Slavomir Redo, Visiting Lecturer of the Institute for Criminal Law and Criminology, University of Vienna made a presentation linking Environmental justice, crime prevention and intergenerational learning on the second day of the Big Foot conference
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Big Foot Conferenece. June 6th. Environmental justice crime prevention and intergenerational learning_Slavomir Redo
1. Environmental Justice, Crime
Prevention and Intergenerational
Learning
Dr. jur. habil. SĆawomir REDO
Law Faculty, Institute for Criminal Law
and Criminology, University of
Vienna, Austria
2. What is Environmental Justice?
Academic definition*:
First, it describes a social movement whose focus is on the fair distribution of environmental benefits
and burdens.
Second, it is an interdisciplinary body of social science literature that includes (but is not limited to)
theories of the environment, theories of justice, environmental law and governance, environmental
policy and planning, development, sustainability, and political ecology*
Policy-relevant definition:
The United States Environmental Protection Agency defines Environmental Justice as "the fair treatment
and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, sex, national origin, or income with
respect to the development, implementation and enforcement of environmental laws, regulations, and
policies."
*Schlosberg, David. (2007) Defining Environmental Justice: Theories, Movements, and Nature. Oxford
University Press
Miller, Jr., G. Tyler (2003). Environmental Science: Working With the Earth (9th ed.). Pacific
Grove, California: Brooks/Cole. p. G5
3. Both definitions undersempesize the
intergererational effect of
Environmental Justice
"No one is born a good citizen; no nation is born a democracy. Rather, both are processes
that continue to evolve over a lifetime. A society that cuts off from its youth severs its
lifelineâ, Kofi Annan.
4. Argument:
In the interest of broader practical and theoretical pursuit of the
concept of sustainable development, one may argue that security, the
rule of law, the administration of criminal justice administration, and
crime prevention should be treated as renewable resources. Their
vital energy is social energy. That energy is not only produced by each
generation for its own use, but should also be transmitted
intergenerationally. Intergenerational transmission of cultural
patterns of behaviour, whether positive or negative (crime and
violence), is a part of the question of social, people-centred
sustainable development and the energy it releases that should drive
crime prevention, as emphasized in its own way by the UN Guidelines
for the Prevention of Crime (2002).
6. Intergenerational transmission of
values and learning is not only for
the poetics of environmental
protection and dialogue of
civilizations
but also for a practical building of
the resilence to criminal motivation
7.
8. On the basis of the study of conduct norms by
the tribes in India (the offspring of Central Asian
Moghuls which appeared in the 16th
century), Thorsten Sellin in his article on the
conflict of cultures (1938) concluded that killing
a member of own tribe or stealing from him
was a âcrimeâ, but doing that to others was a
virtue, hence âconflict of culturesâ in which a
group instils the double standards which its
members apply.
It is ânatural for the Chinaman to gamble as for
9. Criminal traditions are passed
from one generation to
another. (âBirds of a feather
flock togetherâ)
10. The follow-up research by Edwin H. Sutherland (Sellinâs friend) has led him to conclude that
e.g. âCriminal behavior is learned in interaction with other persons in a process of
communicationâ;
and others to test and confirm statistically this and other precepts of âdifferential
association theoryâ. It serves now also as the basis for practitioners involved in the
âunlearning criminal behaviourâ
11. From differential association to reflexive reformation:
11
Induce crimnals to join
noncriminals to share
the noncriminal values
Make a
reformation goal
relevant to the
interest of
criminals
Inscribe yourself into
the group by accepting
its ranks and status
Instill a genuine
âweâ feeling as
âone of themâ to
achieve cohesion
CRIMINALS
Induce crimnals
to join
noncriminals to
share the
noncriminal
values
Favourable to law violation
TRADITIONS
Unfavourableto law violation
Learning
techniques and
rationalizations
Excess of
definitions
favourable to law
violation
Intimate contact
with delinquent
associates
CRIME
Favourable to
law violation
TRADITIONS
Unfavourable to
law violation
Source: Chris Uggen & SĆawomir Redo
DA
RR
12. The British initiated the Criminal Tribes Act in 1871, referring to around
150 tribes for their so-called âcriminal tendencies,â giving the police wide
powers to arrest them, control, and monitor their movements. The law in
effect was that anyone born into one of the tribes, under this act, was
seen as a criminal.
13. Typical criminal tribesâ activities: gang-related (as members
of private armies); frisking of the audience while the tribeâs
women perform dance; road and train robberies, duping
poor farmers by playing a cop or a priest; stealing livestock;
forcing a women of own tribe into prostitution, while a
master disguised as fakir enters the act, beats and robbs a
customer, etc.
14. A member of own tribe may become âotherâ if he/she brings âdishonourâ
Human Rights Watch defines "honor killingsâ in own group as follows:
Honor killings are acts of vengeance, usually death, committed by male family members
against female family members, who are held to have brought dishonor upon the family. A
woman can be targeted by her family for a variety of reasons, including: refusing to enter
into an arranged marriage, being the victim of a sexual assault, seeking a divorceâeven
from an abusive husbandâor (allegedly) committing adultery. The mere perception that a
woman has behaved in a way that "dishonors" her family is sufficient to trigger an attack
on her life*.
Men can also be the victims of honor killings by members of the family of a woman with
whom they are perceived to have an inappropriate relationship** The loose term "honor
killing" applies to killing of both men and women in cultures that practice it***.
*Violence Against Women and "Honor" Crimes". Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 2001-04-06.
** Afghan couple stoned to death â Central & South Asia. Al Jazeera English (2010-08-16). Retrieved on 2011-10-01.
***Teen Lovers killed in India Honor Killing. LiveLeak.com
15. When Soviet law was extended to Siberia, similar effects were observed. Women
amongt he Siberian tribes, who in obedience to the law, laid aside their veils were
killed by their relatives for violating one of the most sacred norms of their tribes.
16. In 1930s there were about 4 million of âcriminal tribesâ members for 300
million Indiaâs population (~1,3%). Now there are about 60 million for 1
billion population (~1,6%).
Since Indiaâs independence (1947) there has been a progress in allevating
the poverty of those tribes, but not without criticism of civil community
(âracial profilingâ ).
17. After the British rule, India, criticized for discriminatory classification of
nomadic and semi-nomadic âcriminal tribesâ, repealed in law their respective
classification as âhereditary criminalsâ and âhabitual offendersâ.
18. âThe social category generally known as the Denotified and Nomadic
Tribes (DNTs) of India covers a population approximately of 60 million.
Some of them are now included in the list of Scheduled castes, some
others in the Scheduled Tribes, and quite a few in Other Backward
Classes. âŠWhat is common to all these DNTs is the fate of being
branded as 'bornâ criminals.â
19. If we agree that we do not still exactly know where and how social networks cross
with human biological processes and it is very difficult to alter the personal
dispositions of offenders, would this not then be a reason to seek to modify their
behaviour by changing the social/cultural and situational risk factors related to
how they act, and their perceptions of those factors, especially at the early
development stage?
How can one better motivate communities than by assisting them in developing
and pursuing legitimate ownership of certain crime prevention activities, and by
encouraging them to increase their own resilience, so this can create a better
quality of life and investment climate for future prosperity? If communities fail,
who else can succeed?
How can we identify in culture essential components that feed criminogenic
injustice (unfairness/inequality), separate them from popular beliefs and religion,
so a baby can drink untainted motherâs milk and learn more emphatically about
the otherness?
20.
21. There is ethnographic strong evidence that Justice (Fairness/Equality) is the one, basic
and cross cutting component that may be identified as a driver for cross disciplinary
intergenerational education and training.
But it needs a developmental approach (technical assistance), so the local sense of
Justice may be advanced to meet the UN sense of âJusticeâ, because
âNo one is born a good citizen; no
nation is born a democracyâ.
Hinweis der Redaktion
According to Sutherlandhttp://criminology.wikia.com/wiki/Differential_Association_Theory, social disorganization refers to the breakdown in traditional socialcontrol and organization in the society, community, neighbourhood, or family so that deviant andcriminal activity result. It is most often applied to urban crime. Such disorganizationfosters the cultural traditions and cultural conflicts that support such activity. Later, Sutherland replaced that term with differential social organization, accepting thus, that not everybody has the same law-abiding values and goals, and, eventually, with differential association â a theory that by name covered both types of values and attitudes.Particularly, Sutherland argued that:(a) âA person becomes delinquent because of an excess of definitions favourableto violation of law over definitions unfavourable to violation of lawâ. This is theprinciple of differential association. It refers to both criminal and anti-criminal associationsand has to do with counteracting forces. When persons become criminals, theydo so because of contacts with criminal patterns and also because of isolation fromanti-criminal patterns. Any person inevitably assimilates the surrounding cultureunless other patterns are in conflict; a Southerner does not pronounce ârâ becauseother Southerners do not pronounce âr.â Negatively, this proposition of differentialassociation means that associations which are neutral so far as crime is concernedhave little or no effect on the genesis of criminal behaviour. Much of the experienceof a person is neutral in this sense, e.g., learning to brush oneâs teeth. This behaviourhas no negative or positive effect on criminal behaviour except as it may be relatedto associations which are concerned with the legal codes. This neutral behaviour isimportant especially as an occupier of the time of a child so that he is not in contactwith criminal behaviour during the time he is engaged in neutral behaviour.(b) The process of learning criminal behavior by association with criminal and anti-criminal patterns involves all of the mechanisms that are involved in any other learning.Negatively, this means that the learning of criminal behaviour is notrestricted to the process of imitation. A person who is seduced, for instance, learnscriminal behaviour by association, but this process would not ordinarily be describedas imitation.(c) While criminal behavior is an expression of general needs and values, it is not explained by them since non-criminal behavior is an expression of the same needs and values.Thieves generally steal in orderto secure money, but likewise honest labourers work in order to secure money. Theattempts by many scholars to explain criminal behaviour by general drives and values,such as the happiness principle, striving for social status, the money motive, orfrustration, have been and must continue to be futile since they explain lawful behaviouras completely as they explain criminal behaviour. They are similar to respiration,which is necessary for any behaviour but which does not differentiate criminal fromnon-criminal behaviour. These are factors working both ways (negative/positive; risk/protective).The core of the transmission of criminal traditions takes part in the small groups (âprimaryâ, âintimateâ). Among such groups, family is the most important. Intergenerational familial transmission of criminal traditions has been relatively well researched and documented. Accordingly, convicted parents tend to have convicted children. In a Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development study covering transmission of criminal traditions between three generations (gradparents-parents-children) 411 southLondon males have been followed up from age 8 to age 48. These males (generation2, G2) are compared with their fathers and mothers (generation 1, G1), and with theirbiological sons and daughters (generation 3, G3).Results:There was significant intergenerational transmission of convictions from G1males to G2 males, and from G2 males to G3 males. Convictions of fathers still predictedconvictions of sons after controlling for risk factors, but the predictive efficiencywas reduced. Transmission was less from G1 females to G2 males, and from G2 malesto G3 females. There was little evidence of intergenerational transmission from G1 toG3, except from grandmothers to granddaughters.The degree of intergenerational transmissiondecreased after controlling for family, socio-economic and individual risk factors,suggesting that these factors may be links in the chain between parent and childoffending. However, the fatherâs convictions still predicted the sonâs convictionseven after controlling for these risk factors.A key policyimplication is that it is important to take steps to reduce theintergenerational transmission of offending. This research suggests importantintervention targets such as poor parental supervision and disrupted families. Byreducing family and other risk factors, intergenerational transmission can bereduced. Conclusion: The intergenerational transmission of offending may be mediated byfamily, socio-economic and individual risk factors. Intervention to reduce intergenerationaltransmission could target these risk factors (David P. Farrington, Jeremy W. Coidand Joseph Murray, Family factors in theintergenerational transmissionof offendingCriminal Behaviour and Mental Health19: 109â124 (2009)).Retroflexive Reformation. This process (âhelpers principlesâ) is based upon differential association and often takesplace in a group setting working with both offenders and non-offenders. It modifies social relationships, and is an effective supplement to the clinical handling of convicted criminals. It is a social reintegration principle.This concept suggeststhat âinattempting to reform others, the offender almost automatically accepts the relevant commonpurpose of the group, identifies himself closely with other persons engaging in reformation, andassigns status on the basis of anticriminalbehaviourâ . RR works best for offenders, if focused on their antisocial associations, and reinforces aprosocial conduct. Otherwise training in helping others may be ineffective and incompatible with criminal attitudes and lifestiles which are too deeply entrentched (prisons are the place whith the excess of favourable definitions to law violation).If criminals are to be changed, they must be assimilated into groups which emphasize values conducive to law-abiding behavior and, concurrently, alienated from groups emphasizing values conducive to criminality. Since the majority of criminals experience great difficulty in securing intimate contacts in ordinary groups, special groups whose major common goal is the reformation of criminals must be created. The more relevant the common purpose of the group to the reformation of criminals, the greater will be its influence on the criminal members' attitudes and values. Just as a labour union exerts strong influence over its members' attitudes toward management but less influence on their attitudes toward say, women, so a group organized for recreation or welfare purposes will have less success in influencing criminalistic attitudes and values than will one whose explicit purpose is to change criminals. The more cohesive the group, the greater the members' readiness to influence others and the more relevant the problem of conformity to group norms. The criminals who are to be reformed and the persons expected to effect the change must, then, have a strong sense of belonging to one group:betweenthemmust bea genuine "we" feeling. The reformers, consequently, should not be identifiable as correctional workers, probation or parole officers, or social workers. Both reformers and those to be reformed must achieve status within the group by exhibition of "pro-reform" or anti-criminal values and behaviour patterns. As a novitiate, he is a therapeutic parasite and not actually a member until he accepts the group's own system for assigning status. The most effective mechanism for exerting group pressureon members will befound in groups so organized that criminals are induced to join with noncriminals for the purpose of changing other criminals. A group in which criminal A joins with some noncriminals to change criminal B is probably most effective in changing criminal A, not B; in order to change criminal B, criminal A must necessarily share the values of the anticriminal members. The benefits of the RR process are often greater forthe helper (mentor) than for the helpless (prisoner). Adult mentoring programs for former prisoners are being studied in the context of the US reintegration programmes (Ready4Work) which had a strong faith-basedcomponent. The helpers are drawn from the community, especially faith-based organizations. Focus groups indicate that the helpless (prisoners) wantmentoring, and they express a particular preference for mentors who have had a prisonerâreentry experience (recidivism). Both individual and group mentoring models are being implemented.Once they are involved in the program, maintees continue to want mentoring, and they alsowant to become mentors themselves, participating as both a mentor and a mentee. Several Project participants have âgraduatedâ and become helpers.Preliminary evidence suggests that group mentoring may not be as powerful astraditional mentoring, although it may be a less costly alternative.Despite the variety and promising prospects of the approaches just described,community services currently available for new releasees may not be meeting their needs.In a survey of men released from state prison to Chicago, 48 percent said that they hadused some services in the 2 months since release, but when asked what services were most useful, 17 percentsaid that none of them was useful. When asked âwhat would be most helpful right nowâ (6months postrelease), 64 percent mentioned ajob or job training, 53 percent mentionedfinancial support, 24 percent mentioned education, 38 percent mentioned housing, and 41percent mentioned health insurance (Parole, desistance from crime, and community integration, National Research Council (U.S.). Committee on Community Supervision and Desistance from Crime, National Research Council (U.S.). Committee on Law and Justice, 2008).The supplementarity of DA/RR is mainly due to the fact that it is focused on small groups of people, in line with the premise that commision of a crime and the reintegration of prisoner comes through an intimate contact. The role of media in projecting violence has been underestimated in it, mainly because at the time when the DA theory was eventually formed (1939-1947), their impact on people had been limited to newspapers and radio broadcasts. In 1940 in the US there were only 100, 000 TV sets in housholds and another 100,000 in the public places (restaurants, theaters, schools, hotels, etc.) â altogether less than 3 per 1000 people, and in 1947 â about 5. Currently, the number of TV sets per one US houshold is740 per 1000 people (in Austria 520, Germany 623 and in Poland 338). However, what matters for evaluating whether or not the non-intimate contacts may have on crime commission and the reintegration is the TV content. Curently, the number ofmurders seen on the US TV by the time an average child finishes elementary school is 8,000. The number of violent acts seen on TV by age 18 is 200,000, and the percentage of Americans who believe TV violence helps precipitate real life mayhem is 79 (http://www.jesus-is-savior.com/Evils%20in%20America/Hellivision/television_statistics.htm). The growth of mobile and internet communication with its content these days makes the issue of the transmission of criminal traditions, including violence, even a much more troubling picture.