindanao area, the Maranaos in the central-western area and the Tausogs of Sulu.
11
Nur Misuari comes from the Muslim Tausug ethnic group. While a student in UP, Nur Misuari was a member of the Kabataang Makabayan (KM), the youth
faction of the National Democrats. His prominent contemporary while teaching in UP was Jose Ma. Sison, founder and former Chairman of the Communist
Party of the Philippines (CPP).
12
Salamat, a Maguindanao himself, was the chair of the MILF until his demise in July 2003. He was succeeded by another Maguindanao, Ibrahim Murad.
The MILF and the Philippine government resumed the peace negotiation in August 2003 under the facilitation of the Malaysian Government and the backing
of the U.S. Government.
13
From an interview with a former chair of the MILF Peace Panel of 2000 which negotiated with the Government of the Philippines.
List of autonomy areas identified in the Tripoli Agreement of 1976
1. Basilan
2. Sulu
3. Tawitawi
4. Zamboanga del Sur
5. Zamboanga del Norte
6. North Cotabato
7. Maguindanao
8. Lanao del Norte
9. Lanao del Sur
10. Davao del Sur
11. South Cotabato
12. Palawan
13. Sultan Kudarat
All the cities and villages in the above
mentioned areas
Table 1 - List of autonomous areas identified in the ripoli Agreement of 1976
itself in Central Mindanao with mostly Maguindanaoan following. Its forces scattered in the
hinterlands of Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur and North Cotabato. Aside from the conflicting
positions of the Misuari and the Salamat factions on the Tripoli agreement, the MILF
separated with the MNLF owing to ideological and leadership differences, the former being
more Islamic in character while the latter being secular in its outlook. The war between the
MNLF and the Philippine government was very costly in terms of both lives and economic
destruction. Data from the AFP showed that from 1970 to 1996, more than 100,000 persons
(e.g., soldiers, rebels and civilians) have been killed in this conflict and P73 billion was spent
in the 26-year period, or an average of 40 per cent of the AFP’s annual budget14
.
The Peace Agreement of 1996 and Changes in Leadership in ARMM
Upon the assumption of then President Corazon C. Aquino, after the fall of the Marcos Dicta-
torship through the People Power Revolution of 1986, peace negotiations were initiated with
the MNLF which finally culminated in the Peace Agreement of 1996 between the Philippine
government under the administration of President Fidel V. Ramos and the MNLF under the
chairmanship of Nur Misuari. In September 1996, Nur Misuari was elected regional governor
of ARMM (Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao).
This Peace Agreement led to the amendment and the restructuring of the ARMM15
through
the passing of the Republic Act 9054 in February 2001. At the ensuing referendum mandated
by RA 9054, the ARMM region is now composed of the provinces of Basilan, Lanao del Sur,
Maguindanao, Sulu, Tawitawi and the City of Marawi, while t he province of North Cotabato
and the city of Cotabato16
chose to be under Region 1217
.
In April 2001, ARMM Governor and concurrent MNLF Chair Nur Misuari was ousted as Chair
of the MNLF by the other MNLF top-ranking leaders identified as the “Committee of 15”. In
the ARMM election of November 2001, Dr. Parouk Hussin, one of the leaders of the Commit-
tee of 15, was elected as regional governor of ARMM18
. In 2002, Misuari’s loyal forces hold-
out and hostage hundreds of civilians and fought-out the AFP in a military camp in Zambo-
anga City. As a consequence, he fled to Malaysia but was later on deported by the Malaysian
government back to the Philippines. He has been incarcerated since then in a government
jail in Laguna, Luzon.
While the Peace Agreement still holds and is being respected by the MNLF, much needs to be
done to complete the devolution process. As claimed by its leaders, out of the 60 executive
orders that should have been issued by the President of the Philippines as part of the devolu-
tion process, only a handful have been put out to date19
.
Despite the devolution being incomplete, the peace agreement paved the way for the imple-
14
From the privilege speech delivered in Congress by then Rep. Eduardo Ermita who was formerly the Presidential Adviser for the Peace Process and currently
the Executive Secretary of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
15
The Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was created on November 6, 1990 through Republic Act 6734 during the administration of then
Philippine President Corazon C. Aquino.
16
The center of the regional government of ARMM is situated in Cotabato City, despite not being part of ARMM. This was because in the predecessor RA 6734
of RA 9054, Cotabato was still part of ARMM.
17
The Philippines is composed of 15 regional subdivisions including ARMM and the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) in Northern Luzon. Except for
ARMM which is autonomous and has its own regional government structure and Regional Governor, the rest of the 14 regions including CAR doesn’t have a
regional government.
18
Governor Hussin’s term will last until mid-2005 afterwhich regional elections will be conducted in ARMM.
19
From an interview with the interim chair of the MNLF, who replaced Chairman Nur Misuari.

6. 06 07
mentation of donor-initiated development projects in Mindanao by different donor agencies.
Currently operating in a tight budget deficit, the Philippine government is unable to finance
the rehabilitation and development of Mindanao. The donor community has somehow filled
in the gap of providing the
much needed resources to
rehabilitate, reconstruct and
develop the region.
Poverty and Underdevelop-
ment in
Mindanao and the ARMM
Mindanao is the second
largest island of the Philip-
pines comprising 94,630
square kilometers and with
a population of 18 million or
about 23% of the country’s
total population of about 80
million. It contributes
substantial amount to the
total GNP of the Philippines.
It is blessed with diverse and
rich mineral and forestry
reserve, as well as abundant
agricultural and fishery
resources.
Decades of highly central-
ized governance, economic
neglect and military pacification campaigns by the Manila central government mainly in
response to the Muslim rebellion and communist insurgency in the 1970s and the 1980s
have somehow been largely responsible for the state of underdevelopment and poverty in
Mindanao which is most pronounced in conflict-affected areas, including the eastern
(chiefly Surigao and Agusan provinces) and western regions of the island (Lanao and Zambo-
anga provinces). It is this poignant state of underdevelopment and poverty that breeds
conflict, political instability and unrest. Indeed, poverty and conflict are twin evils.
The poverty situation and underdevelopment in conflict affected-areas in ARMM and other
provinces in Mindanao is quite disturbing as recent figures would show. In one of its publi-
cations, the World Bank confirmed that the island provinces of ARMM have highest poverty
levels in the entire country. Even non-ARMM provinces have distressing figures as well.
20
Poverty line is the level of income below (income below? Is this really the right term? Or “Below poverty line”?) where a household is unable to procure
sufficient food and other minimum necessities of life. The poverty measurement methodology used by the Philippine Human Development Report is
consistent with that used in the World Bank’s two-volume Philippine Poverty Assessment published in May 2001.
21
Poverty depth measures how far below the poverty line the poor are. It measures the poor’s average income shortfall (expressed in proportion to the
poverty line) relative to the non-poor. Thus, the data shows that the average income of the poor in Lanao del Sur is 10 percent below the poverty line. The
poor in Sulu have average incomes that are more than the 30 percent short of the poverty line. In other words, the income of the poor in Sulu has to rise by
an average of 30 percent in order for them to rise above the poverty line.
Table 2 - Population, Poverty20
Incidence and Depth (1997, 2000)
Population (Census 2000)
Poverty Incidence Poverty Depth21
1997 2000 1997 2000
Philippines
Metro Manila
Lanao del Sur
Maguindanao
Sulu
Tawi-tawi
Basilan
North Cotabato
Sultan Kudarat
Davao del Norte
76,498,735
9,932,560
669,072
801,102
619,668
322,317
332,828
958,643
586,505
743,811
25.1
3.5
40.8
24.0
87.5
52.1
30.2
42.7
21.6
26.2
27.5
5.6
48.1
36.2
92.0
75.3
63.0
34.8
35.3
27.3
6.4
0.6
10.4
4.0
33.1
13.4
5.9
13.4
3.2
6.4
7.2
0.9
9.7
9.2
37.3
25.8
16.7
8.8
5.8
7.1
Source: Social Assessment of Conflict-Affected Areas in Mindanao, A World Bank Publication, March 2003
Indicators on health are also not encouraging. ARMM has only 29% of its population having
access to potable water supply. The following figure illustrates that among the bottom 5
provinces in the Philippines which has low access to safe drinking water, three of them are
from the ARMM namely Tawi-tawi, Lanao del Sur and Sulu.
Graph 1

7. 08 09
In terms of access to sanitary toilets, Sulu (20.8%) and Tawitawi (11.6%), both from ARMM,
reported the least percentage of families with sanitary toilets.
The state of education is also lamentable. Cohort survival22
rate at elementary education
level for School Year 2001-2002 especially in Western (45.51%)and Central Mindanao
(56.45%) regions and the ARMM (33.96%) are very low as shown in the following table.
With these conditions, the imperative for economic development and provision of basic social
and health services is critical and necessary. It is in this context that development projects
for residents affected by conflict, which help ensure their food security requirements,
improve agricultural productivity and increase livelihood options, hence augmenting house-
hold income, becomes very vital. The PDAP program in Southern Philippines is a response
towards this development challenge.
II. PDAP in Mindanao and Palawan
The Philippine Development Assistance Programme, Inc. (PDAP)23
program on peace and
development in the conflict areas of Southern Philippines began in 1997 immediately after
the signing of the peace accord between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines
(GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in 1996. The “Program for Peace and
Development in the Southern Zone of Peace and Development/SZOPAD Areas (PPDSA)”, a
three year program implemented from 1997 to 2000 and funded by the Canadian Interna-
tional Development Agency (CIDA) through the Philippines-Canada Development Fund
(PCDF), assisted 84 cooperatives and peoples organizations of former MNLF combatants
involving more than 4,000 individuals. The program consisted of capacity building through
organizing and technical assistance work and provision of capital for livelihood and enter-
prise.
22
Cohort Survival Rate is defined as the proportion of enrolles at the beginning grade or year which reach the final grade or year. Philippine Statistical
Yearbook 2000.
23
The Philippine Development Assistance Programme (PDAP), Inc. is a non-government organization established in 1986 composed of 6 NGO networks with
more than 300 community-based members or affiliates in the Philippines. PDAP works to reduce poverty and inequity in the Philippines. For the last 16 years,
PDAP has supported more than 400 community-based projects for the benefit of close to 2 million Filipinos. It has successfully implemented three major
development projects amounting to almost US$ 20 million over three phases of NGO funding support from the Canadian International Development Agency
(CIDA). In Southern Philippines, PDAP is currently implementing a 3-year project called Mindanaw Program for Peace and Development (PROPEACE) and a
relief and rehabilitation project in Damulog, Bukidnon and Mapun, Tawitawi.
Access to family planning services is also very low among the ARMM provinces. The bottom
5 provinces in the country in terms of low family planning access are all in ARMM comprising
of Tawitawi, Lanao del Sur, Sulu, Basilan and Maguindanao.
Graph 2
Graph 3

8. 10 11
In 2001, PDAP implemented its second program called “Mindanao Program for Peace and
Development (PROPEACE)” still with the support of CIDA and PCDF. With a three-year
duration, the program has expanded its assistance to other marginal sectors, the indigenous
peoples (IPs) and poor Christian settlers. The program has also included an advocacy compo-
nent in answer to the need to engage development stakeholders, especially government, in
policy formulation and programs that affect peace and development of the region.
PDAP’s focus on livelihood and enterprise creation for its programs in Southern Philippines is
in recognition of the state of poverty and underdevelopment in the region particularly in the
conflict-affected areas.
Working in partnership with community-based groups of Muslim, IPs and Christians since
1997, PDAP has already supported about 180 various projects amounting to almost US$ 2
million. These projects range from agricultural/fish/livestock production and agricultural
post-harvest facilities for livelihood and food security to enterprise projects on food and
handicraft processing, basic commodities merchandising, micro-financing, grains trading
(rice and corn) for increasing household/family income.
Objective and Components of the PDAP-PROPEACE Program
The Propeace program’s objective is to improve the socio-economic well-being of 4,000 poor
Muslims, Indigenous People (IP) and Christian households in conflict affected areas in Mind-
anao and Palawan. This is intended to be achieved mainly through the provision of financing
and technical assistance for livelihood and enterprise projects of the partner peoples organi-
zations. Included in the component interventions of the program is policy advocacy which
is directed at the municipal and regional levels in order to mobilize and operationalize
support services from existing policies and programs on livelihood and enterprise promotion.
The policy advocacy for the program is also aimed at influencing LGUs and national govern-
ment agencies as well as donor agencies in developing and implementing new policies,
programs and services that benefit the partner organizations and their communities.
The succeeding diagram is the program implementation framework of Propeace.
Community-based Approach for Livelihood and Enterprise Projects
PDAP, in both PPDSA and PROPEACE programs, has adopted an approach of working directly
with community-based peoples organizations (POs) and cooperatives. Selection of communi-
ties is done in close collaboration with development stakeholders operating in conflict areas
such as local NGOs, federation of POs, MNLF leaders and MNLF-allied organizations,
Church-based programs, local government units (LGUs), national line agencies as well as
donors whose programs do not include livelihood/enterprise components.
Project identification, development and implementation are accomplished in a participatory
manner. In all these stages, PDAP works as a facilitator using the communities’ own indig-
enous knowledge, cultural tradition and practices as well as experiences from other commu-
nities and projects which are replicable and locally-appropriate.
Financing for livelihood and enterprise projects are made available directly to the participat-
ing communities. The fund is treated by the POs as perpetual local revolving capital intended
to finance continuously their livelihood and enterprise projects.
POs whose projects need technical assistance in institutional development and strengthen-
ing, cooperative formation and development, financial and business management (i.e.,
production and marketing) are supported by engaging NGOs and BDS (business development
service) providers whose expertise satisfies the project’s requirements. In some instances,
LGUs and national line agencies with programs and expertise on PO formation and strength-
ening are tapped to provide technical assistance.
Basic trainings and educational programs including coaching/mentoring activities to
strengthen the POs/coops organizational management capacity are implemented on-site
involving the membership while specialized trainings using experiential techniques and
exposure programs are provided to the key leaders and management of the community-based
organizations.
Institutional networking and linkages geared towards collaborative undertakings at the
community and policy levels are initiated by engaging national government agencies, LGUs,
NGOs and donor agencies in joint projects and activities.
Using these approaches Propeace since its implementation in 2001 covering mainland Mind-
anao, Palawan and Basilan, has accomplished the following at the end of the program :
• Livelihood and enterprise projects have reached 90 compared to the original
program target of 80 projects. Of the total 90 projects, 22 are managed by all-
women POs while 68 are led and managed by males. Projects managed by
Muslim POs ccomprise 44 or 49% of the total projects.

9. 12 13
24
Tri-people POs are those with membership from Muslims, IPs and Christians.
Table 4 – Livelihood & Enterprise Projects by Sector
Livelihood & Enterprise Projects
Participating Sector Male Female Total
Total
Program
Target
Total
Actual
Muslims
Christians
IPs
Tri-people24
Total
30
13
22
3
68
14
7
1
--
22
44
20
23
3
90
48
16
16
--
80
44
20
23
3
90
Table 5 – Sectors by Number of Individual Participants
Sectors by Number of Individual Participants
Participating Sector
Male Female Total TotalProgram
Target
Total Actual
Muslims
Christians
IPs
Tri-people24
Total
Percentage
1,377
626
968
313
3,284
53%
1,240
894
968
184
2,958
47%
2,617
1,520
1,608
497
6,242
100%
2,400
800
800
--
4,000
2,617
1,520
1,608
497
6,242
(169%)
Number of Participants
• In terms of the number of individual participants, Propeace has surpassed its
original target by 169% reaching 6,242 participants. Female participation is
also significant at 47% based on the actual accomplishment.
• Women play significant role in various Propeace-supported projects. Most of
the all-women managed projects are in micro-lending followed by trading and
merchandising
Table 6 – Collective Projects Managed by Women
Collective Projects Managed by All-Women POs
Type of projects Women Managed
4
14
1
1
--
2
22
Total No. of Projects
22
29
21
5
5
8
90
Trading & Merchandising
Micro-Lending
Agri-Agua Production
Livestock and Poultry
Post Harvest Facilities
Food Processing & Handicraft Production
Total
Stages of Development of Communities in Conflict Areas
In almost seven (7) years of working in Southern Philippines in partnership with the marginal-
ized communities of Muslims, Christians and IPs and various stakeholders on peace and
development, PDAP realized that communities in conflict areas go through several stages of
development in the context of livelihood and enterprise promotion. These six stages mark a
continuum from survival to rehabilitation to development and growth (see figure 2).
Conflict Situation. Due to massive displacement of communities in a conflict situation,
delivery of relief services such as food and medicines are crucial. During this period the
need to call for cessation of hostilities is a critical task to prevent further displacement
of communities. The role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), the press/media and
peace advocates forming as a “peace constituency” together with the IDPs (internally
displaced peoples) to call for ceasefire from warring forces becomes very important. At
this stage where the displaced families are living in various evacuation centers, peace
education is an effective strategy that helps to heal the trauma and emotional wounds
suffered by the IDPs. Dialogue and therapy sessions are implemented to help reduce
cultural and religious resentments and biases among the affected.
Post-conflict Preparation. In situations where the war is prolonged and formal declara-
tion of cessation of hostilities has not been reached, IDPs play a lead role by asking
warring forces to allow them to return to their communities. The “space for peace”
model in Pikit, Cotabato spearheaded by the local communities and external facilitators
(e.g., NGOs, donors, government agencies, etc.) is one effective and successful approach
towards this end. With the expressed willingness of warring forces to respect the peace
declaration of the communities affected, the IDPs can start to prepare for their return
and rehabilitation which includes activities such as undergoing psycho-social programs
and capacity-building planning, village rehabilitation and restructuring, core shelter
construction planning, damage assessment and planning for livelihood including basic
services requirements. At this level a multi-stakeholder mobilization involving CSOs,
government donor agencies and even the private sector becomes very useful in order to
generate the necessary resources to support the planned return of the IDPs.
Rehabilitation. With the support of all stakeholders including the warring forces (i.e.,
government and the rebel forces), the IDPs start to go back and settle in their communi-
ties to rebuild their damaged houses and community infrastructure (like the village
government office and religious structures such as mosques and chapels), cultivate
their lands through food for work programs and help implement labor-based construc-
tion of water projects. For communities with POs prior to the war, community organiz-
ing activities to revive and re-strengthen the organizations are initiated.
Agricultural Productivity and Livelihood. At this stage where the IDPs are back and
settled in their villages various type of support are provided to make their agricultural
activities more productive such as introduction of farming systems and sustainable
agriculture (SA) technologies, extension of soft agricultural credit, and provision of
water for drinking and irrigation purposes. As additional source for food s
ecurity and

10. 14 15
household income, projects like backyard food production techniques, inland fish production
and livestock production technologies are made available. During this stage continued provi-
sion of basic social services on health, literacy and adult education are necessary. Peace
education continues to be an important feature in rebuilding family, community and inter-
faith relationships in order to sustain the initial peace gains achieved.
Micro-Enterprises. Community-based micro-finance or micro-lending projects are effective
interventions in assisting households implement both on-farm and off-farm livelihood
activities such as food processing, agricultural trading, merchandising, operation of common
service facilities for agri-production and processing, agricultural trading and handicraft.
Micro-finance modalities vary depending upon the financing needs of the project and the
existing culture and traditions of the community. In some projects implemented by Muslim
POs, micro-finance policies comply with certain Islamic principles on financing while others
simply follow the usual micro-finance standards. At this stage of development, micro-
enterprises are also provided with entrepreneurship and technology training, product
improvement assistance, basic business management and marketing skills. Savings and
capital build-up schemes are also given emphasis to allow formation of internal capital
within the community thereby increasing their collective capacity to finance and invest in
their own enterprise projects. Peace education at this stage moves up to a higher level when
community leaders are tapped to extend peace education in other communities affected by
the conflict to expand the peace constituency and assume leadership roles in government
and donor-initiated structures that supports the peace and development efforts.
Market-Oriented Enterprises. Food-based and food-relat micro-enterprises with value added
potential such as fish sausage processing, fruit jelly processing, organic sugar production
(“muscovado”), cooking oil production are given assistance in product quality improvement,
costing and pricing techniques to enhance their marketability. For these products to reach
the shelf in malls and supermarkets various enterprise improvement interventions are
provided such as labeling and packaging, promotions and consumer education, participation
in trade fairs and product presence in various showrooms established by the government and
private sector (i.e., chamber of commerce, industry associations, etc.). Non-food products
and enterprises such as handicraft and traditional craft weaving possess strong potential for
domestic and export markets. These products are given assistance through product quality
and design improvement, buyer linkage, participation in trade fairs and presence in show-
rooms.
SURVIVALREHABILITATIONDEVELOPMENT&GROWTH
MARKET-
ORIENTED
ENTERPRISE
MICRO-ENTERPRISE
AGRI.PRODUC-
TIVITY&LIVELI-
HOODPROMOT’N
REHABILITATION
POST-CONFLICT
PREPARATION
CONFLICT
SITUATION
1
2
3
4
5
6
Mainconcernof
beneficiary
households
•Food,medicines&
temporaryshelter
•Safety&security
•Obtainsafetyand
securitycommitment
fromwarringforces
•Rebuildingofcore
shelters
•Landcultivation
•Makelandproductive
toensureHHfood
security
•Reduceproduction
risks&costs
•Earnadditionalincome
•Ensureoff-season
livelihood
•Seekstableemployment
Somemajorfactors
neededtoreachthis
level
---•Re-entryplanforIDPs
(shelter&livelihood)
•VillageRehabilitation
andRestructuring
Plan
•Agri-supportonfood
forworkprogram
•Water&health
services
•Communityorg’n.
•Agriculturalcredit
•Potablewaterand
irrigation
•Availability&diversityof
on-siterawmaterials
•Organizationalcapacityfor
enterprise
•Capitalformation
•Sufficient&stable
marketdemand
Required
development
interventions
•Mediaadvocacy;call
forceasefire
•Provisionoffoodand
medicines,health
clinics
•Relieffundsaccessing
fromCSOs,donors,
go’vt,privatesector.
•Negotiationswith
warringforces
•Multi-stakeholder
mobilizationof
resources
•Psycho-social&
capacitybldg.for
spaceforpeace
•Peaceeducation
•Provisionof
agriculturalinputs
•Provisionofsocial
servicestoaddress
basicneeds
•Farmingsystems&SA
technology
•Livestockprod’n.
technology
•Agriculturalcredit
•Socialservicesto
addressbasicneeds
•Continuingpeace
education
•Enterpriseseedcapital
•Skillstraining
•Productimprovement
•Organizationalcapacityfor
enterprise
•Marketing
•Islamic-compatible
financing
•Peaceeducation
•Marketing
•Technology
•Supportforcertification,
licenses,trademark&
processing
•Packaging&promotion
•Peaceeducation
Stagesof
Organizational
Growth
•Establishment•Regularization•Institutionalization•Expansion/Innovation
OFF-SITEAPPROACH
ENTERPRISE-
FOCUSED
APPROACH
COMMUNITY-BASEDAPPROACH
Figure2.StagesofDevelopmentofCommunitiesinConflictAreasintheContextofLivelihood&EnterpriseDevelopment

11. 16 17
Important Features of Livelihood and Enterprise Programs in Conflict-
Affected Areas
As communities go through the six stages of development with the end view of promoting
the growth of livelihood and enterprises, five important elements come to fore based on
PDAP’s experience.
• Poverty-Focused
Poverty and underdevelopment breeds conflict and political instability. PDAP’s response
through livelihood and enterprise creation highlights the importance of providing immediate
relief for food security and poverty alleviation. For projects to be relevant and responsive to
the needs of the communities, PDAP implements a community-focused approach whereby
POs/coops decide for themselves the kind of project that are short-gestating which produce
immediate results for the project participants. Projects are also based on the natural
resource endowments of the area, the enterprise’s market potential, the skills capacity of the
participants and their track record.
• Social Capital Formation
War and conflict destroy the fabric of communities and societies. It erodes trust and confi-
dence in individual and community relationships and destroys structures that support
communitarian values and traditions. PDAP’s effort in building the individual competencies
of leaders and project participants as well as the organizational capacities of communities in
organizational and enterprise management and inter-institutional engagement are geared
towards the formation of social capital. Gender-fair and environment-sensitive projects are
developed and implemented with the community taking a lead role supported by technical
assistance interventions.
• Multi-Stakeholdership
Individuals and communities that go through conflict situations loose practically everything
that they have including self-esteem. The problems and needs are wide-ranging and diverse
enough for any development program or organization to respond to. For development
programs to be effective in conflict areas, development stakeholders need to collaborate and
work together so that projects and activities do not duplicate and meager resources are put
to better use. PDAP, with its niche in livelihood and enterprise programs working together
with other stakeholders, has shown positive results for communities affected by the conflict.
In some instances, the Propeace-supported physical structures built by the PO become
temporary shelter of displaced families and the venue for psycho-social therapy sessions of
the programs implemented by other NGOs.
• Multi-Cultural and Inter-faith
Cultural, tribal and religious biases and resentments born out from long historical animosi-
ties heighten during conflict situations. Peace education that recognizes the historical root
of conflicts, similarities and divergence in cultures and faiths, the affirmation of strengths
and common thread that binds communities together despite conflict – are necessary devel-
opment interventions in conflict areas. Respect for people’s culture and faith, dialogue and
joint actions and finding practical ways to work together are measures that facilitate commu-
nity development action assisted by outside stakeholders. The use of faith-based and
culturally-compatible approaches in micro-finance projects manifests the strengths found in
the communities traditions and beliefs and provides an element for project viability and
sustainability.
• Agriculture and Enterprise/Industry Orientation
Communities emerging from conflict which have been displaced in their economic activities
need to revive their farming and other agriculture related livelihood in order to attain food
security and free themselves from dependence in relief and rehabilitation work. While PDAP
has supported communities in agriculture productivity improvement projects, it also became
necessary to support communities to move beyond agriculture productivity especially when
such communities have already attain a secured level of food supply/security, has gain some
surplus production and therefore ready to go into value-added micro-enterprise and market-
oriented activities.
Two schools of thought dominate the concept of enterprise creation – one is the necessary
presence of a sound market and strong support institutions which allows people to do
business and create enterprises, while the other presupposes that individuals with motivation,
capabilities and resources interacting with society will have the capacity to create enter-
prises. PDAP’s approach in building the capacities of people and communities to manage
their own livelihood and enterprises is a manifestation of the latter. While institutions and
government policies help transform conflict-affected communities into productive and
vibrant societies, in the end the people and the communities (i.e., motivated by a vision,
possessing the right values and armed with competencies and skills) determine by themselves
the kind of development they want. Propeace-supported projects on food processing and
handicraft/weaving which are currently marketed within and outside the communities and
whose potential can be further enhanced through enterprise improvement strategies demon-
strate this belief and aspiration.

12. 18 19
• Peace and development work is attainable in conflict areas with time, a favorable
policy environment and resources that directly address the root of the conflict –
poverty and underdevelopment.
• A multi-stakeholder approach involving the national government, local govern-
ment units, NGOs, donor agencies and local communities creates a “peace constitu-
ency” that can push development work towards the attainment of peace in conflict
areas.
• A multi-cultural, inter-faith and diversified approach in supporting community-
based structures geared towards change and transformation at the community
level.
• Peace education as the underlying foundation in re-building relationships and
forming community structures that promotes the culture of peace and enhances
people’s capacities to withstand conflict brought about by warring forces.
• The use of Islam-compatible principles and other innovative approaches in
finance, livelihood and enterprise promotion work and socio-cultural development
that has proven to work in other progressive Muslim communities/societies.
25
In 2000, the government under President Estrada’s administration declared an “all-out war” against the MILF which displaced close to a million individuals.
Upon the assumption of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in 2001, peace negotiations were conducted with the MILF. However, in February 2003, extensive
armed clashes occurred between the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the MILF which displaced more than 400,000 individuals. A couple of months
after this, peace negotiations resumed with the active facilitation of the Malaysian Government and other OIC-member countries such as Brunei. Since then
the ceasefire declared and agreed between the two parties has so far been holding and respected by both parties.
Lessons and Challenges for Future Programs
The recovery of communities ravaged by conflict is determined by many factors. The strength
of institutions (e.g., local government, national agencies, church and religious, educational
system, financial, business, etc.), the macro policy framework, the micro-environment obtain-
ing in the communities and the people’s inherent and acquired abilities and resources are all
necessary in this regard.
While PDAP has found a niche in livelihood and enterprise promotion in the conflict areas of
Southern Philippines, the need to continuously pursue peace and development work (i.e.,
particularly in livelihood and enterprise creation) is by no means a finished task. Another
peace accord25
seems to be at sight offering yet another chance for pursuing development
under a climate of peace. However, much needs to be done. PDAP believes that for develop-
ment programs to be effective in pursuing peace, several lessons should be taken into
account. These lessons serve as PDAP’s guideposts in pursuing its livelihood and enterprise
work in Southern Philippines.
Human Security as the Overarching Framework
Poverty reduction remains to be the primary concern in a country like the Philippines, and
more especially in Mindanao where conflict arises as a natural consequence of impoverish-
ment, injustices, socio-cultural biases and prejudices. However, while poverty remains to be
the principal consideration and the chief “lens” for all development interventions, another
important “lens” appear to be useful in responding to the development challenges of Mind-
anao conflict communities, that is the human security framework.
Human security is defined as one that focuses on the strengthening of human-centered
efforts from the perspective of protecting the lives, livelihoods, and dignity of individual
human beings and realizing the abundant potential inherent in each individual. In contrast
to National Security which focuses on state-centered efforts rather than people and their
communities, the state and their respective governments need to adopt a new paradigm of
security. This is paramount “because the security debate has changed dramatically since the
inception of state security advocated in the 17th century. According to that traditional idea,
the state would monopolize the rights and means to protect its citizens. State power and
state security would be established and expanded to sustain order and peace. But in the 21st
century, both the challenges to security and its protectors have become more complex. The
state remains the fundamental purveyor of security. Yet it often fails to fulfill its security
obligations—and at times has even become a source of threat to its own people. That is why
attention must now shift from the security of the state to the security of the people.”26
In the context of conflict-affected countries such as the Philippines, and especially in Mind-
anao where the conflict is manifesting, human security as a development framework finds
enormous relevance. Specifically this means that development interventions should gear up
towards the following:
• Protecting people or the internally displaced peoples (IDPs) caught in violent
conflicts
Innocent civilians, women, elderly and children are almost always the unfortunate
victims of conflicts resulting from armed clashes between rebel forces and the state
military forces. Government has the moral and the constitutional responsibility to see
to it that people affected by conflict are protected and taken cared of either in
evacuation centers or in their own communities. Government has the primordial
responsibility to use the state resources and apparatus to provide relief and security
to IDPs in the same manner that it uses the state resources for war. CSOs, donor
agencies as well as the private sector need also to provide complementary assistance
to augment scarce government resources.
• Providing minimum living standards (work-based security, securing livelihoods,
access to land, credit, training)
As soon as the IDPs are settled in their communities, government and other sectors
need to provide rehabilitation activities and consequential development-oriented
projects geared towards securing the food security and livelihood requirements of
26
United Nations-Commission on Human Security Report, 2003.

13. 20 21
the affected sectors. Land-related issues which are often a cause of conflict need to
be responded and resolved utilizing community-based and culturally-appropriate
approaches. State or government-mandated conflict resolution approaches and the
legal justice system need to be augmented or attuned with community-based
approaches. Training programs have to be directed towards social capital formation
and strengthening of communities’ institutional capacity to engage other sectors.
Financing for agriculture and enterprise activities need to be adapted to locally-
appropriate or culturally-sensitive approaches such as those espoused in Islamic-
compatible financing systems.
• Access to social services such as health and education
Health and basic education are critical concerns for communities affected by
conflict. Health programs that utilizes modern and alternative traditional systems
have to be deployed for the benefit of the marginal sectors. Educational systems in
indigenous forms and those that are under the Muslim Madrasah system will have
to be effectively utilized to complement modern educational approaches. Formal
and non-formal peace education will also have to be directed both at the formal
educational system and at the community-level. The latter is most important in the
formal educational system where both teachers and students/pupils need to be re-
educated or re-oriented on peace education.
• Articulating common goals, while developing multiple identities (inter-religious
dialogue; culture of peace)
In Mindanao where different tribal identities abound and various religious persua-
sions exist (between and among Christians and Muslims), development efforts
should recognize the role and importance of traditional and faith-based (or inter-
faith) approaches as a bridge for people to come together towards one common
identity as a people. Dialogue within the same religious persuasion (i.e., within and
among Christian sects, and even within and among different Islamized tribal groups)
and between faiths (i.e., between Muslims and Christians) should be pursued
towards a deeper understanding of each other’s faith and beliefs leading towards
religious tolerance and formation/acceptance of communitarian values that are
universally acceptable embracing all forms of cultural, tribal and faith systems.
• Empowering communities for good governance (engaged/active citizenship)
Effective governance is best addressed both from the perspective of formal gover-
nance institutions and the communities/sectors being governed. Governance
institutions in conflict communities are oftentimes weak and deeply vulnerable to
pressures from the ruling power or dominant sectors (e.g., economic elite, traditional
leaders, corrupt government officials and even revolutionary or rebel groups who are
yet to settle with the government). Strengthening of these institutions through
capacity building and institutional development activities is a must such that they
become accountable and responsive to the communities/sectors they are supposed
to govern and serve. Communities on the other hand need to engage actively in an
organized manner these formal governance institutions utilizing existing windows
In the context of the Philippines and Mindanao, the existing Local Government Code
(despite its existing limitations) offers opportunities for communities and organized
sectors to participate actively and engage government in providing public goods and
services (for the poor and the marginal sectors) necessary for poverty reduction and
the promotion of human security.
• Forming alliances among civil society groups including churches, government and
local communities
A broad constituency of sectors and institutions that are committed to peace and
development is a critical foundation for sustained engagement with all the key
stakeholders especially the warring factions (i.e., rebel groups and
government/military). Peace is possible and sustainable when the people themselves
affected by conflict are united in a common front to fight the root causes of the
conflict. The communities themselves taking the initiative of engaging other allied
sectors brings forth a “peace constituency” that can effectively push and eventually
diminish any form of unpeace or anti-peace efforts from outside. While this is a
struggle that cannot be achieved overnight, it is important that the people them-
selves in tandem with other sectors take the cudgel for peace.
Finally, set against the challenges of poverty reduction and human security, PDAP commits to
pursue its work on livelihood and enterprise promotion. The last seven years of PDAP work in
Mindanao and Palawan has shown that indeed peace is possible and sustainable in the
communities where it operated upon. And while PDAP may have played a pivotal role in these
communities, ultimately the long term sustainability of these efforts will be pursued and
determined by the communities themselves as they resolutely uphold their efforts, as well as
by the other sectors and institutions (e.g., national and local governments, private sector,
donor agencies, financing institutions, educational institutions, NGOs, etc.) operating in the
wider macro environment where the bigger challenges lie.

14. 22 23
A CASE STUDY ON THE EFFECTS OF WAR IN CENTRAL MIND-
ANAO ON PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT INITIATIVES, WITH
FOCUS ON THE PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS OF
PDAP-PROPEACE IN PIKIT AND
ALEOSAN, NORTH COTABATO
Background
On 11 February 2005, the military launched an offensive in Buliok Complex, a territory of the
separatist Moro Islamic Liberation Front, in Liguasan Marsh in North Cotabato. The attack
broke the uneasy truce between the Government of the Philippines and the rebels, threaten-
ing to slow down further the pace of the peace process which both parties have promised to
pursue.
Peace and development are two sides of the same coin. One cannot exist without the other.
The absence of both no doubt results in aggravated poverty and a rich and beautiful Southern
Philippines refusing to move forward.
This case study tries to see the effects of the recent outbreak of war in Southwestern Mind-
anao on the peace and development initiatives of non-government organizations, the
religious sector and donor agencies in areas affected by the conflict and which are still trying
to recuperate from the destruction caused by the same war in 2000.
It likewise tracks the important role of the Philippine Development Assistance Programme’s
Mindanao Program for Peace and Development or ProPeace projects in communities directly
affected by the resumption of hostilities in February 2003.

15. 24 25
This case study also takes a hard look at the victims of war. Ironically, these victims have for
so long aspired for peace and are in fact active players in peace-building and development
of Mindanao.
Introduction
Promenzo Cedeño, barangay chairman of Nalapaan in Pikit town, North Cotabato, does not
like the violent incidents that had taken place recently in his village. Yet Cedeño, a former
soldier of the defunct Philippine Constabulary, has opted to stay.
Meanwhile, most of Nalapaan’s 1,472 residents have already run to the safety of the evacua-
tion centers in Pikit when fighting broke out between the military and the MILF on 11 Febru-
ary 2003. They would go to their farms before noon and run back to their houses before
sunset to avoid getting caught in the crossfire.
Nalapaan and Pagangan, a village in neighboring Aleosan town, have been declared as
Space-for-Peace. However, a number of residents still fled when fighting between the
military and the MILF erupted in February this year.
No skirmishes occurred in Nalapaan, but the sight alone of military and MILF units passing
by the area compelled the people to evacuate. In Pagangan, particularly in Pagangan 1,
about 50 households, mostly members of the groups assisted by PDAP-ProPeace, sought
refuge at the evacuation center in barangay Dualing, Aleosan.
These and many more are the stories of the beneficiaries of PDAP-ProPeace.
ProPeace has financed livelihood projects worth close to P1 million (approximately US$
20,000) in two villages in Pikit and in Pagangan. The projects are intended to address the
devastating effects of the war on the people’s economic conditions. But the resumption of
hostilities has affected their implementation.
PDAP PROJECTS
PDAP has been in the forefront of promoting peace and development in Southern Philippines
especially in the Special Zone of Peace and Development, after the government entered into
a final peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front in 1996.
PDAP is a consortium of networks of NGOs. Its members include the Philippine Partnership
for the Development of Human Resources in Rural Areas, Philippine Business for Social
Progress, Asian NGO Coalition, Association of Foundations, Assisi Foundation and the
National Council for Social Development. It has a nationwide reach and a 16-year track
record in resource mobilization for poverty reduction initiatives in marginalized communi-
ties.
The consortium has implemented the Program for Peace and Development in the SZOPAD
Areas, which seeks to create a favorable environment for sustained peace and development
initiatives.
Supported by the Canadian International Development Agency through the Philippines-
Canada Development Fund, the PPDSA is an attempt to improve the lives of demobilized
MNLF regulars through sustainable livelihood enterprises.
When the government and the MILF entered into peace talks in March 2001, PDAP joined
other NGOs in trying to rehabilitate the lives of the residents.
In May 2001, PDAP embarked on ProPeace, again with the support of CIDA and PCDF. The 30-
month project aims to reduce the level of poverty in SZOPAD by undertaking pro-active steps
that would protect and enhance the initial gains made by PPDSA. Its target beneficiaries are
communities affected by the war.
PDAP provided P354,542 (US$ 7,091) for three solar dryers and three warehouses in
Nalapaan. These post-harvest facilities were constructed by the residents themselves through
the “bayanihan” system.
The post-facilities are in sitios Maguid and Baruyan. These serve sitios Maguid, Proper 1
and Proper 2 while the Baruyan facilities serve sitio Baruyan and San Roque. These projects
were coursed through the Immaculate Conception Catholic Parish of Pikit.
In Pagangan, PDAP provided residents with P350,000 (US$ 7,000) as their seed money for
animal dispersal. The residents bought goats, ducks, hogs and poultry. There was also money
to finance a small “sari-sari” (consumers) store.
The Pagangan Project was released to the Barangay Pagangan Women’s Association.
PDAP also provided P220,000 to a group of former Moro rebels in Sitio Punol, barangay
Batulawan in Pikit through the Sitio Punol MNLF Multi-Purpose Cooperative. The rebels have
decided to lay down their firearms and spend the rest of their lives as farmers. They used the
money to buy three hand tractors.
PDAP-Pro Peace Assisted Community Projects affected by the outbreak of fighting since Feb. 2003:
The solar dryer and warehouse in Sitio Maguid serve 176 Christian and Muslim families who
depend on rice farming.
Name of Project
Amount
from PDAP
No. of
Beneficiaries
Project Location
Nalapaan Post-harvest Facilities
Pagangan Micro-Agri Lending
Sitio Punol Agri-Production Facilities
Total
354,542.00
350,000.00
220,000.00
PhP924,542.00
277
285
50
612
Nalapaan, Pikit,
North Cotabato
Pagangan, Aleosan,
North Cotabato
Batulawan, Pikit,
North Cotabato

16. 26 27
Nalapaan barangay councilor Kadtong Andic said the solar dryer has made it easy for them
to dry their palay (unhusked rice). And when the rains come, the grains could easily be stored
at the warehouse located beside the dryer.
In sitio Beroyan, the solar dryer also serves as a basketball court where Christian and Muslim
residents may play together.
Fr. Bert Layson, parish priest of Pikit, said the solar dryer and warehouse have become
symbols of community understanding for the residents. “It started the healing process
between the residents. They played together and worked together. It has become a commu-
nity center,” he noted.
Other NGOs and development agencies like Tabang Mindanao, Oxfam, Catholic Relief
Services and the United Nations Development Programme also helped in the rehabilitation
efforts in Pikit after the war in 2000.
Effects of the conflict on rehabilitation projects
The government waged an all-out war against the separatist rebels in 2000 disrupting the
once peaceful and harmonious lives of the residents of Nalapaan.
The armed conflict again escalated in February 2003 adversely affecting the on-going
rehabilitation and development initiatives in the area which started in 2001 since people
have stopped going to their farms for fear of being caught in the fighting. These projects
include those assisted by PDAP-ProPeace.
“These projects helped us a lot. We could have bounced back on our feet had the new war not
erupted,” Cedeño said.
He said the residents were planning to put up a cooperative out of these projects if not for
the war.
Nalapaan
Nalapaan has been declared a Space-for-Peace and no actual armed clashes have happened
here since. Nevertheless, the presence of both military and rebel patrols has disturbed the
relative security of the people.
They fear that if the two groups meet within striking distance of each other fighting would
be inevitable. This is why villagers in sitio Maguid, Baruyan, San Roque and even those along
the highway in Proper 1 and Proper 2 have moved to evacuation centers.
The effect of this on their farming activity is serious. Councilman Andic said their farms are
virtually unproductive now as farmers do not anymore till their lands nor tend their crops.
Asked what other rehabilitation and development projects the community may need, he
poignantly said in Maguindanao, “Kalilintad!” (Peace!). He added, “Kanang kalambuan,
moabot ra man na kung dunay kalinaw.” (Development will just come if there is peace.)
Sitio Punol, Batulawan
Jackson Dimanalao, a former MNLF commander, said they are looking forward to a bright
future because their village was spared from the fighting. He said they hope the government
would construct a new farm-to-market road that would connect them to Pikit.
“I hope PDAP or other NGOs could provide us with money to buy a truck to carry our produce
to the market,” he said.
Dimanalao, who heads a group of 50 beneficiaries, said it was his connections in the military
and the MILF that spared them from the recent fighting.
“I told them to spare our village so we can tend to our farms peacefully,” he said.
He said only five beneficiary families who were living in the nearby village of Dalengaoen
were affected by the war.
He said he pulled out from Dalengaoen the hand tractor given by PDAP and brought it to Sitio
Punol for safekeeping.
The conflict has also put on hold a 2.5-kilometers farm-to-market road to be bankrolled by
the SZOPAD project.
Pagangan, Aleosan, North Cotabato
For residents of barangay Pagangan, the war dashed their hopes for a bright future.
Minda Navarro, who signed the memorandum of agreement with PDAP-ProPeace as president
of the Barangay Pagangan Women’s Association, said she did not know if the animals given
to her barriomates were still with them.
She believed many of these animals were sold by the residents so they could buy their needs
at the evacuation centers. She could only assure that six of the beneficiaries have not sold
their hogs.
But Lilian Iligan, one of the beneficiaries interviewed at the evacuation center in Dualing,
Aleosan said their husbands were taking care of the animals back home. She said their
husbands would go to their houses and farms during the day and come back to the evacua-
tion in the afternoon.
Sixty-four year old Lolita Pasaol on the other hand said she is very hopeful the assistance she
got from Pro-Peace would help her. She availed of a loan to buy a boar. But in February, just
as a sow impregnated by her boar was about to deliver, they heard explosions and automatic
gunfire, so they scampered and left behind the animal which eventually died.
Interviews at the evacuation center with members of the association indicated that with the
situation they would have a hard time paying their loan amounting to about PhP1,200 each.

17. 28 29
The school children also have their own story. Every morning, a government dump truck
would pick them up at the evacuation center and carry them to the Pagangan Elementary
School some five kilometers away. They would be transported back to the evacuation center
at three o’clock in the afternoon.
PEACE INITIATIVES
Peace and development assistance from government agencies and NGOs was poured in Pikit
and other areas of Southwestern Mindanao after the Philippine government and the MILF
signed on 24 March 2001 a ceasefire agreement.
These efforts gained headway in 2002 when relative peace was attained in these areas.
The peace talks held in Kuala Lumpur have been going well. On 07 August 2001, the two
parties signed the implementing guidelines on the ceasefire agreement in the Malaysian
capital.
The two sides also issued a joint communiqué in Kuala Lumpur that they would cooperate in
running after criminal elements, a long-time problem in the region.
These confidence-building measures are supposed to lay the groundwork for lasting peace
in Southern Philippines. But nothing has happened.
A field study made by concerned Mindanao leaders in January 2003 revealed that both the
Philippine government and the MILF were violating the ceasefire agreement. “War could
breakout any moment,” said the study made by the Mindanao People’s Caucus, a multi-
sectoral forum.
At the end of 2002 leaders from the Philippine Senate and House of Representatives were
reviewing the draft of the final peace agreement with the secessionist group.
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo had required the concurrence of Senate and House
leaders before signing the agreement. She would have signed the agreement on 12 February
2003. But war broke out in Pikit town a day before the scheduled signing.
As of 24 March, more than 42,000 Pikit residents have fled the fighting. At least 25 evacu-
ees, mostly children from two to six years old, have died in the various evacuation centers.
Nine evacuees died in the towns of Pagalungan and Pagagawan in Maguindanao province.
Aside from the formal peace process, peace-building efforts have been taking place in
communities. Efforts like the Space-for-Peace program which started in barangay Nalapaan
have attained certain degrees of success. It has been holding, albeit delicately, despite the
resumption of hostilities. (The Space-for-Peace program is discussed separately in this
paper.)
In a nutshell, peace initiatives for Southern Philippines have been done at the national,
regional, provincial and grassroots levels.
While government is pursuing peace talks with the MILF, civil society organizations have
been engaging policy-makers in a peace discourse. Moreover, civil society organizations,
religious groups and donor agencies, on the other hand have engaged in direct relief,
rehabilitation and development efforts at the grassroots level.
The pursuit of a negotiated political settlement with the MILF provides a favorable condition
for the grassroots peace-building and development initiatives. Consequently, snags in the
peace process result in serious disruptions in the grassroots initiatives, which have been
effective in addressing basic issues of widespread poverty in the South.
OTHER NGO EFFORTS
Following the conclusion of former president Joseph Estrada’s all-out war in Mindanao in
2000, various NGOs have come to Pikit to help in the rehabilitation efforts.
The CRS gave P200,000 for projects on conflict resolution to restore social harmony between
Christian and Muslim residents of Pikit.
The church-based NGO also donated food, clothes and medicines to the thousands of evacu-
ees in the town following the all-out war in 2000.
Tabang Mindanao gave P4 million to the rehabilitation efforts. The rice huller and engine
located beside PDAP’s solar dryer and warehouse in Sitio Maguid, is one of its projects.
Oxfam also invested P5million in various livelihood projects in Pikit.
The Department of Social Welfare and Development spent P8 million in food, clothing and
rehabilitation work for the evacuees.
The Initiatives for International Dialogue, another NGO, invested P3 million in “dialogues for

18. 30 31
peace” in communities in Pikit and elsewhere in Southwestern Mindanao. This is aside from
the P1 million in relief work it had to shell out following the outbreak of war last month.
The UNDP on the other hand poured in significant resources for relief, rehabilitation and
development in areas affected by the war in 2000. Its assistance ranged from supplemental
feeding and medical assistance to the provision of water systems to communities.
Resources from these organizations, albeit insufficient, have also been allocated for relief
operations in the evacuation centers since February this year.
Situational Analysis
Development efforts for the war-torn town of Pikit would be useless without a stable peace,
Fr. Layson, the parish priest of this predominantly Muslim town, said.
Nothing can be more succinctly accurate than his statement.
Layson hastened to add it is unbridled folly to think that peace can be achieved by war. The
war raging in Pikit since February this year can never be the road to peace as it creates
“warriors” in the children victims of the war.
“The folly of this war is the belief that it can be won. The reality is it is not just killing people
but also the hope for peace of the young people who are victims of this war,” he said.
To prove his point, he shared a story of a nine-year-old boy whose father was shot by rebels
in front of him and his mother in 2000.
Since then, the boy has stopped schooling and has developed the fetish for collecting empty
shells of ammunition. When war broke out again this year, his mother pleaded for him to flee
with her. The boy, who is now nine years old, was adamant and did not want to go to the
evacuation center but wanted to fight.
Many stories also claim that most of the bandits roaming the region and causing trouble like
castle rustling, looting or simply spreading terror were young boys when war erupted in this
part of the country in the early 1970s.
Libyan-trained former MNLF commander Jackson Dimanalao agreed that war is vicious. “Sa
baril-barilan, patay lang ang makukuha natin. Kailangan talaga is mapatuloy ang peace
talks,” (In a shooting war, people only die. There really is a need for the peace process to
continue), said the former rebel who was 15 when he joined MNLF founding chair Nur
Misuari’s struggle for an independent Moro homeland.
Humanitarian Crisis
For the civilian victims of the raging armed conflict in Southwestern Mindanao, survival is
the primary concern. As of 25 March 2003, the number of evacuees in the municipality of
Pikit had risen to at least 42,000.
As of March 25, 2003
Deaths: 26
Hospitalized: 280
The total number of evacuees in seven municipalities of the region is placed at 140,000.
Evacuation centers have now spread to Damulog town in Bukidnon.
In the main operation center of the relief operations in the Immaculate Conception Parish in
Pikit, updates were written on bulletin boards, one of which read:
Relief and volunteer medical workers were worried no end over the increasing demand for
medicines especially for children and the looming shortage of medicines in their inventories.
At the Municipal Health Center, Dr. Edwin Cruzado, municipal health officer, wondered
loudly: “Is this a just war?” The government doctor did not volunteer an answer to his
question though. But such question reflects the growing dilemma and exasperation relief
operation workers have been feeling as the armed conflict continued to rage and the
humanitarian crisis entered its third month.
As of 24 March, the medicine inventory of his health center was only good for four days. And
there was no assurance supplies were coming either from government or aid agencies and
NGOs.
Meanwhile, the death toll was rising. The latest count was 26, eighteen of the casualties
children aged 0-6. The most common cause was broncho-pneumonia, often as a complica-
tion of measles, dehydration and malnutrition. The local health center has recorded two
deaths due to severe malnutrition.
Women, especially the pregnant ones, are also bearing the brunt. Twenty-three of them
delivered their babies in evacuation centers. There were at least two recorded still births.
Cruzado said the latest case was that of a woman whose uterus ruptured and had to be
operated last March 23. The mother survived.
In nearby Aleosan, a member of a group organized by PDAP gave birth to a baby boy on 07
March at the evacuation center in Dualing. They named the boy Rey, but he is more popularly
known as Dodong Bakwit (Cebuano adaptation of the word evacuee).
The stress and sub-human conditions in the evacuation centers have also taken their toll on
the sick and the elderly. Some have died of hypertension and cardiac ailments.
Evacuees have also complained of diminishing rations and relief supplies. They said that in
the last two weeks all they got was five kilos of rice. They used to receive 10 kilos each week.
Fifty households that took refuge at the Dualing evacuation center said they have not
received their rations the last two weeks forcing their husbands and menfolk to return to

19. 32 33
their farms, taking the risk of getting hit in the crossfire just to have food for their families.
As living conditions in the evacuation centers turned from bad to worse, the military is
embroiled in going after MILF fighters who have shifted to guerrilla warfare after their
camps were overrun in 2000. The 5,000-hectare Buliok Complex in the fringes of the Ligua-
san Marsh is their battlefield.
Policy Issues
Peace and development efforts implemented in Southwestern Mindanao after the all-out-
war in 2000 have no doubt been held hostage by the outbreak of armed hostilities on 11
February 2003.
Some punsters call the military offensive in Buliok Complex “peace process ambushed.”
And why not? Days before Defense Secretary Angelo Reyes ordered the attack, the govern-
ment peace panel was busy finalizing its peace proposal to the MILF, and the stage has been
set for the resumption of peace talks with Malaysia acting as the third party.
Insiders in the Philippine peace panel said that between 06 and 11 June they were consulting
with leaders of the Senate and the House on the government’s peace proposal to the MILF.
In fact, the draft final peace agreement already had the support of the Senate President and
the Speaker of the House. The concurrence of both legislative leaders with the draft pact was
one of the preconditions given by President Arroyo before she would sign it.
The panel had also presented the peace proposal to the Cabinet Oversight Committee on
Internal Peace.
Officially at least, the Buliok offensive was meant to flush out criminal elements like the
Pentagon kidnap-for-ransom gang.
But the whole thing seriously compromised the already delicate ceasefire agreement
between the government and the MILF. Moreover, the two parties signed on 06 May 2002 a
communiqué in Cyberjaya which provides that pursuit of supposedly criminal elements in
rebel-held areas should be jointly conducted by the military and the MILF.
Paragraphs 3 and 4 of the Joint Communiqué clearly stipulates:
“The AFP/PNP shall convey to the MILF an order of battle containing the names and identities
of criminal elements as defined in the implementing guidelines on the security aspect of the
GRP-MILF Agreement on Peace of 2001 suspected of hiding in MILF areas/ communities.”
The MILF and the GRP shall form an Ad Hoc Joint Action Group against criminal elements.
This group will operate in tandem with their respective Coordinating Committees on the
Cessation of Hostilities.”
Further, the Joint Communiqué calls on the GRP and the MILF to enhance their communica-
tions and working relations for the successful apprehension or capture of criminal elements
in accordance with the said agreement.
The military strongly asserted that the MILF is providing refuge to the notorious Pentagon
gang. While it is very much within the duty of the armed forces and the Philippine National
Police to go after criminal elements, it would have been better to do it with the precarious
state of the peace process in mind.
In this case, whether the Pentagon was flushed out or not has remained unclear. What is clear
is the military and the MILF are back at each other’s throats.
As the war escalated, a humanitarian crisis has emerged as more civilians are being displaced.
After almost two months of fighting, the number of evacuees has reached 140,000.
The resumption of armed hostilities in Southwestern Mindanao this year has profound impli-
cations on the peace and development initiatives that are making headway in the area.
The question now is whether the policy of the Arroyo administration has shifted from “all-
out-peace” to “all-out-war.”
Recommendations
As the hostilities between the government and the MILF escalate, both sides are losing their
credibility before the people for their failure to comply strictly with the different agreements
they have signed.
At the same time a humanitarian crisis is happening and peace and development initiatives
have taken a backseat.

20. Relief is the short-term need. Rehabilitation and development of the affected areas is the
medium-term need and no doubt the political settlement of the armed conflict is the long-
term need. Without the political settlement of the conflict, there can never be sustainable
peace and development in this part of the country.
Short term interventions:
1. Relief – While the fighting continues it would be hard to convince the evacuees in Pikit
and elsewhere to go home to their communities and tend their farms.
As the crisis enters its third month, relief supplies such as food and medicines are acutely
getting low. Resources to sustain such are also becoming scarce. The number of fatalities,
especially among children, is getting higher as the days go by.
This makes relief operations very important.
2. Rehabilitation and development – Demand for rehabilitation is expected to rise as soon as
people start going back to their communities. There will be a need to provide them with
assistance as they resume their farming activities and repair their damaged homes.
The three communities assisted by PDAP-ProPeace and covered by this case study, namely,
Nalapaan, Sitio Punol and Pagangan, would still need assistance although not much physical
damage was caused by the war in their areas, as they have been rendered unproductive by
the conflict.
Agricultural productivity assistance may be needed by the affected communities and
rehabilitation interventions may be needed for existing livelihood projects.
Members of the Barangay Pagangan Women’s Association who have availed of loans for
animal dispersal have hinted they may not be able to pay their loans to the association
because they left behind their animals. Some of the animals even died when they were aban-
doned by their owners.
The same is true with the members of Nalapaan and Sitio Punol groups who expressed the
need for some kind of assistance for them to start all over again in their farms.
The cost of the conflict is not just on the damaged properties but also on lost productive time
and opportunities on the part of the farmers.
Once the situation “normalizes”, new development interventions would be necessary.
3. Advocacy for Political Settlement of the Armed Conflict – Unless the cause of the armed
conflict is resolved, all development interventions in the area will have no assurance of
success because these would depend on the peace and order situation.
There is a need to advocate that war will never be the solution to the conflict. Thus the
resumption of the peace process is imperative.
This can be done at the national level,
to influence policy, and at the grass-
roots level, to institutionalize a culture
of peace among the people.
The Nalapaan Space-for-Peace experi-
ence is a very good example. It needs to
be strengthened and replicated in other
communities. More consultations and
workshops to further improve the
approach may be needed.
At the national level, there is a need to
convince policy-makers that it pays
more to work for peace than go to war.
Studies, including those made by the
World Bank, indicate that it is costlier
to go to war than to pursue peace
negotiations.
As Fr. Layson puts it, there is a need to
reverse the belief of policy-makers and
the public that war is the road to
peace.
“The problem with us in Mindanao is we have a peace constituency that believes that war is
the way to peace. And the folly of this all is the belief that war can be won,” lamented Layson,
whose peace advocacy has made him an icon of peace in the region.
He added that war is only successful in “killing the hope for peace of the people, especially
young people who are victims of war.
Finally, there is a need to accept the fact that the Mindanao conflict, no matter how difficult,
can only be resolved through a political settlement.
Case in point
Space for Peace in Peril: the Nalapaan Experience
Nalapaan is one of the 42 barangays of Pikit, North Cotabato. It is situated along the Davao-
Cotabato National Highway and inhabited by Muslims, Christians and Lumad. During the all-
out war launched by the Estrada Administration in 2000 against the MILF, the place suffered
when government troops and MILF forces fought for control of the highway.
Many houses and animals were hit by bullets. Farms were abandoned as 350 families opted
to stay in the evacuation centers in the poblacion1
.
1
Space for Peace: A Nalapaan Experience in Grassroots Peace-building, By Fr. Roberto Layson, OMI
34 35

21. Despite the war raging then, grassroots initiatives were boldly initiated by peace advocates
in Pikit spearheaded by Fr. Layson.
The objectives of the establishment of a Space-for-Peace according to the priest were: 1)
support to the peace process; 2) the urgent need to show to the suffering people that there
is hope even in times of war, that there is life even during the conflict; and 3) the need to
bring the people back from the evacuation centers as conditions there are deteriorating
everyday2
.
Soon after the 2000 all-out war, peace and development advocates put in place rehabilita-
tion and development projects.
PDAP-ProPeace figured prominently in these efforts by providing development aid to
communities affected by the conflict. Other NGOs that provided rehabilitation assistance to
the barangay were Tabang Mindanaw, Oxfam, Catholic Relief Service, PBSP, CIDA, CORUM
and UNDP.
The Space-for-Peace initiative touched ground in the 1,000-hectare barangay of Nalapaan.
Through dialogues and peace advocacy, the Moro, Christian and Lumad residents vowed to
live in harmony with each other.
The barangay was officially declared a Space-for-Peace on 01 February 2001.
Efforts have also been made to secure the commitment from the military and the MILF not
to make the Space-for-Peace barangay their battleground.
Lately, the Space-for-Peace experience has been replicated in nine other areas like in Pagan-
gan and Panikupan.
According to Fr. Layson, through the empowerment of the people and improved awareness
on peace and solidarity, they have made it clear to both the military and the MILF that they
want peace and are tired of war and that there can be no development without peace.
To a significant extent the Space-for-Peace initiative is holding. Since armed hostilities
between the government and the MILF resumed this year, there have been no recorded
encounters in the Space-for-Peace barangays.
But the fear of such still lingers in the hearts and minds of the peace-loving people of these
areas.
In Nalapaan, almost half of the populace took shelter in evacuation centers and in the
unthreatened areas of the barangay.
In sitio Maguid, of the 48 households, 39 have taken refuge in evacuation centers while in
sitios Proper 1 and Proper 2, one hundred six of the 126 households have done the same
thing.
36 37
2
ibid
Relatively stable in terms of peace and order are sitios Baruyan and San Roque.
The PDAP-sponsored post-harvest facility in Maguid has become the refuge of at least nine
families.
It is in sitios Maguid and Baruyan where PDAP-assisted projects – warehouses and solar
dryers – can be found. But these facilities have become idle, as the conflict has virtually put
to a halt all agricultural activities in the barangay.
No armed encounters have been recorded in the barangay in that the combatants merely
pass through it. Still, this has a chilling effect on the residents to whom the images of the
year 2000 hostilities, like bullet-riddled homes, are still visible.
Barangay chairperson Cedeño is not losing hope as of the moment. But his frustration was
evident as he scratched his head asking why this war has to erupt at a time that peace and
development projects and initiatives have taken root in their area.
“Imbis nakabangon na unta mi human sa gera sa 2000, nagubot naman pod hinuon,” (It’s
lamentable that just as we have started to recover from the war of 2000, this one has to
erupt again) he said.
He added there can never be development if the rule of the gun either by the government or
the MILF prevails.
Asked what livelihood project they want in their barangay, Kagawad Andic, a Maguindanao
and a Muslim, poignantly said “kalinaw man among gusto” (it’s peace that we want).
He said livelihood and development projects will come naturally once the shooting war stops
and the doves fly free in their land again.

22. ence is an integration of multi-faceted approach that aims to facilitate and strengthen basic
social relationship between the individual and society through therapeutic activities and
rehabilitation and development as a post-conflict pro-active response.
PDAP has catered to the bio-physical needs of the IDPs by providing emergency relief
assistance like food and medicines. These were implemented in close coordination with the
local government of Damulog.
With the help of the Municipal Social Welfare and Development Office and the Municipal
Health Office of Damulog, food and medicines were distributed to 630 households in the five
affected areas. The actual number of beneficiaries is 26 percent more than the target of 500
households.
The road less traveled: psycho-social rehabilitation intervention
Psycho-social intervention plays an important role in the integrated approach to the compre-
hensive psycho-social rehabilitation of IDPs.
Psycho-social rehabilitation and development are two sides of the same coin; one cannot
exist without the other. Development in conflict areas would be difficult if the IDPs have
traumatic experiences that always haunt them. On the other hand, psycho-social therapy,
which alleviates the emotional pains suffered by the evacuees, would be useless if basic
needs and livelihood assistance are not provided. Both interventions will enable the affected
persons to objectively pursue their personal and/or collective rebuilding efforts.
38 39
Balay Rehabilitation Center, a Manila-
based human rights NGO which has
made a name in psycho-social rehabilita-
tion work, considers rehabilitation work
as a process of restoring a person’s
capacity and capability, dignity and
humanity. Side by side with this process
is addressing their immediate and long-
term economic needs.
Balay’s experience among its focus
communities has brought about a new
dimension in looking at and practicing
the integrated components of psycho-
social rehabilitation work.
The same perspective in rehabilitation
work has brought PDAP to work with
Balay for psycho-social, capacity build-
ing, peace and development and rehabili-
tation interventions in Damulog.
RELIEF AND REHABILITATION WORK IN CONFLICT AREAS:
The Damulog Experience
By Karl Vincent Queipo
“Taking the road less traveled” was how an experienced psycho-social worker in the region
described the Philippine Development Assistance Programme. Indeed, only a few institutions
have given funding to or directly engaged in psycho-social work as an important component
of an integrated rehabilitation program. In fact, this is something new for PDAP.
It was after the Government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front had
signed the 1996 Final Peace Agreement that PDAP went into post-conflict rehabilitation and
development work in Mindanao, focusing mainly in the Special Zone of Peace and Develop-
ment. Its role in peace and development work is the provision of livelihood support to
marginalized Moro and lumad (indigenous peoples) communities in the region, aside from
advocacy support and capacity building.
The implementation of the Mindanaw Program for Peace and Development (ProPeace) has
proved PDAP’s reliability as a peace and development support institution in the SZOPAD area.
Relief and Rehabilitation Program for Evacuees in Mindanao (RRPEM)
The February 2003 armed clashes in Central Mind-
anao between the military and the MILF have
displaced thousands of civilians. Among the first
to evacuate were the residents along the borders
of Cotabato and Damulog, the southernmost town
of Bukidnon.
The government, donor agencies and non-
government organizations spent millions in relief
aid and other emergency assistance for the Inter-
nally Displaced Persons or evacuees. Most of the
aid, however, went to areas in Southwestern
Mindanao.
The RRPEM was implemented to cater to the short-term needs and facilitate support coming
from other institutions for IDPs from the Bukidnon-Cotabato border.
After gaining insights on the PDAP experience in Southwestern Mindanao, a ladder-like
approach to Development in Conflict Areas was adopted. This approach was based on the
realization that communities in conflict areas go through several stages of development in
as far as livelihood and enterprise promotion is concerned. (Pacturan, 2003)
The implementation of RRPEM has integrated all the components to include interventions
during conflict situations and post-conflict and rehabilitation stages. The Damulog experi-