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Amos Lee
Terrorism Essay
INTRODUCTION
The chances of meeting someone on the street with an intimate knowledge and
familiarity of illicit substances is very high these days, is much higher than at any time in
the past. National surveys shows that drug substances are used among high school
students and that they accept it as part of the social life. From college social gatherings to
nightclubs, drugs are undeniably large source of unofficial commerce. The problem is not
new, and programs to combat the drug trade have become increasingly more prevalent
and aggressive since they first went underway four decades ago.
In 1972, President Nixon declared the “war on drugs” that would determine the
future course of governmental programs committed to suppressing American’s use of
recreational drugs. Through the use of propaganda tactics, the Nixon administration
kindly requested Elvis Presley to inform his young fans that drug abuse is bad. When
utilizing celebrities was not enough, Nixon addressed the public with aggressive criminal
justice policies through the creation of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in
1973. It acted as the stepping power in the direction of criminal and drugs enforcement
and how the United States extensively planned to allocate drug related criminals out of
the public’s reach. In the late 1980’s, the president of Ronald Reagan came forth a high
number of incarceration rates. The number of people behind bars in drug related offenses
increased from 50,000 in 1980 to 400,000 to 1997. His lovely wife, Nancy Reagan,
publicized her campaign underscoring the idea of “Just say no”. To an extreme extent, the
War on Drugs also ultimately reached its greatest political hysteria when drug- related
offenses were charged with execution conviction as equivalent to a murder or treason
case. This is due to Senator Joe Biden’s 1994 Omnibus Crime bill. By the end of the
George W. Bush’s term, the notion to supposedly apprehend drug cartel allowed 40,000
parliamentary SWAT raids to take place each year.
Ultimately, it can be noted that Nixon’s motto became part of a national security
strategy that every subsequent president would adhere to. Even with five decades, drug
prohibition has not only failed its mission to end this war but has made the war
impossible to abort. The war has cost nearly a trillion of dollars worth of tax money while
producing little to no effect on the demand or supply of drugs. Over the years, strict drug
laws have incarcerated more people into prisons and disrupted the civil rights in the lives
of Americans. So why does the government orchestrate an inefficacious policy that can
be replaced by a policy that provides systematic treatment resources to those who suffer
from addiction? Despite the moral and physical treatments it can provide for drug addicts,
the nation is undeniably still afraid that abandoning the fight on drugs could produce an
illicit economic trade economy and problems in public health, stability, and the national
security. In this paper, we will discuss the flaws and strengths of this policy and the
potential policy option that could efficiently amend the issue on drugs. It is not a war on
drugs. It is war on drug dealers and users.
POLICY AS A MISTAKE
The current War on Drugs is a destructive domestic policy that strips the citizens
of the United States of essential privacy rights and fails to increase homeland
security. To fully grasp the severity of the loss of liberty involved, one must first
understand why privacy is so essential to the individual. Though the constitution does
not specifically guarantee a right to privacy, privacy is a fundamental part of all
democratic governments. Without privacy, there is no individuality and there is no
freedom. The right to privacy allows one to have a sense of individuality and possess the
knowledge that he or she can regulate what other of his or her peers know about his or
her personality or lifestyle. In the world of the Internet and social media, society is
connected now more than ever. As a result, the idea of privacy is quickly diminishing but
it is important that we respect the individual’s right to protect his or her personal
information. The most common argument against the need for privacy is, “I have nothing
to hide.” However, such a claim is simply invalid. Even the most patriotic, law-abiding
citizen has something to hide—some secret that he or she does not want the world to
know. If you wear clothing, have blinds on your windows, or wish to protect your
personal information, then you consequently have something to hide.
When President Nixon declared the War on Drugs, he initiated a domestic war
that began the alienation of civil liberties. The post-Vietnam era was defined by civil
unrest and distrust in the federal government. From Nixon’s point of view, drug
addiction was clearly a national health crisis, drugs were connected to many of the rising
social movements, and the President was in desperate need to garner public support. The
solution was simple: start a new war. The “war” on drugs resulted in the “rally-round-
the-flag” effect, meaning the public blindly supported any effort to prevent a security
crisis. While drug addiction was a legitimate health issue at the time, the propaganda
machine of the federal government purely fueled much of the fear and anxiety associated
with drugs. Nixon declared illicit drugs as “public enemy number one” and began
spreading fictionalized information. Overnight, it became household knowledge that
drugs were poisoning the youth, destroying families, and threatened the stability of the
country. The federal government fully utilized the neuroscience findings that fear is a
powerful weapon that can be used to manipulate the public. Much like the propaganda of
the Red Scare era instilled fear and panic over the spread of communism, the propaganda
of the War on Drugs era similarly created a culture of fear over the spread of drugs. In
1990, Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl Gates declared that even casual drug users that
occasionally use drugs should be “taken out and shot” (Casual Drug Users Should Be
Shot).. Gates continued, “we’re in a war” and even casual drug use is likened to
“treason.” With the public fully behind the President, Nixon was free to do as he pleased.
The consequence of more than four decades of the War on Drugs has taken its toll
on the country socially, economically, and politically. The United States, with a mere 5%
of the world’s population, makes up more than 25% of the world’s prison population
(The War on Drugs and Surveillance Society). While the war is supposed to increase
security and make our lives more secure, it has failed to do so and at an extraordinary
cost to liberty. The PATRIOT Act was created in response to the post-9/l1 hysteria and
is used to justify “sneak and peek” searches in order to protect the nation against the
threat of terrorism. What is surprising is that an anti-terrorism bill is being used to
alienate the American public. The Washington Post has revealed that in 2013, nearly
90% of all federal wiretaps were used for drug investigations—not homeland security
(The Shared Roots of the War on Drugs). Essentially the public has sacrificed vital
rights, and in return the country is no more secure than it was ten years ago. The “sneak
and peek” searches of the PATRIOT Act are not being used to protect national security
interests, they are being used to further the imprisonment of United States citizens for
mostly petty drug crimes. The militarization of the police force is another unforeseen
consequence of the War on Drugs. The Posse Comitatus Act was intended to place
restrictions on the use of military forces in domestic law enforcement, but recently the
discrepancy between law enforcement and military is disappearing. Local police forces
now have access to weapons of war and are using military tactics against the very people
that they are meant to protect. On a regular basis, the National Guard conducts sweeping
flyovers to search for fields of marijuana, and military forces assist police departments in
drug raids. In a world where racial profiling is used as an instrument of the War on
Drugs, the police kill more Americans than terrorists do every year in our country, and
the prisons are filling up, one has to ask, is this really a war on drugs or is it a war on us?
As the War on Drugs progresses, it becomes more and more evident that
American citizens are the victims of a borderless, lawless campaign. According to
Avaaz.org, African Americans are “2.8 to 5.5 times” more likely to be arrested for drug
crimes, despite having similar levels of drug usage from other races. The truth is in the
data. The claim that the War on Drugs is non-discriminatory is an attempt to look past
the simple truth: the drug war perpetuates discrimination. The primary objectives of the
outdated drug policies are to eradicate the drug supply and eliminate illicit drug
usage. Unfortunately, neither objective has been achieved. High school students state
that it is easier to buy illicit drugs than it is to purchase alcohol while underage, and drug
usage has not diminished--if anything it has increased. A system that is devoid of
accountability and transparency is bound for failure. It is evident that the transnational
drug trade does threaten our national security interests; the caveat is that our current
policies allow black markets to flourish. Drug addiction is a serious health crisis and the
drug trade is a major source of income for criminal organizations, including terrorist
organizations. Without a major change, the War on Drugs will continue to strip the
American people of their fundamental rights and fail to protect national security.
Policy as Positive
The US has a long history of coercing its citizens into an obligatory moral code of
conduct. The US most notably displayed this willingness of coercion in the Eighteenth
Amendment which prohibited alcohol. The US had also previously shown its unilateral
presumptions of morality with the Comstack Act of 1873, which forbade sending sexual
information through the mail and the Mann Act of 1911 which forbid taking women
across state lines for immoral purposes (Higgs). During the Red Scare, the US took on a
strong condemnation of Communism proclaiming its immorality. In 1950, McCarthy
preached that,
The great difference between our western Christian world and the atheistic
Communist world is not political, gentlemen, it is moral… This religion of
immoralism, if the Red half of the world triumphs—and well it may, gentlemen—
this religion of immoralism will more deeply wound and damage mankind than
any conceivable economic or political system” (Enemies from Within).
Presumptions of morality are even seen as the rhetoric and justification for the
invasion and occupation of Iraq, claiming that it is the US’s duty to spread its ideals
of liberty and freedom to foreign countries. Some parts of the US public also share this
idea of shaping public morality reflected by many arguments against same-sex marriage
and abortion that are rooted in religious conduct or personal morals.
Therefore, when the US counterculture was on the rise in the 1960’s as a rebellion
against the establishment, the Vietnam War, and the status quo, the US government felt a
need to quell this explosion of misconduct. The counterculture of “hippies” famously
experimented with drugs, especially hallucinogens such as mushrooms and LSD. More
seriously though, the US did perceive an endemic problem of addiction to more lethal
drugs like heroin, as “studies do show that the annual production of barbiturate drugs
exceeded one million pounds, the equivalent of twenty-four one-and one-half grain doses
for every man, woman and child in the nation, or enough to kill each person twice” (The
History of Drug Abuse...). The mainstream silent majority that condemned these actions
of the counter culture disseminated fake stories like LSD had caused people to “blow
their minds…[and] one story told of two teenagers who were “tripping” on LSD and
stared directly into the sun until they were permanently blinded” (“The History of Drug
Abuse…”). These types of stories instilled a fear of drugs that would drive much of the
propaganda against drugs in subsequent years. In addition to the counter culture, “many
soldiers returned from the Vietnam War with marijuana and heroin habits. In short, the
demand for drugs in America skyrocketed in the 1960’s” (“The United States War on
Drugs”). The public’s negative perception of drug use continued into subsequent decades,
“for instance, in 1969, 48% of Americans told Gallup that drug use was a serious
problem in their community. In 1986, a majority of Americans, 56%, said that the
government spent "too little" money fighting drugs” (Gallup).
In order to pacify the mainstream majority’s disapproval as well as combat the
fear of rising rates of abuse and addiction, the US had to take major actions quickly. A
long history of enacting laws to forbid certain behavior or to harshly denounce such
actions (like taking on Communist ideology) created a precedent of doing the same for
any problem that arose, even if it wasn’t the best policy. Path dependence and a mounting
pressure to “solve” the drug problem gave way to declaring the war on drugs with many
acts that increased the incarceration rate and more harshly criminalized its use. While in
hindsight this policy has proven ineffective and the war on drugs is a failure, taking into
context the time and manner of the situation creates an understandable scope and
perspective of implementing this policy. However, this policy cannot continue after the
US has learned the lessons of its repercussions and must take action to reform.
Policy Choices and Suggestions
The general consensus among the group following a review of the evidence is a
recommendation against continuing the War on Drugs in the current fashion. There is
obviously a drug problem that needs to be addressed, but current measures seem to be
exacerbating rather than helping solve the issue. Legalization of drugs is an often
suggested alternative to the current prohibitive drug policy. The concept behind
legalization is an idea to lower crime rates, controlling the potency of powerful drugs,
and to eliminate illicit drug trade with other countries. The end of drug related crime
would ideally lower crime rates and drug-related deaths (Kleiman).
However, there are several issues.. Outright legalization of all drugs would create
market that is driven chiefly by competition, which would drive down the prices of more
dangerous drugs relative to what they are now, and make them generally more accessible
to vulnerable groups, like minors (Drug Free Australia). Moreover, legalization
experiments have not had the most promising results in many cases. For example in
1998, the drug policy of the Netherlands was soft on cannabis dealers, in order to achieve
a "separation of markets" from hard drug dealers. The policy was meant to reduce
people’s initiation to harder drugs such as heroin, cocaine, and
amphetamines. According to Drug Free Australia, the Netherlands still had the third
highest cannabis and cocaine use in Europe. As such, they argue that the “soft” Dutch
approach failed to achieve its aim. Furthermore, in Alaska, a stint of marijuana
legalization in Alaska in 1970s, resulted in a vociferous criminalization in 1990 after
reports showed that teen marijuana use had jumped to twice the national average
(DEA). On the other hand, recent marijuana legalization in Colorado appears to be quite
successful at the moment, though more time must elapse before making definitive
judgment. Either way, legalizing drugs may not be the best alternative, as it does not
solve the issue of drug dependence. To find alternate solutions, we look to the example
of other countries that have implemented radically different drug policies that seem to be
very effective.
An example of a country with a very different, yet also quite successful drug
policy from the United States, is Portugal. In 2001, Portugal changed its philosophy from
labeling drug users as criminals to labeling them as people affected by a disease.
Statistics have shown that over ten years Portugal was able to cut the country’s rate of
drug addiction in half, now giving it one of the lowest addiction rate in the European
Union and dramatically cut down on drug related diseases. The Portuguese focus has
been on decriminalization, which is why it is so successful. Decriminalization is not
legalization. It is the abolition of criminal penalties in relation to drugs, while drug
possession, distribution, and use is still illegal. While distribution and trafficking is still a
criminal offense in Portugal, possession and use is moved out of criminal courts and into
a special court where each offender's unique situation is judged by legal experts,
psychologists, and social workers.
Decriminalization seems the most appropriate response to the threat of illicit
drugs as serious public health vulnerability, which is the current view of the Obama
Administration. This provides a much more cost-effective and perhaps less invasive
solution to the current crisis for American citizens. It would relieve a large portion of the
current prison population and cut down on the vast majority of the government’s invasion
of citizen’s privacy. Therefore, the recommendation is a gradual decriminalization of
various illicit drugs, starting with marijuana, replacing drug offenses with fines and
mandatory treatment and therapy. Also realizing that these measures would not prevent
the continued illegal trafficking from beyond our borders, this policy would free up more
resources to shut down transnational drug networks from outside the United States, better
preserving the liberty and security of American citizens.
Conclusion
Despite its initially good intentions, The War on Drugs is now a deeply
entrenched and highly controversial campaign of prohibition with decades of momentum
behind it. In fact, current drug policies do far more harm than good in many
cases. Citizens are losing a certain amount of liberty in order to provide for their
personal safety and health, but are actually being failed in both regards. Moreover, it
stems from a seemingly misinformed notion of the threat, which only seems to have
exacerbated the issue on several orders of magnitude. This is not to say that there is no
merit in combatting illicit drug trade in the United States, but it is quite clear that current
tactics have not made much progress. By following the recommended policy
prescriptions, it gives the country the best current solution to the problem with a minimal
intrusion on the rights and privileges of the average citizen.
Works Cited
"A Brief History of the Drug War." A Brief History of the Drug War. N.p., n.d.
Web. 04 May 2015
"Casual Drug Users Should Be Shot, Gates Says." Los Angeles Times. Los
Angeles Times, 6 Sept. 1990. Web.
"Decades of Drug Use: Data From the '60s and '70s." Gallup. 2 July 2002.
Web. 4 May 2015.
."Enemies from Within": Senator Joseph R. McCarthy's Accusations of
Disloyalty. Web. 4 May 2015.
Greenwald, Glenn. “Drug Decriminalization in Portugal”. The Cato Institute.
2009. pp.4-12
Kleiman, Mark A.R., Jonathan P. Caulkins and Angela Hawken. “Rethinking The
War on Drugs”. The Wall Street Journal. 22 April 2012.
"Puritanism, Paternalism, and Power by Robert Higgs." The Independent
Institute. Web. 4 May 2015.
“Speaking Out: Against Drug Drug Legalization”. Drug Enforcement Agency.
2010. pp. 5-65.
"The History of Drug Abuse and Addiction in America and the Origins of Drug
Treatment Part 4." Narconon News. 15 July 2009. Web. 4 May 2015.
"The United States War on Drugs." The United States War on Drugs. Stanford.
Web. 4 May 2015.
"The Shared Roots of the War on Drugs and the War on Terror, in One Chart."
Washington Post. The Washington Post. Web. 4 May 2015. Web.
"The War on Drugs and the Surveillance Society." American Civil Liberties
Union. Web. 4 May 2015. Web

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War On Drugs

  • 1. Amos Lee Terrorism Essay INTRODUCTION The chances of meeting someone on the street with an intimate knowledge and familiarity of illicit substances is very high these days, is much higher than at any time in the past. National surveys shows that drug substances are used among high school students and that they accept it as part of the social life. From college social gatherings to nightclubs, drugs are undeniably large source of unofficial commerce. The problem is not new, and programs to combat the drug trade have become increasingly more prevalent and aggressive since they first went underway four decades ago. In 1972, President Nixon declared the “war on drugs” that would determine the future course of governmental programs committed to suppressing American’s use of recreational drugs. Through the use of propaganda tactics, the Nixon administration kindly requested Elvis Presley to inform his young fans that drug abuse is bad. When utilizing celebrities was not enough, Nixon addressed the public with aggressive criminal justice policies through the creation of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in 1973. It acted as the stepping power in the direction of criminal and drugs enforcement and how the United States extensively planned to allocate drug related criminals out of the public’s reach. In the late 1980’s, the president of Ronald Reagan came forth a high number of incarceration rates. The number of people behind bars in drug related offenses increased from 50,000 in 1980 to 400,000 to 1997. His lovely wife, Nancy Reagan, publicized her campaign underscoring the idea of “Just say no”. To an extreme extent, the
  • 2. War on Drugs also ultimately reached its greatest political hysteria when drug- related offenses were charged with execution conviction as equivalent to a murder or treason case. This is due to Senator Joe Biden’s 1994 Omnibus Crime bill. By the end of the George W. Bush’s term, the notion to supposedly apprehend drug cartel allowed 40,000 parliamentary SWAT raids to take place each year. Ultimately, it can be noted that Nixon’s motto became part of a national security strategy that every subsequent president would adhere to. Even with five decades, drug prohibition has not only failed its mission to end this war but has made the war impossible to abort. The war has cost nearly a trillion of dollars worth of tax money while producing little to no effect on the demand or supply of drugs. Over the years, strict drug laws have incarcerated more people into prisons and disrupted the civil rights in the lives of Americans. So why does the government orchestrate an inefficacious policy that can be replaced by a policy that provides systematic treatment resources to those who suffer from addiction? Despite the moral and physical treatments it can provide for drug addicts, the nation is undeniably still afraid that abandoning the fight on drugs could produce an illicit economic trade economy and problems in public health, stability, and the national security. In this paper, we will discuss the flaws and strengths of this policy and the potential policy option that could efficiently amend the issue on drugs. It is not a war on drugs. It is war on drug dealers and users. POLICY AS A MISTAKE The current War on Drugs is a destructive domestic policy that strips the citizens of the United States of essential privacy rights and fails to increase homeland security. To fully grasp the severity of the loss of liberty involved, one must first
  • 3. understand why privacy is so essential to the individual. Though the constitution does not specifically guarantee a right to privacy, privacy is a fundamental part of all democratic governments. Without privacy, there is no individuality and there is no freedom. The right to privacy allows one to have a sense of individuality and possess the knowledge that he or she can regulate what other of his or her peers know about his or her personality or lifestyle. In the world of the Internet and social media, society is connected now more than ever. As a result, the idea of privacy is quickly diminishing but it is important that we respect the individual’s right to protect his or her personal information. The most common argument against the need for privacy is, “I have nothing to hide.” However, such a claim is simply invalid. Even the most patriotic, law-abiding citizen has something to hide—some secret that he or she does not want the world to know. If you wear clothing, have blinds on your windows, or wish to protect your personal information, then you consequently have something to hide. When President Nixon declared the War on Drugs, he initiated a domestic war that began the alienation of civil liberties. The post-Vietnam era was defined by civil unrest and distrust in the federal government. From Nixon’s point of view, drug addiction was clearly a national health crisis, drugs were connected to many of the rising social movements, and the President was in desperate need to garner public support. The solution was simple: start a new war. The “war” on drugs resulted in the “rally-round- the-flag” effect, meaning the public blindly supported any effort to prevent a security crisis. While drug addiction was a legitimate health issue at the time, the propaganda machine of the federal government purely fueled much of the fear and anxiety associated with drugs. Nixon declared illicit drugs as “public enemy number one” and began
  • 4. spreading fictionalized information. Overnight, it became household knowledge that drugs were poisoning the youth, destroying families, and threatened the stability of the country. The federal government fully utilized the neuroscience findings that fear is a powerful weapon that can be used to manipulate the public. Much like the propaganda of the Red Scare era instilled fear and panic over the spread of communism, the propaganda of the War on Drugs era similarly created a culture of fear over the spread of drugs. In 1990, Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl Gates declared that even casual drug users that occasionally use drugs should be “taken out and shot” (Casual Drug Users Should Be Shot).. Gates continued, “we’re in a war” and even casual drug use is likened to “treason.” With the public fully behind the President, Nixon was free to do as he pleased. The consequence of more than four decades of the War on Drugs has taken its toll on the country socially, economically, and politically. The United States, with a mere 5% of the world’s population, makes up more than 25% of the world’s prison population (The War on Drugs and Surveillance Society). While the war is supposed to increase security and make our lives more secure, it has failed to do so and at an extraordinary cost to liberty. The PATRIOT Act was created in response to the post-9/l1 hysteria and is used to justify “sneak and peek” searches in order to protect the nation against the threat of terrorism. What is surprising is that an anti-terrorism bill is being used to alienate the American public. The Washington Post has revealed that in 2013, nearly 90% of all federal wiretaps were used for drug investigations—not homeland security (The Shared Roots of the War on Drugs). Essentially the public has sacrificed vital rights, and in return the country is no more secure than it was ten years ago. The “sneak and peek” searches of the PATRIOT Act are not being used to protect national security
  • 5. interests, they are being used to further the imprisonment of United States citizens for mostly petty drug crimes. The militarization of the police force is another unforeseen consequence of the War on Drugs. The Posse Comitatus Act was intended to place restrictions on the use of military forces in domestic law enforcement, but recently the discrepancy between law enforcement and military is disappearing. Local police forces now have access to weapons of war and are using military tactics against the very people that they are meant to protect. On a regular basis, the National Guard conducts sweeping flyovers to search for fields of marijuana, and military forces assist police departments in drug raids. In a world where racial profiling is used as an instrument of the War on Drugs, the police kill more Americans than terrorists do every year in our country, and the prisons are filling up, one has to ask, is this really a war on drugs or is it a war on us? As the War on Drugs progresses, it becomes more and more evident that American citizens are the victims of a borderless, lawless campaign. According to Avaaz.org, African Americans are “2.8 to 5.5 times” more likely to be arrested for drug crimes, despite having similar levels of drug usage from other races. The truth is in the data. The claim that the War on Drugs is non-discriminatory is an attempt to look past the simple truth: the drug war perpetuates discrimination. The primary objectives of the outdated drug policies are to eradicate the drug supply and eliminate illicit drug usage. Unfortunately, neither objective has been achieved. High school students state that it is easier to buy illicit drugs than it is to purchase alcohol while underage, and drug usage has not diminished--if anything it has increased. A system that is devoid of accountability and transparency is bound for failure. It is evident that the transnational drug trade does threaten our national security interests; the caveat is that our current
  • 6. policies allow black markets to flourish. Drug addiction is a serious health crisis and the drug trade is a major source of income for criminal organizations, including terrorist organizations. Without a major change, the War on Drugs will continue to strip the American people of their fundamental rights and fail to protect national security. Policy as Positive The US has a long history of coercing its citizens into an obligatory moral code of conduct. The US most notably displayed this willingness of coercion in the Eighteenth Amendment which prohibited alcohol. The US had also previously shown its unilateral presumptions of morality with the Comstack Act of 1873, which forbade sending sexual information through the mail and the Mann Act of 1911 which forbid taking women across state lines for immoral purposes (Higgs). During the Red Scare, the US took on a strong condemnation of Communism proclaiming its immorality. In 1950, McCarthy preached that, The great difference between our western Christian world and the atheistic Communist world is not political, gentlemen, it is moral… This religion of immoralism, if the Red half of the world triumphs—and well it may, gentlemen— this religion of immoralism will more deeply wound and damage mankind than any conceivable economic or political system” (Enemies from Within). Presumptions of morality are even seen as the rhetoric and justification for the invasion and occupation of Iraq, claiming that it is the US’s duty to spread its ideals of liberty and freedom to foreign countries. Some parts of the US public also share this idea of shaping public morality reflected by many arguments against same-sex marriage and abortion that are rooted in religious conduct or personal morals.
  • 7. Therefore, when the US counterculture was on the rise in the 1960’s as a rebellion against the establishment, the Vietnam War, and the status quo, the US government felt a need to quell this explosion of misconduct. The counterculture of “hippies” famously experimented with drugs, especially hallucinogens such as mushrooms and LSD. More seriously though, the US did perceive an endemic problem of addiction to more lethal drugs like heroin, as “studies do show that the annual production of barbiturate drugs exceeded one million pounds, the equivalent of twenty-four one-and one-half grain doses for every man, woman and child in the nation, or enough to kill each person twice” (The History of Drug Abuse...). The mainstream silent majority that condemned these actions of the counter culture disseminated fake stories like LSD had caused people to “blow their minds…[and] one story told of two teenagers who were “tripping” on LSD and stared directly into the sun until they were permanently blinded” (“The History of Drug Abuse…”). These types of stories instilled a fear of drugs that would drive much of the propaganda against drugs in subsequent years. In addition to the counter culture, “many soldiers returned from the Vietnam War with marijuana and heroin habits. In short, the demand for drugs in America skyrocketed in the 1960’s” (“The United States War on Drugs”). The public’s negative perception of drug use continued into subsequent decades, “for instance, in 1969, 48% of Americans told Gallup that drug use was a serious problem in their community. In 1986, a majority of Americans, 56%, said that the government spent "too little" money fighting drugs” (Gallup). In order to pacify the mainstream majority’s disapproval as well as combat the fear of rising rates of abuse and addiction, the US had to take major actions quickly. A long history of enacting laws to forbid certain behavior or to harshly denounce such
  • 8. actions (like taking on Communist ideology) created a precedent of doing the same for any problem that arose, even if it wasn’t the best policy. Path dependence and a mounting pressure to “solve” the drug problem gave way to declaring the war on drugs with many acts that increased the incarceration rate and more harshly criminalized its use. While in hindsight this policy has proven ineffective and the war on drugs is a failure, taking into context the time and manner of the situation creates an understandable scope and perspective of implementing this policy. However, this policy cannot continue after the US has learned the lessons of its repercussions and must take action to reform. Policy Choices and Suggestions The general consensus among the group following a review of the evidence is a recommendation against continuing the War on Drugs in the current fashion. There is obviously a drug problem that needs to be addressed, but current measures seem to be exacerbating rather than helping solve the issue. Legalization of drugs is an often suggested alternative to the current prohibitive drug policy. The concept behind legalization is an idea to lower crime rates, controlling the potency of powerful drugs, and to eliminate illicit drug trade with other countries. The end of drug related crime would ideally lower crime rates and drug-related deaths (Kleiman). However, there are several issues.. Outright legalization of all drugs would create market that is driven chiefly by competition, which would drive down the prices of more dangerous drugs relative to what they are now, and make them generally more accessible to vulnerable groups, like minors (Drug Free Australia). Moreover, legalization experiments have not had the most promising results in many cases. For example in
  • 9. 1998, the drug policy of the Netherlands was soft on cannabis dealers, in order to achieve a "separation of markets" from hard drug dealers. The policy was meant to reduce people’s initiation to harder drugs such as heroin, cocaine, and amphetamines. According to Drug Free Australia, the Netherlands still had the third highest cannabis and cocaine use in Europe. As such, they argue that the “soft” Dutch approach failed to achieve its aim. Furthermore, in Alaska, a stint of marijuana legalization in Alaska in 1970s, resulted in a vociferous criminalization in 1990 after reports showed that teen marijuana use had jumped to twice the national average (DEA). On the other hand, recent marijuana legalization in Colorado appears to be quite successful at the moment, though more time must elapse before making definitive judgment. Either way, legalizing drugs may not be the best alternative, as it does not solve the issue of drug dependence. To find alternate solutions, we look to the example of other countries that have implemented radically different drug policies that seem to be very effective. An example of a country with a very different, yet also quite successful drug policy from the United States, is Portugal. In 2001, Portugal changed its philosophy from labeling drug users as criminals to labeling them as people affected by a disease. Statistics have shown that over ten years Portugal was able to cut the country’s rate of drug addiction in half, now giving it one of the lowest addiction rate in the European Union and dramatically cut down on drug related diseases. The Portuguese focus has been on decriminalization, which is why it is so successful. Decriminalization is not legalization. It is the abolition of criminal penalties in relation to drugs, while drug possession, distribution, and use is still illegal. While distribution and trafficking is still a
  • 10. criminal offense in Portugal, possession and use is moved out of criminal courts and into a special court where each offender's unique situation is judged by legal experts, psychologists, and social workers. Decriminalization seems the most appropriate response to the threat of illicit drugs as serious public health vulnerability, which is the current view of the Obama Administration. This provides a much more cost-effective and perhaps less invasive solution to the current crisis for American citizens. It would relieve a large portion of the current prison population and cut down on the vast majority of the government’s invasion of citizen’s privacy. Therefore, the recommendation is a gradual decriminalization of various illicit drugs, starting with marijuana, replacing drug offenses with fines and mandatory treatment and therapy. Also realizing that these measures would not prevent the continued illegal trafficking from beyond our borders, this policy would free up more resources to shut down transnational drug networks from outside the United States, better preserving the liberty and security of American citizens. Conclusion Despite its initially good intentions, The War on Drugs is now a deeply entrenched and highly controversial campaign of prohibition with decades of momentum behind it. In fact, current drug policies do far more harm than good in many cases. Citizens are losing a certain amount of liberty in order to provide for their personal safety and health, but are actually being failed in both regards. Moreover, it stems from a seemingly misinformed notion of the threat, which only seems to have exacerbated the issue on several orders of magnitude. This is not to say that there is no merit in combatting illicit drug trade in the United States, but it is quite clear that current
  • 11. tactics have not made much progress. By following the recommended policy prescriptions, it gives the country the best current solution to the problem with a minimal intrusion on the rights and privileges of the average citizen. Works Cited "A Brief History of the Drug War." A Brief History of the Drug War. N.p., n.d. Web. 04 May 2015 "Casual Drug Users Should Be Shot, Gates Says." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 6 Sept. 1990. Web. "Decades of Drug Use: Data From the '60s and '70s." Gallup. 2 July 2002. Web. 4 May 2015. ."Enemies from Within": Senator Joseph R. McCarthy's Accusations of Disloyalty. Web. 4 May 2015. Greenwald, Glenn. “Drug Decriminalization in Portugal”. The Cato Institute. 2009. pp.4-12 Kleiman, Mark A.R., Jonathan P. Caulkins and Angela Hawken. “Rethinking The War on Drugs”. The Wall Street Journal. 22 April 2012. "Puritanism, Paternalism, and Power by Robert Higgs." The Independent Institute. Web. 4 May 2015. “Speaking Out: Against Drug Drug Legalization”. Drug Enforcement Agency. 2010. pp. 5-65. "The History of Drug Abuse and Addiction in America and the Origins of Drug Treatment Part 4." Narconon News. 15 July 2009. Web. 4 May 2015.
  • 12. "The United States War on Drugs." The United States War on Drugs. Stanford. Web. 4 May 2015. "The Shared Roots of the War on Drugs and the War on Terror, in One Chart." Washington Post. The Washington Post. Web. 4 May 2015. Web. "The War on Drugs and the Surveillance Society." American Civil Liberties Union. Web. 4 May 2015. Web