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The Virgin and the Whore:
Looking at the Good and the Bad Woman in Thai folktales




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CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 1
DEFINITION OF “GOOD” AND “BAD” ............................................................................................ 2
DISSECTING THE FOLKTALES........................................................................................................ 4
    RESEARCH QUESTIONS ........................................................................................................................ 5
    RESEARCH DATA AND METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................... 5
    DATA ANALYSIS .................................................................................................................................... 7
      Physical traits .................................................................................................................................. 7
      General behaviour and special abilities .......................................................................................... 9
      Gender relations .............................................................................................................................. 9
      Story endings .................................................................................................................................. 10
    CASE STUDIES ..................................................................................................................................... 11
      From “good” to “bad” .................................................................................................................. 11
      From “bad” to “good” .................................................................................................................. 12
      The feminist prototype.................................................................................................................... 13
      The ideal woman with a modern mind ........................................................................................... 14
IMPLICATIONS FOR THAI WOMEN TODAY ............................................................................. 15
    ATTITUDE TO BEAUTY ....................................................................................................................... 16
    MODES OF PROPER CONDUCT ............................................................................................................ 18
CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................................... 21
REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................................... 22
APPENDIX 1: DATA ANALYSIS....................................... ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED.




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Introduction

       Good and evil, heaven and hell, beauty and beast, angel and demon, virgin and

whore – the oppositional thinking dominating gender debates in Thailand today can

be traced back to the country’s literary and artistic traditions. Thai dance-dramas,

narrative poetry, puppet shows, folklore and other literary expressions emphasise all

these oppositions, especially the opposition between women as beautiful temptresses

and women as dutiful wives and mothers.

       The Virgin – or the ideal woman – is not difficult to find in Thailand. You can

see her on glossy tourist posters, invariably beautifully and neatly dressed while

smiling charmingly at you posed in a gentle wai. Likewise the Whore – synonymous

with the bad woman – is just as easy to spot. She is almost always sexily dressed and

smiling seductively at you from the streets of Patpong and Pattaya. This division of

women into “good” and “bad” is deeply embedded in the Thai consciousness and has

been reinforced by the law and other ideological institutions such as religion,

education, literature and language.

       This paper looks at how Thai folktales portray the good woman and the bad

woman by examining their traits and their relations with the men in their life. This

paper also argues that the good/bad status of a woman is not necessarily static. In

Khun Chang and Khun Phaen, Wanthong fell from being a woman with a lot of merit

to one who was executed for fickleness in love. On the other hand, Laveng in Phra

Aphaimanee started out as a devious murderess and ended up as a nun. I will also pay

special attention to Kaew Naamaa in A Horse-faced Woman because she is atypical of

the female leads in Thai folktales. Finally, the paper examines how the depiction of




                                                                                    1
female characters contributes to the way Thai women view themselves and their

relations with men.



Definition of “good” and “bad”

       In the literature on the conduct of women, the three texts that crop up

repeatedly are the Traiphummikatha, the Three Seals Law and Sunthorn Phu’s

Suphasit Son Ying (Words of Wisdom for Women).

       The Traiphummikatha, which was composed by King Thammaracha Lithai

around AD 1345 during the Sukhothai era, outlined the principles according to which

all existence was structured and offered concrete illustrations of the abstract idea of

Dhamma. There are four references to women in the Buddhist cosmological text – the

“female Peta” (miserable spirits), the women of the Utarakuru continent, the Perfect

Woman of the Righteous Sovereign, and Queen Asandhimitta, consort of King Asoka

the Great. The Perfect Woman is described as being “glowingly beautiful” and

“endowed with all the good qualities pleasing to everyone on earth”. She is also

admired for her submissiveness to the Righteous Sovereign:

       When the Great Cakravarti King comes to see her, she never waits

       for him to approach her but moves forward to greet him. Seated on

       a golden pillow before him, she will fan him and pleasingly

       massage his feet and his hands. She never lies on the royal bed

       before the Emperor does, nor does she ever leave it after him.

       Before she does anything, she will inform her husband first and

       when given permission, she will then proceed. Never has she ever




                                                                                     2
disobeyed her husband. Whatever she does or say, it is intended to

       please her husband (National Identity Board 1992:28).

       Next came the Three Seals Law, which was codified in 1805 during the reign

of King Rama I and represented the height of women’s subordination. It considered

women as property and gave fathers and husbands the right to sell or give them away.

The law legalised polygamous marriage and allowed husbands to mete out corporal

punishment on their wives, to the point of killing them if they were caught in the act

of adultery (Suwadee 1999:8). According to this law, a good woman should not let

more than one man gain access to her body. As a result “good” Thai women remain,

broadly speaking, those who perform their roles as dutiful daughters and faithful

wives and whose concern with sexuality focuses on their aspirations of motherhood

and their fulfilment of their husband’s desires; while the “bad” are those whose sexual

contact outside the institution of marriage are automatically equated with prostitution

(Sukanya 1988:118).

       The last text, Suphasit Son Ying, was written around 1837 – 1840 by renowned

poet Sunthorn Phu during the reign of King Rama III and was used for decades as a

school text for Thai students. His advice to women covers many aspects of female

manners, from tending to one’s husband to “correct” modes of eating, speaking and

walking as illustrated by the following stanza:

       Do not allow your breasts to swing or raise your shawl as you go.

       Do not run your hands through your hair while you walk.

       Do not talk nonsense.

       And do not linger outside once your business is done.

       (Cheuacheun and Non 1971:8)



                                                                                     3
His work upholds the clear distinctions between the “good” and the “bad” woman”. A

“good” woman should be chaste:

       A beautiful young virgin can

       Be compared to a precious stone.

       Should the precious stone break, its worth would fall;

       Should the maiden be defiled, her value would decrease.

       (Suwadee 1999:17)

On the other hand, “bad” behaviour is exemplified in the following stanza:

       Do not associate with women of ill repute

       Who dress in unfortunate ways

       Wandering aimlessly in the late afternoon

       With their seductive and tricky airs

       (Prakaaitham 1996:172)

It is worthy to note that the authors of these texts were all men, revealing men’s

concerns about female roles and behaviour to the extent that they had to set up the

criteria of “proper” conduct in various versions. Moreover it reflected men’s

conviction that they had the right to define women’s roles and behaviour. According

to these texts, a “good” woman is imbued with grace, beauty and self-control, and

waits upon her husband. And a “bad” woman is just one who perhaps does not do or

even goes against what is prescribed to her.



Dissecting the folktales

       Classical Thai literature services the Buddhist dhamma and is didactic in form.

Representations of women in literature and theatre exemplify obedient sacrifice: do



                                                                                    4
good, maintain morality, uphold truth. This didactic literature defines expectations for

women in Thai society – the expectation that women should remain virgins until

marriage, serve their husbands faithfully, keep house, and work longer and harder

than their husbands. Yet the sexual double standard was elaborately emphasised in

literature. Women were taught to accept polygamy because it signified their

husbands’ superior status. In contrast, married women were forbidden from

committing adultery or even paying attention to other men.



Research questions

1.   With a clearer picture of how “good” and “bad” conduct has been defined

historically, I want to know how Thai folktales disseminate this code of behaviour.

What are the physical traits of the women in the stories? Do they have special abilities?



2. Given the didactic nature of the folktales, I want to examine how the “good” and

“bad” women end up. Does doing good always lead to reaping good or vice versa?



3. Because a lot of the expected proper conduct for a woman centres on her relations

with men, I want to study how the women in the folktales – both good and bad –

conduct themselves towards men. On the other hand, I also want to look at how men,

in turn, conduct themselves towards the women.



Research data and methodology

       I decided to rely on cultural artefacts, i.e. folktales, to study the lives of

women in the past. Cultural artefacts have two distinctive properties. First they



                                                                                      5
possess a naturalistic, “found” quality because they are not created for the purpose of

study. Second, they are non-interactive, i.e., they do not require asking questions of

respondents or observing people’s behaviour (Reinharz 1992:147).

        In all, I looked at 15 stories found in Fascinating Folktales of Thailand which

were retold and translated in English by Thanapol Chadchaidee (2004). These stories

are chosen because the female characters in them played substantial roles instead of

just being wallflowers. I am aware that there are different versions of the same

folktale that might highlight different angles of a person’s character. I am also aware

of the limitation of gathering data from translated folktales as opposed to reading the

folktale in its original language. Hence I decided to look at stories from only one

source because that would ensure a consistency in the writing and description.

However, I will refer to other versions of the folktale when it comes to analysing the

data.

        From the 15 tales, I picked out 23 female characters whose roles were

significant enough for analysis. While dividing the women into “good” and “bad”

categories, I promptly hit a snag. Initially, I placed Wanthong among the “good”

women but I later changed her status to “bad” because that was how she was

perceived by the public. Finally I divided them into 14 good women and nine bad

women. I decided against using quantitative content analysis because of the above-

mentioned limitations of using translated stories. So using its qualitative counterpart, I

studied each woman based on the following categories: physical traits, special

abilities, general behaviour, results of goodness/badness, conduct towards men, men’s

conduct towards her and her final ending. The tabulated results can be found in

Appendix 1.



                                                                                        6
Data analysis

Physical traits

       The good woman is more likely to be beautiful than a bad woman. Out of the

14 good women, nine were specified to be beautiful, compared to four out of nine bad

women. Yet it is important to note that just because it was not specifically mentioned

in the book that a woman was beautiful meant that she was ugly. For example, Queen

Chantrathewee, in this version of the tale, was not described as beautiful, yet one

would find it unbelievable if a queen in those days were anything less than beautiful.

       Thai ideas about beauty can be traced back to the Traiphummikatha, which

describes the gorgeous women of Utarakuru in great detail:

       Their skin is as perfectly beautiful as burnished gold, and this

       pleases all the men. Their toes and fingers are quite round and very

       beautiful; their nails are magnificently red as if they are painted

       with lacdye. Their cheeks are creamy-white and are as smooth as if

       they were carefully powdered, their face are clear without any

       blemishes and look like the moon when it is full. The pupils in

       their eyes are as black as those of a three-day-old fawn, and the

       white parts are as white as a newly polished conch; their lips are as

       red as Momordica, a ripe “white melon” gourd. The strands of

       their hair are so fine and soft that it takes eight of their hairs to

       make one the thickness of ours. Their long hair is as black as the

       wings of a carpenter bee; and when it reaches the lower parts of

       their shoulders, the tips of each hair curl upward themselves.

       Whether they sit, stand or walk it looks as if they are smiling all



                                                                                         7
the time. Their figure and complexion is as beautiful as that of a

       16-year-old maiden. They never become old, and all of them

       remain as youthful as that all their lives.

       (National Identity Board 1992:27)

Yet beauty could be a double-edged sword. Of the four bad women who were

portrayed as attractive, it was their beauty that led to their downfall. Think Wanthong,

Mora in Chanthakorop, and Kaki in Kaki – men fought over them because of their

loveliness and ended up causing much heartache to the women. And Laveng was seen

as a “bad” woman because she slyly used her good looks to seduce men in order to

take revenge for her dead father and brother.

       Another interesting point to note is the mention of body smell. Three of the

good women were said to have a sweet or fragrant smell. In fact, in the folktales, it is

sometimes the smell that differentiates between a giant and a woman. In Phra

Suwannahong, although the female giant disguised herself as Princess Ketsuriyong,

Prince Suwannahong still detected the strange body smell from her. Again this idea of

a sweet-scented body probably has its roots in the Perfect Woman of the

Traiphummikatha:

       Her body has a divine scent like that from sandal wood and aloes

       ground and mixed with the four kinds of fragrant essence.

       Whenever she speaks or laughs, her breath is scented, like blooming

       lotuses of the Nilupala and Cankalani kinds.

       (National Identity Board 1992:29)




                                                                                      8
General behaviour and special abilities

       The good woman in the folktale is generally kind-hearted, gentle, obedient to

authority (be it husbands or parents), dutiful and faithful. Only three of the characters

had special abilities – Sroisuda in Singhakraiphob and Kaew in A Horse-faced

Woman are intelligent while Manora in Prince Suthorn can fly because she is a

ginaree which is half-bird and half-human. The good woman also seldom uses magic

although others, such as hermits or giants, who come to their rescue might give them

or help them with magic. On the other hand, the bad woman is typically either a

jealous and wicked person or a temptress who is not faithful in love. Four of the nine

bad women are well-versed in magic, characteristically using spells to get the men

infatuated with them. This seems to indicate that while a good woman would depend

on her virtue, merit or goodness to win over supernatural assistance, a bad woman

actively turns to magic to manipulate the people around her.



Gender relations

       In the case of both the good and the bad women, the men were the originators

or initiators of action. They were the ones who actively pursued the women,

instructed them, flirted with them, abandoned them or even killed them. They were

also the ones to make decisions. Good women tend to hold a more passive role than

their bad sisters. Their conduct towards men was often in response to what the men

have initiated. For example, Chalawan in Krai Thong was the one who started flirting

with Tapaothong and she responded by falling in love with him.

       In their conduct towards men, the good women usually take a subservient

stance to either their father or husband. Even if they were treated badly, they



                                                                                       9
continued to plod on faithfully, as in the case of Kanitha in A Golden Goby. If they

originate an action, it tends to be confined to an action of speech or an expression of

her emotions, especially unhappiness over the men’s philandering ways. Yet, if the

good woman is hard-pressed enough, she can shake off the shackles that men have put

on her and rise up to the occasion, such as Suwanmalee in Phra Aphaimanee who was

brave enough to lead the army in defence of the city because her husband was too

besotted with Laveng to do so.

       As for the bad women, while they are also on the receiving end of men’s

actions, there are more examples where they are more proactive than the good women

in their dealing with the men. The bad women could be roughly divided into two

groups. One group is made up of women like Wanthong, Kaki and Mora whose fates

are out of their hands while the second group consists women like Ay (Golden Goby),

Tasmalee (A Horse-faced Woman), Suwanchampa (Sang Thong) and Laveng who

know what they want – revenge or a man’s love – and resort to various means to

achieve their ends. While the men seemed like powerful agents of action for the

women in the former group, they in turn looked like easily-swayed puppets in the

hands of the latter group.



Story endings

       As with all good didactic tales used to teach moral right and wrong, those who

do good will have good endings while those who do evil will come to a bad end. This

is borne out strongly in the lives of the female characters in the folktales.

       Out of the 14 good women, 11 had happy endings where they “lived happily

ever after” usually with the prince of their dreams. Expectedly, the bad women came



                                                                                    10
to a sad end, with extreme examples of one being turned in a gibbon and another

reborn in hell. Although most of the bad women faced the death penalty, they were

generally pardoned either by the prince or their victim. This is, of course, another

teaching point to inculcate in children the value of mercy and forgiveness of one’s

enemies.



Case studies

From “good” to “bad”

       Wanthong, or Pimpilalai as she was formerly known, was born into a wealthy

family and brought up as a proper young lady. She was also known as the local beauty

in Suphan Buri at that time. Her “goodness” is evident from her sponsorship of the

recital of a chapter from the Maha Chat. Besides, the chapter that she sponsored was

about Queen Matsi who was a prime example of the ideal self-sacrificial woman.

Wanthong then married Khun Phaen but instead of a happily-ever-after ending, she

was soon caught in a tug-of-war between Khun Chang and Khun Phaen, and was

abducted alternately by both. Meanwhile, Wanthong begins to sense the erosion of her

goodness:

       Already at my age, I have two husbands.

       Very bad, very wicked, from head to toe,

       Very shameful and very sad.

       Even after death, my name will be notorious.

       (Suwadee 1999:17)

When the scandal was brought before the king and Wanthong could not decide on

either of them because she now sees their true nature, the king condemned as her



                                                                                 11
being worse than a prostitute because even such a “bad” woman has one man at a time

while Wanthong wanted both husbands at the same time. She was then executed and

her name became a synonym for a woman with sexual greed and uncertainty in Thai

society. Contrast this with how Khun Phaen had four wives and was admired for his

gallantry and how the king, while blaming Wanthong, remarked that her son should

have at least 10 wives because of his nobleman status (Suwadee 1999:17). Although

Wanthong did not initiate sexual relations with more than one man, society still

ignored the full sequences of events and emphasised only the end result – she allowed

more than one man to have access to her body – and condemned her for such

undesirable behaviour.



From “bad” to “good”

       Young and beautiful, Laveng ruled Lanka City after her father and brother

died at the hands of Phra Aphaimanee. She wanted revenge. Using a magic spell, she

got various kings infatuated with her portrait and these kings in turn declared war on

Phaluek City. She even got Phra Aphaimanee besotted with her twice, masterminded

mass infatuation of his brother and sons and planned to burn her enemy by fire. All in

all, she was a nasty piece of work. But Laveng turned over a new leaf when she heard

a sermon by a hermit. She held a big peace party and invited her former enemies to

help themselves to her precious stones. She was even generous enough to give away a

diamond from her ancestors. She never went back to her evil ways and tried to stop

her son from declaring war on his father. The story ended with her becoming a nun to

follow Phra Aphaimanee, who had become a hermit, to take care of him.




                                                                                   12
It is interesting to observe that Laveng’s turning point came about because of

religion. It suggests that a woman needs religion to convert her from her evil ways

and put her on the correct path. Jataka tales often portray women as, by nature, lower

beings who were tied to the material, illusory world and did not have enough merit to

resist temptation, so they need religion to keep them on the straight and narrow path.

Her transformation into a “good” woman was further cemented by her decision to

become a nun. Yet she wanted to become a nun, not because she wanted to be more

devout but because she wanted to take care of Phra Aphaimanee, which then brings us

full circle to what it means to be a good woman – to put the man’s needs before your

own and to take care of him.



The feminist prototype

       The story of Kaew Naamaa is a fascinating study because she is atypical of a

“good” woman. She is not pretty, in fact she is horse-faced. But she is very intelligent

and is not afraid to insist on her rights and to get what she wants. Looking at the table

in Appendix 1, one can see that Kaew could match the men’s actions towards her

almost one for one, which is rare among the good women who tend to take a passive

role and respond. From the time that she got hold of Prince Pinthong’s kite, Kaew was

very much in control. Not only did she set all the conditions for meeting the prince,

marrying him and fighting the giants, but she also made sure her terms were met and

would not budge from them. In an era where good wives were exhorted to put up with

their husbands’ infidelity because it is a sign of their prosperity, Kaew dared to get

back at her prince.




                                                                                      13
I have always wondered why Kaew did not immediately show her new,

improved self to the prince after the hermit helped her to remove her horse face.

Surely she must have known that that would be a sure way of winning her shallow

husband’s heart. Yet she chose to remain ugly and put up with the plotting of her

father-in-law and husband. My conjecture is that Kaew, having grown up with a

strange appearance, is only too aware that beauty is skin-deep and she wants Prince

Pinthong to love her for who she is and not what she looks like.



The ideal woman with a modern mind

       Kanthathewee, or Rojana in other versions of Sang Thong, is an intriguing

combination of an “ideal” woman in traditional Thai literature and her independent-

minded modern counterpart. She was the most beautiful of her six sisters, with looks

rivalling that of celestial ladies. She is portrayed as a dutiful daughter who complies

with her parents’ wishes to choose a husband, and later on as a loyal and faithful wife.

In fact when she realised that her husband might be killed if he could not get the

animals for her father, she lamented:

       Oh, what shall befall you, my beloved husband?

       Should they take your life, I would follow you,

       And let them take mine too.

       No longer do I want to live, and face the world.

       Never shall I let another man touch me,

       And be my husband.

       (National Identity Board 1992:159)




                                                                                     14
Despite her submission and obedience to her parents – qualities found in

“good” women –Kanthathewee was also a strong and resolute individual. This is

evident from how she stuck to her decision to marry Sangthong although that meant

incurring her parents’ wrath and being exiled to live a simple life.



Implications for Thai women today

       Thai folktales do give a glimpse into the life and status of women in the

bygone days although it is believed that what women in literature had to suffer was

but a pale reflection of the onus they had to bear in real life (National Identity Board

1992:53). Yet Thai folktales also have important implications for today’s women

because literature is one of the most effective mans of communicating standards,

values and ideologies. And what people read or listen to as a child would shape their

values of what it means to be a “good” or “bad” woman as well as their perspectives

on how to relate and behave towards men. Sexist indoctrination begins with picture

books designed for pre-school children, before they can read and write.

       Deeply concerned by the serious problem of the influence exerted by

children’s books and textbooks on the development of sexist attitudes and behaviour

in young people, Unesco embarked on a series of national studies on the portrayal of

men and of women in textbooks and children’s literature in 1981. And the prevalence

of sexist stereotypes has been confirmed by all the studies carried out under this

project, in countries throughout the world (Michel 1986:20). Sociologist Andrée

Michel argues that sexist stereotypes, themselves a product of the inequality between

the sexes, in turn become the source of further discrimination between the sexes. The

younger the child, the less well equipped he or she is to resist the powerful stereotypes



                                                                                      15
that incline him or her to see the opposite sex as having conventional attributes,

qualities or failings. Thus, young children are led to attribute mythical qualities to

boys and to look down on girls (1986:23).

        In Thai folktales, the portrayal of the female sex is confined to specific

qualities and roles, for example motherhood. So little girls are socialised into the idea

that when they grow up, the most obvious route for them is to marry and have

children. Not that this is in itself a bad thing, but girls then get used to the thought that

other social (professional and political) roles are closed to them. Yet we have to

remember that folklore is not the only tool of socialisation for a child. There are other

socialising agents, such as school, parents, and TV.



Attitude to beauty

        The appreciation of grace and elegance, and the evaluation of beauty are

deeply entrenched in Thai culture. The Thai tends to be aware of physical bearing,

beauty, and ugliness, as well as the use of the body as a communicative device

(Phillips 1965:45). As has been shown earlier, there are certain defined standards of

beauty, most of which are laid out in the Traiphummikatha. And these standards of

beauty are inscribed in the mind of a woman as she grows up. If she falls short of

these ideals, it might affect her self-esteem and she might take steps to rectify her

looks, such as going for cosmetic surgery. Although Hollywood movies and imported

Western TV shows have been blamed for fostering a “foreign” ideal of beauty, such

as fair-skinned blondes, in Thailand, it is interesting to note that the ideal of fair skin

is found in the ancient Traiphummikatha, which describes the women of Utarakuru:




                                                                                          16
“Their cheeks are creamy-white and are as smooth as if they were carefully

powdered.”

       It is commonly thought that beauty is amoral but this is not the case in

Thailand where beauty is linked to morality through canonical and popular Buddhism

and court literature. Beauty is described in the Buddhist canon as one of the five

powers of women and reflect the effects of merit collected from past lives (Van

Esterik 2000:155). Given the importance of beauty to a Thai woman because of its

religious link, it follows then that the construction of a woman’s appearance is just as

important. Sunthorn Phu offers more advice in his Suphasit Son Ying:

       Ensure your attire befits your person

       That it may complement your looks.

       When powdering your face and your body,

       Consider complexion and be not extreme.

       Whoever sees you must surely approve –

       Say you are clever and arrayed like a swan.

       For though you by young and beautiful,

       Ignorance of grooming is beauty wasted.

       (Van Esterik 2000:157)

The augmenting of a woman’s natural beauty was even alluded to in a political debate

on why “Thai” should be spelt with an “h”. A reason given was that “Thai with an H

is like a sophisticated girl with her hair set, her lips touched with lipstick and her brow

arched with eyebrow pencil while Tai without the H is like a girl who is naturally

attractive but without any added beautification” (Thamsook, 1977).




                                                                                        17
Hence, the importance of dressing up is evident from the endless stalls of

make-up and jewellery in shopping malls or along the streets. Particularly in the

streets of Bangkok, one would be hard-pressed to see a woman who is not neatly

dressed and attractively made-up.

       Other than facial beauty, it is also vital that the Thai woman smells nice.

Afterall, in Thai folktales, the ideal woman emanates fragrance. Anthropologist Penny

van Esterik argues that “the smell of bodies is important to self-identity, both the

absence of offensive smells and the application of soothing and healing perfumes.”

(2000:210) Apparently, those working in Bangkok massage parlours devote eight per

cent of their expenditures to purchasing cosmetics, including perfumes (Wathinee and

Guest 1994:77, 292).



Modes of proper conduct

       In Thai folktales, the “good” women are generally gentle, submissive and

dutiful wives. They work hard for their husbands, put up with their philandering ways

and sometimes even sacrificing their lives for them as in the story of Phra Law.

Sunthorn Phu wrote a poem, which all female students had to memorise, to teach the

women the ways in which they should serve their husbands:

       1. Do not go outside the house after sunset.

       2. Light up the house.

       3. Clean the bed and the pillow, do not let any dust remain on the

       bed.




                                                                                  18
4. Before going to bed, women must salute their husbands by

       putting both hands together to the forehead and bending forward

       with the hands until they rest upon the floor (The traditional wai)

       5. If the husband is tired or stiff, the woman is to massage him with

       her hands.

       6. Wake up before the husband.

       7. Prepare water for washing his face

       8. Prepare food and water in clean containers

       9. Sit by his side when he is eating, for it would be convenient if he

       needed something

       10. After he finished his meal, the woman may eat the leftovers.

       (Phasuk 1979:23)

Although the “modern” middle class Thai woman now pays scant attention to these

verses, it has already inculcated in them a sense of what is “good” and what is “bad”.

Even if she does not adhere to all 10 points, she knows that this is considered the

“ideal”. In fact, I was quite surprised by the response of one of my Thai female

friends whom I thought would dismiss the entire poem. She is single, teaches English

for a living, 25 years old and is thoroughly modern in all sense of the word. She said:

“Of course I won’t eat his leftovers or do the traditional wai but I’d want to do

everything else, such as waking up before my husband and preparing meals for him.”

       Social scientist Geert Hofstede’s study on national cultures may shed some

light on this. His findings are based on five independent dimensions – power distance

index, individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance index and long-term

orientation. According to Hofstede’s ranking, Thailand is high on the uncertainty



                                                                                    19
avoidance index which indicates the society’s low level of tolerance for uncertainty.

In an effort to minimise or reduce this level of uncertainty, strict rules, laws, policies

and regulations are adopted and implemented. Thailand also has the lowest

masculinity ranking among Asian countries, indicating that the society is less

assertive and competitive. This situation also reinforces more traditional male and

female roles within the population. Hofstede’s findings perhaps then implies why

Thai women are not averse to the rules of behaviour that they have grown up with,

rules that govern how they eat, walk and relate to men. It seems too that women in

Thailand are more likely to take on the roles of wife and mother as depicted in the

Thai folktales.

       Besides, the pictures that accompany the folktales usually portray good wives

in the process of making intricate handicrafts, such as weaving or basket-making. And

interestingly, in modern days, certain rehabilitation programmes for rescued female

sex workers, such as that piloted by Khunying Kanittha Wichiancharoen in Don

Muang, have concentrated on teaching women new skills such as weaving and basket-

making. In terms of Thai cultural tradition, this can be read as an attempt to convert

the “bad” woman into the “good” (Harrison 2001:156). Apart from portraying women

in the roles of mother and wives, Thai folktales do seem to prescribe how women

should relate to men. As mentioned earlier, the men were expected to be the

originators or initiators or action while “good” women just respond accordingly.

       So it seems that while good women abide by the prescribed code of behaviour

– that of allowing the husband to take the lead, to allow themselves to be treated like

their husband’s appendage – the bad women are not afraid to break the conventional

codes to get what they want. Conversely, the interesting question to ask is: if a woman



                                                                                       20
is a go-getter and uses all means, even unsavoury ones, to achieve her ends, does that

then make her a “bad” woman?



Conclusion

       It is difficult to ascertain the extent to which Thai folktales influence women’s

perception of beauty, “goodness” and gender relations. This paper draws parallels

between what is depicted in the stories and society’s expectations of women.

Literature acts as a mirror to society, yet propagates its stereotypes at the same time.

       In Thailand, there has been a long-standing cultural division of women into

“good” and “bad” – the Virgin and the Whore. Local media depicts the “modern”

Thai woman as youthful, outgoing, gregarious, fun-loving and often rather “girlishly”

cute, yet avoids any suggestion of her sexual agency or availability. Underlying this

construction of “modern” Thai womanhood is a much older tradition of the feminine,

with its emphasis on grace, beauty, neatness and good manners – an image built up

partly by Thai folktales.




                                                                                       21
REFERENCES

Cheuacheun Siiyaaphai and Non Noraakorn (eds) (1971) Sunthorn Phu sorn ying.
   Sawadiraksa lae saalaakawii (Sunthorn Phu Teaches Women. Sawadiraksa and
   Salakawi). Bangkok: Samnak phim Khlang witthayaa.

Harrison, Rachel (2001) “Prostitution, Politics and Power: Issues of the ‘foreign’ in
   Western television documentaries of female sex workers in Thailand” in: Shoma
   Munshi (ed.) Images of the ‘Modern Woman’ in Asia: Global media, local
   meanings. Surrey: Curzon Press.

Hofstede, Geert Geert Hofstede Cultural Dimensions <http://www.geert-
   hofstede.com/hofstede_thailand.shtml> (16 February 2005)

Lorber, Judith (2000) ‘The social construction of gender’ in: Estelle Disch (ed.)
   Reconstructing Gender: A multicultural anthology. California: Mayfield
   Publishing Company.

Michel, Andrée (1986) Down with Stereotypes! Eliminating sexism from children’s
   literature and school textbooks. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and
   Cultural Organization.

Phasuk Aneckvanich (1979) Status of Women in Thailand. Thesis submitted to the
   Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The American University for
   Master of Arts Sociology.

Phillips, Herbert (1987) Modern Thai Literature. Honolulu: University of Hawaii
    Press.

Prakaaitham (1996) Khom waathii kawii ek khorng lok. Sunthorn Phu – nak kawii
   omata mahaa nirandornkaan (Sharp words from one of the most renowned poets
   in the world. Sunthorn Phu – the eternal poet). Bangkok: Thammasaphaa.

Reinharz, Shulamit (1992) Feminist Methods in Social Research. New York: Oxford
   University Press.

Sukanya Hantrakul (1988) ‘Prostitution in Thailand’ in: Glen Chandler, Norma
   Sullivan and Jan Branson (eds) Development and Displacement in Southeast Asia.
   Monash University: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies.

Suwadee T. Patana (1999) ‘Gender relations in the traditional Thai lower class
   family’. Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Thai Studies in
   Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 4-8 July.

Thamsook Numnonda (1977) ‘When Thailand followed the Leader’ in: A Collection
   of Articles by Thai Scholars. Bangkok: The Social Science Association of
   Thailand.



                                                                                     22
Thanapol Chadchaidee (2004) Fascinating Folktales of Thailand. Bangkok: D.K.
   Today

The Committee for the Dissemination of Outstanding Thai Literary Works (1992)
   Women in Thai Literature. Bangkok: The National Identity Board

Van Esterik, Penny (2000) Materializing Thailand. New York: Berg

Wathinee Boonchalaksi and Guest, Philip (1994) Prostitution in Thailand. Salaya,
  Nakorn Pathom: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University.




                                                                                23
Appendix 1
Data Analysis




          24
Appendix 1
Data Analysis




          25
Appendix 1
Data Analysis




          26
Appendix 1
Data Analysis




          27

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The Virgin and the Whore: Looking at the Good and the Bad Woman in Thai folktales

  • 1. The Virgin and the Whore: Looking at the Good and the Bad Woman in Thai folktales Please contact xingledout[at]gmail.com if you’d like to use any information from this paper.
  • 2. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 1 DEFINITION OF “GOOD” AND “BAD” ............................................................................................ 2 DISSECTING THE FOLKTALES........................................................................................................ 4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ........................................................................................................................ 5 RESEARCH DATA AND METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................... 5 DATA ANALYSIS .................................................................................................................................... 7 Physical traits .................................................................................................................................. 7 General behaviour and special abilities .......................................................................................... 9 Gender relations .............................................................................................................................. 9 Story endings .................................................................................................................................. 10 CASE STUDIES ..................................................................................................................................... 11 From “good” to “bad” .................................................................................................................. 11 From “bad” to “good” .................................................................................................................. 12 The feminist prototype.................................................................................................................... 13 The ideal woman with a modern mind ........................................................................................... 14 IMPLICATIONS FOR THAI WOMEN TODAY ............................................................................. 15 ATTITUDE TO BEAUTY ....................................................................................................................... 16 MODES OF PROPER CONDUCT ............................................................................................................ 18 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................................... 21 REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................................... 22 APPENDIX 1: DATA ANALYSIS....................................... ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED. ii
  • 3. Introduction Good and evil, heaven and hell, beauty and beast, angel and demon, virgin and whore – the oppositional thinking dominating gender debates in Thailand today can be traced back to the country’s literary and artistic traditions. Thai dance-dramas, narrative poetry, puppet shows, folklore and other literary expressions emphasise all these oppositions, especially the opposition between women as beautiful temptresses and women as dutiful wives and mothers. The Virgin – or the ideal woman – is not difficult to find in Thailand. You can see her on glossy tourist posters, invariably beautifully and neatly dressed while smiling charmingly at you posed in a gentle wai. Likewise the Whore – synonymous with the bad woman – is just as easy to spot. She is almost always sexily dressed and smiling seductively at you from the streets of Patpong and Pattaya. This division of women into “good” and “bad” is deeply embedded in the Thai consciousness and has been reinforced by the law and other ideological institutions such as religion, education, literature and language. This paper looks at how Thai folktales portray the good woman and the bad woman by examining their traits and their relations with the men in their life. This paper also argues that the good/bad status of a woman is not necessarily static. In Khun Chang and Khun Phaen, Wanthong fell from being a woman with a lot of merit to one who was executed for fickleness in love. On the other hand, Laveng in Phra Aphaimanee started out as a devious murderess and ended up as a nun. I will also pay special attention to Kaew Naamaa in A Horse-faced Woman because she is atypical of the female leads in Thai folktales. Finally, the paper examines how the depiction of 1
  • 4. female characters contributes to the way Thai women view themselves and their relations with men. Definition of “good” and “bad” In the literature on the conduct of women, the three texts that crop up repeatedly are the Traiphummikatha, the Three Seals Law and Sunthorn Phu’s Suphasit Son Ying (Words of Wisdom for Women). The Traiphummikatha, which was composed by King Thammaracha Lithai around AD 1345 during the Sukhothai era, outlined the principles according to which all existence was structured and offered concrete illustrations of the abstract idea of Dhamma. There are four references to women in the Buddhist cosmological text – the “female Peta” (miserable spirits), the women of the Utarakuru continent, the Perfect Woman of the Righteous Sovereign, and Queen Asandhimitta, consort of King Asoka the Great. The Perfect Woman is described as being “glowingly beautiful” and “endowed with all the good qualities pleasing to everyone on earth”. She is also admired for her submissiveness to the Righteous Sovereign: When the Great Cakravarti King comes to see her, she never waits for him to approach her but moves forward to greet him. Seated on a golden pillow before him, she will fan him and pleasingly massage his feet and his hands. She never lies on the royal bed before the Emperor does, nor does she ever leave it after him. Before she does anything, she will inform her husband first and when given permission, she will then proceed. Never has she ever 2
  • 5. disobeyed her husband. Whatever she does or say, it is intended to please her husband (National Identity Board 1992:28). Next came the Three Seals Law, which was codified in 1805 during the reign of King Rama I and represented the height of women’s subordination. It considered women as property and gave fathers and husbands the right to sell or give them away. The law legalised polygamous marriage and allowed husbands to mete out corporal punishment on their wives, to the point of killing them if they were caught in the act of adultery (Suwadee 1999:8). According to this law, a good woman should not let more than one man gain access to her body. As a result “good” Thai women remain, broadly speaking, those who perform their roles as dutiful daughters and faithful wives and whose concern with sexuality focuses on their aspirations of motherhood and their fulfilment of their husband’s desires; while the “bad” are those whose sexual contact outside the institution of marriage are automatically equated with prostitution (Sukanya 1988:118). The last text, Suphasit Son Ying, was written around 1837 – 1840 by renowned poet Sunthorn Phu during the reign of King Rama III and was used for decades as a school text for Thai students. His advice to women covers many aspects of female manners, from tending to one’s husband to “correct” modes of eating, speaking and walking as illustrated by the following stanza: Do not allow your breasts to swing or raise your shawl as you go. Do not run your hands through your hair while you walk. Do not talk nonsense. And do not linger outside once your business is done. (Cheuacheun and Non 1971:8) 3
  • 6. His work upholds the clear distinctions between the “good” and the “bad” woman”. A “good” woman should be chaste: A beautiful young virgin can Be compared to a precious stone. Should the precious stone break, its worth would fall; Should the maiden be defiled, her value would decrease. (Suwadee 1999:17) On the other hand, “bad” behaviour is exemplified in the following stanza: Do not associate with women of ill repute Who dress in unfortunate ways Wandering aimlessly in the late afternoon With their seductive and tricky airs (Prakaaitham 1996:172) It is worthy to note that the authors of these texts were all men, revealing men’s concerns about female roles and behaviour to the extent that they had to set up the criteria of “proper” conduct in various versions. Moreover it reflected men’s conviction that they had the right to define women’s roles and behaviour. According to these texts, a “good” woman is imbued with grace, beauty and self-control, and waits upon her husband. And a “bad” woman is just one who perhaps does not do or even goes against what is prescribed to her. Dissecting the folktales Classical Thai literature services the Buddhist dhamma and is didactic in form. Representations of women in literature and theatre exemplify obedient sacrifice: do 4
  • 7. good, maintain morality, uphold truth. This didactic literature defines expectations for women in Thai society – the expectation that women should remain virgins until marriage, serve their husbands faithfully, keep house, and work longer and harder than their husbands. Yet the sexual double standard was elaborately emphasised in literature. Women were taught to accept polygamy because it signified their husbands’ superior status. In contrast, married women were forbidden from committing adultery or even paying attention to other men. Research questions 1. With a clearer picture of how “good” and “bad” conduct has been defined historically, I want to know how Thai folktales disseminate this code of behaviour. What are the physical traits of the women in the stories? Do they have special abilities? 2. Given the didactic nature of the folktales, I want to examine how the “good” and “bad” women end up. Does doing good always lead to reaping good or vice versa? 3. Because a lot of the expected proper conduct for a woman centres on her relations with men, I want to study how the women in the folktales – both good and bad – conduct themselves towards men. On the other hand, I also want to look at how men, in turn, conduct themselves towards the women. Research data and methodology I decided to rely on cultural artefacts, i.e. folktales, to study the lives of women in the past. Cultural artefacts have two distinctive properties. First they 5
  • 8. possess a naturalistic, “found” quality because they are not created for the purpose of study. Second, they are non-interactive, i.e., they do not require asking questions of respondents or observing people’s behaviour (Reinharz 1992:147). In all, I looked at 15 stories found in Fascinating Folktales of Thailand which were retold and translated in English by Thanapol Chadchaidee (2004). These stories are chosen because the female characters in them played substantial roles instead of just being wallflowers. I am aware that there are different versions of the same folktale that might highlight different angles of a person’s character. I am also aware of the limitation of gathering data from translated folktales as opposed to reading the folktale in its original language. Hence I decided to look at stories from only one source because that would ensure a consistency in the writing and description. However, I will refer to other versions of the folktale when it comes to analysing the data. From the 15 tales, I picked out 23 female characters whose roles were significant enough for analysis. While dividing the women into “good” and “bad” categories, I promptly hit a snag. Initially, I placed Wanthong among the “good” women but I later changed her status to “bad” because that was how she was perceived by the public. Finally I divided them into 14 good women and nine bad women. I decided against using quantitative content analysis because of the above- mentioned limitations of using translated stories. So using its qualitative counterpart, I studied each woman based on the following categories: physical traits, special abilities, general behaviour, results of goodness/badness, conduct towards men, men’s conduct towards her and her final ending. The tabulated results can be found in Appendix 1. 6
  • 9. Data analysis Physical traits The good woman is more likely to be beautiful than a bad woman. Out of the 14 good women, nine were specified to be beautiful, compared to four out of nine bad women. Yet it is important to note that just because it was not specifically mentioned in the book that a woman was beautiful meant that she was ugly. For example, Queen Chantrathewee, in this version of the tale, was not described as beautiful, yet one would find it unbelievable if a queen in those days were anything less than beautiful. Thai ideas about beauty can be traced back to the Traiphummikatha, which describes the gorgeous women of Utarakuru in great detail: Their skin is as perfectly beautiful as burnished gold, and this pleases all the men. Their toes and fingers are quite round and very beautiful; their nails are magnificently red as if they are painted with lacdye. Their cheeks are creamy-white and are as smooth as if they were carefully powdered, their face are clear without any blemishes and look like the moon when it is full. The pupils in their eyes are as black as those of a three-day-old fawn, and the white parts are as white as a newly polished conch; their lips are as red as Momordica, a ripe “white melon” gourd. The strands of their hair are so fine and soft that it takes eight of their hairs to make one the thickness of ours. Their long hair is as black as the wings of a carpenter bee; and when it reaches the lower parts of their shoulders, the tips of each hair curl upward themselves. Whether they sit, stand or walk it looks as if they are smiling all 7
  • 10. the time. Their figure and complexion is as beautiful as that of a 16-year-old maiden. They never become old, and all of them remain as youthful as that all their lives. (National Identity Board 1992:27) Yet beauty could be a double-edged sword. Of the four bad women who were portrayed as attractive, it was their beauty that led to their downfall. Think Wanthong, Mora in Chanthakorop, and Kaki in Kaki – men fought over them because of their loveliness and ended up causing much heartache to the women. And Laveng was seen as a “bad” woman because she slyly used her good looks to seduce men in order to take revenge for her dead father and brother. Another interesting point to note is the mention of body smell. Three of the good women were said to have a sweet or fragrant smell. In fact, in the folktales, it is sometimes the smell that differentiates between a giant and a woman. In Phra Suwannahong, although the female giant disguised herself as Princess Ketsuriyong, Prince Suwannahong still detected the strange body smell from her. Again this idea of a sweet-scented body probably has its roots in the Perfect Woman of the Traiphummikatha: Her body has a divine scent like that from sandal wood and aloes ground and mixed with the four kinds of fragrant essence. Whenever she speaks or laughs, her breath is scented, like blooming lotuses of the Nilupala and Cankalani kinds. (National Identity Board 1992:29) 8
  • 11. General behaviour and special abilities The good woman in the folktale is generally kind-hearted, gentle, obedient to authority (be it husbands or parents), dutiful and faithful. Only three of the characters had special abilities – Sroisuda in Singhakraiphob and Kaew in A Horse-faced Woman are intelligent while Manora in Prince Suthorn can fly because she is a ginaree which is half-bird and half-human. The good woman also seldom uses magic although others, such as hermits or giants, who come to their rescue might give them or help them with magic. On the other hand, the bad woman is typically either a jealous and wicked person or a temptress who is not faithful in love. Four of the nine bad women are well-versed in magic, characteristically using spells to get the men infatuated with them. This seems to indicate that while a good woman would depend on her virtue, merit or goodness to win over supernatural assistance, a bad woman actively turns to magic to manipulate the people around her. Gender relations In the case of both the good and the bad women, the men were the originators or initiators of action. They were the ones who actively pursued the women, instructed them, flirted with them, abandoned them or even killed them. They were also the ones to make decisions. Good women tend to hold a more passive role than their bad sisters. Their conduct towards men was often in response to what the men have initiated. For example, Chalawan in Krai Thong was the one who started flirting with Tapaothong and she responded by falling in love with him. In their conduct towards men, the good women usually take a subservient stance to either their father or husband. Even if they were treated badly, they 9
  • 12. continued to plod on faithfully, as in the case of Kanitha in A Golden Goby. If they originate an action, it tends to be confined to an action of speech or an expression of her emotions, especially unhappiness over the men’s philandering ways. Yet, if the good woman is hard-pressed enough, she can shake off the shackles that men have put on her and rise up to the occasion, such as Suwanmalee in Phra Aphaimanee who was brave enough to lead the army in defence of the city because her husband was too besotted with Laveng to do so. As for the bad women, while they are also on the receiving end of men’s actions, there are more examples where they are more proactive than the good women in their dealing with the men. The bad women could be roughly divided into two groups. One group is made up of women like Wanthong, Kaki and Mora whose fates are out of their hands while the second group consists women like Ay (Golden Goby), Tasmalee (A Horse-faced Woman), Suwanchampa (Sang Thong) and Laveng who know what they want – revenge or a man’s love – and resort to various means to achieve their ends. While the men seemed like powerful agents of action for the women in the former group, they in turn looked like easily-swayed puppets in the hands of the latter group. Story endings As with all good didactic tales used to teach moral right and wrong, those who do good will have good endings while those who do evil will come to a bad end. This is borne out strongly in the lives of the female characters in the folktales. Out of the 14 good women, 11 had happy endings where they “lived happily ever after” usually with the prince of their dreams. Expectedly, the bad women came 10
  • 13. to a sad end, with extreme examples of one being turned in a gibbon and another reborn in hell. Although most of the bad women faced the death penalty, they were generally pardoned either by the prince or their victim. This is, of course, another teaching point to inculcate in children the value of mercy and forgiveness of one’s enemies. Case studies From “good” to “bad” Wanthong, or Pimpilalai as she was formerly known, was born into a wealthy family and brought up as a proper young lady. She was also known as the local beauty in Suphan Buri at that time. Her “goodness” is evident from her sponsorship of the recital of a chapter from the Maha Chat. Besides, the chapter that she sponsored was about Queen Matsi who was a prime example of the ideal self-sacrificial woman. Wanthong then married Khun Phaen but instead of a happily-ever-after ending, she was soon caught in a tug-of-war between Khun Chang and Khun Phaen, and was abducted alternately by both. Meanwhile, Wanthong begins to sense the erosion of her goodness: Already at my age, I have two husbands. Very bad, very wicked, from head to toe, Very shameful and very sad. Even after death, my name will be notorious. (Suwadee 1999:17) When the scandal was brought before the king and Wanthong could not decide on either of them because she now sees their true nature, the king condemned as her 11
  • 14. being worse than a prostitute because even such a “bad” woman has one man at a time while Wanthong wanted both husbands at the same time. She was then executed and her name became a synonym for a woman with sexual greed and uncertainty in Thai society. Contrast this with how Khun Phaen had four wives and was admired for his gallantry and how the king, while blaming Wanthong, remarked that her son should have at least 10 wives because of his nobleman status (Suwadee 1999:17). Although Wanthong did not initiate sexual relations with more than one man, society still ignored the full sequences of events and emphasised only the end result – she allowed more than one man to have access to her body – and condemned her for such undesirable behaviour. From “bad” to “good” Young and beautiful, Laveng ruled Lanka City after her father and brother died at the hands of Phra Aphaimanee. She wanted revenge. Using a magic spell, she got various kings infatuated with her portrait and these kings in turn declared war on Phaluek City. She even got Phra Aphaimanee besotted with her twice, masterminded mass infatuation of his brother and sons and planned to burn her enemy by fire. All in all, she was a nasty piece of work. But Laveng turned over a new leaf when she heard a sermon by a hermit. She held a big peace party and invited her former enemies to help themselves to her precious stones. She was even generous enough to give away a diamond from her ancestors. She never went back to her evil ways and tried to stop her son from declaring war on his father. The story ended with her becoming a nun to follow Phra Aphaimanee, who had become a hermit, to take care of him. 12
  • 15. It is interesting to observe that Laveng’s turning point came about because of religion. It suggests that a woman needs religion to convert her from her evil ways and put her on the correct path. Jataka tales often portray women as, by nature, lower beings who were tied to the material, illusory world and did not have enough merit to resist temptation, so they need religion to keep them on the straight and narrow path. Her transformation into a “good” woman was further cemented by her decision to become a nun. Yet she wanted to become a nun, not because she wanted to be more devout but because she wanted to take care of Phra Aphaimanee, which then brings us full circle to what it means to be a good woman – to put the man’s needs before your own and to take care of him. The feminist prototype The story of Kaew Naamaa is a fascinating study because she is atypical of a “good” woman. She is not pretty, in fact she is horse-faced. But she is very intelligent and is not afraid to insist on her rights and to get what she wants. Looking at the table in Appendix 1, one can see that Kaew could match the men’s actions towards her almost one for one, which is rare among the good women who tend to take a passive role and respond. From the time that she got hold of Prince Pinthong’s kite, Kaew was very much in control. Not only did she set all the conditions for meeting the prince, marrying him and fighting the giants, but she also made sure her terms were met and would not budge from them. In an era where good wives were exhorted to put up with their husbands’ infidelity because it is a sign of their prosperity, Kaew dared to get back at her prince. 13
  • 16. I have always wondered why Kaew did not immediately show her new, improved self to the prince after the hermit helped her to remove her horse face. Surely she must have known that that would be a sure way of winning her shallow husband’s heart. Yet she chose to remain ugly and put up with the plotting of her father-in-law and husband. My conjecture is that Kaew, having grown up with a strange appearance, is only too aware that beauty is skin-deep and she wants Prince Pinthong to love her for who she is and not what she looks like. The ideal woman with a modern mind Kanthathewee, or Rojana in other versions of Sang Thong, is an intriguing combination of an “ideal” woman in traditional Thai literature and her independent- minded modern counterpart. She was the most beautiful of her six sisters, with looks rivalling that of celestial ladies. She is portrayed as a dutiful daughter who complies with her parents’ wishes to choose a husband, and later on as a loyal and faithful wife. In fact when she realised that her husband might be killed if he could not get the animals for her father, she lamented: Oh, what shall befall you, my beloved husband? Should they take your life, I would follow you, And let them take mine too. No longer do I want to live, and face the world. Never shall I let another man touch me, And be my husband. (National Identity Board 1992:159) 14
  • 17. Despite her submission and obedience to her parents – qualities found in “good” women –Kanthathewee was also a strong and resolute individual. This is evident from how she stuck to her decision to marry Sangthong although that meant incurring her parents’ wrath and being exiled to live a simple life. Implications for Thai women today Thai folktales do give a glimpse into the life and status of women in the bygone days although it is believed that what women in literature had to suffer was but a pale reflection of the onus they had to bear in real life (National Identity Board 1992:53). Yet Thai folktales also have important implications for today’s women because literature is one of the most effective mans of communicating standards, values and ideologies. And what people read or listen to as a child would shape their values of what it means to be a “good” or “bad” woman as well as their perspectives on how to relate and behave towards men. Sexist indoctrination begins with picture books designed for pre-school children, before they can read and write. Deeply concerned by the serious problem of the influence exerted by children’s books and textbooks on the development of sexist attitudes and behaviour in young people, Unesco embarked on a series of national studies on the portrayal of men and of women in textbooks and children’s literature in 1981. And the prevalence of sexist stereotypes has been confirmed by all the studies carried out under this project, in countries throughout the world (Michel 1986:20). Sociologist Andrée Michel argues that sexist stereotypes, themselves a product of the inequality between the sexes, in turn become the source of further discrimination between the sexes. The younger the child, the less well equipped he or she is to resist the powerful stereotypes 15
  • 18. that incline him or her to see the opposite sex as having conventional attributes, qualities or failings. Thus, young children are led to attribute mythical qualities to boys and to look down on girls (1986:23). In Thai folktales, the portrayal of the female sex is confined to specific qualities and roles, for example motherhood. So little girls are socialised into the idea that when they grow up, the most obvious route for them is to marry and have children. Not that this is in itself a bad thing, but girls then get used to the thought that other social (professional and political) roles are closed to them. Yet we have to remember that folklore is not the only tool of socialisation for a child. There are other socialising agents, such as school, parents, and TV. Attitude to beauty The appreciation of grace and elegance, and the evaluation of beauty are deeply entrenched in Thai culture. The Thai tends to be aware of physical bearing, beauty, and ugliness, as well as the use of the body as a communicative device (Phillips 1965:45). As has been shown earlier, there are certain defined standards of beauty, most of which are laid out in the Traiphummikatha. And these standards of beauty are inscribed in the mind of a woman as she grows up. If she falls short of these ideals, it might affect her self-esteem and she might take steps to rectify her looks, such as going for cosmetic surgery. Although Hollywood movies and imported Western TV shows have been blamed for fostering a “foreign” ideal of beauty, such as fair-skinned blondes, in Thailand, it is interesting to note that the ideal of fair skin is found in the ancient Traiphummikatha, which describes the women of Utarakuru: 16
  • 19. “Their cheeks are creamy-white and are as smooth as if they were carefully powdered.” It is commonly thought that beauty is amoral but this is not the case in Thailand where beauty is linked to morality through canonical and popular Buddhism and court literature. Beauty is described in the Buddhist canon as one of the five powers of women and reflect the effects of merit collected from past lives (Van Esterik 2000:155). Given the importance of beauty to a Thai woman because of its religious link, it follows then that the construction of a woman’s appearance is just as important. Sunthorn Phu offers more advice in his Suphasit Son Ying: Ensure your attire befits your person That it may complement your looks. When powdering your face and your body, Consider complexion and be not extreme. Whoever sees you must surely approve – Say you are clever and arrayed like a swan. For though you by young and beautiful, Ignorance of grooming is beauty wasted. (Van Esterik 2000:157) The augmenting of a woman’s natural beauty was even alluded to in a political debate on why “Thai” should be spelt with an “h”. A reason given was that “Thai with an H is like a sophisticated girl with her hair set, her lips touched with lipstick and her brow arched with eyebrow pencil while Tai without the H is like a girl who is naturally attractive but without any added beautification” (Thamsook, 1977). 17
  • 20. Hence, the importance of dressing up is evident from the endless stalls of make-up and jewellery in shopping malls or along the streets. Particularly in the streets of Bangkok, one would be hard-pressed to see a woman who is not neatly dressed and attractively made-up. Other than facial beauty, it is also vital that the Thai woman smells nice. Afterall, in Thai folktales, the ideal woman emanates fragrance. Anthropologist Penny van Esterik argues that “the smell of bodies is important to self-identity, both the absence of offensive smells and the application of soothing and healing perfumes.” (2000:210) Apparently, those working in Bangkok massage parlours devote eight per cent of their expenditures to purchasing cosmetics, including perfumes (Wathinee and Guest 1994:77, 292). Modes of proper conduct In Thai folktales, the “good” women are generally gentle, submissive and dutiful wives. They work hard for their husbands, put up with their philandering ways and sometimes even sacrificing their lives for them as in the story of Phra Law. Sunthorn Phu wrote a poem, which all female students had to memorise, to teach the women the ways in which they should serve their husbands: 1. Do not go outside the house after sunset. 2. Light up the house. 3. Clean the bed and the pillow, do not let any dust remain on the bed. 18
  • 21. 4. Before going to bed, women must salute their husbands by putting both hands together to the forehead and bending forward with the hands until they rest upon the floor (The traditional wai) 5. If the husband is tired or stiff, the woman is to massage him with her hands. 6. Wake up before the husband. 7. Prepare water for washing his face 8. Prepare food and water in clean containers 9. Sit by his side when he is eating, for it would be convenient if he needed something 10. After he finished his meal, the woman may eat the leftovers. (Phasuk 1979:23) Although the “modern” middle class Thai woman now pays scant attention to these verses, it has already inculcated in them a sense of what is “good” and what is “bad”. Even if she does not adhere to all 10 points, she knows that this is considered the “ideal”. In fact, I was quite surprised by the response of one of my Thai female friends whom I thought would dismiss the entire poem. She is single, teaches English for a living, 25 years old and is thoroughly modern in all sense of the word. She said: “Of course I won’t eat his leftovers or do the traditional wai but I’d want to do everything else, such as waking up before my husband and preparing meals for him.” Social scientist Geert Hofstede’s study on national cultures may shed some light on this. His findings are based on five independent dimensions – power distance index, individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance index and long-term orientation. According to Hofstede’s ranking, Thailand is high on the uncertainty 19
  • 22. avoidance index which indicates the society’s low level of tolerance for uncertainty. In an effort to minimise or reduce this level of uncertainty, strict rules, laws, policies and regulations are adopted and implemented. Thailand also has the lowest masculinity ranking among Asian countries, indicating that the society is less assertive and competitive. This situation also reinforces more traditional male and female roles within the population. Hofstede’s findings perhaps then implies why Thai women are not averse to the rules of behaviour that they have grown up with, rules that govern how they eat, walk and relate to men. It seems too that women in Thailand are more likely to take on the roles of wife and mother as depicted in the Thai folktales. Besides, the pictures that accompany the folktales usually portray good wives in the process of making intricate handicrafts, such as weaving or basket-making. And interestingly, in modern days, certain rehabilitation programmes for rescued female sex workers, such as that piloted by Khunying Kanittha Wichiancharoen in Don Muang, have concentrated on teaching women new skills such as weaving and basket- making. In terms of Thai cultural tradition, this can be read as an attempt to convert the “bad” woman into the “good” (Harrison 2001:156). Apart from portraying women in the roles of mother and wives, Thai folktales do seem to prescribe how women should relate to men. As mentioned earlier, the men were expected to be the originators or initiators or action while “good” women just respond accordingly. So it seems that while good women abide by the prescribed code of behaviour – that of allowing the husband to take the lead, to allow themselves to be treated like their husband’s appendage – the bad women are not afraid to break the conventional codes to get what they want. Conversely, the interesting question to ask is: if a woman 20
  • 23. is a go-getter and uses all means, even unsavoury ones, to achieve her ends, does that then make her a “bad” woman? Conclusion It is difficult to ascertain the extent to which Thai folktales influence women’s perception of beauty, “goodness” and gender relations. This paper draws parallels between what is depicted in the stories and society’s expectations of women. Literature acts as a mirror to society, yet propagates its stereotypes at the same time. In Thailand, there has been a long-standing cultural division of women into “good” and “bad” – the Virgin and the Whore. Local media depicts the “modern” Thai woman as youthful, outgoing, gregarious, fun-loving and often rather “girlishly” cute, yet avoids any suggestion of her sexual agency or availability. Underlying this construction of “modern” Thai womanhood is a much older tradition of the feminine, with its emphasis on grace, beauty, neatness and good manners – an image built up partly by Thai folktales. 21
  • 24. REFERENCES Cheuacheun Siiyaaphai and Non Noraakorn (eds) (1971) Sunthorn Phu sorn ying. Sawadiraksa lae saalaakawii (Sunthorn Phu Teaches Women. Sawadiraksa and Salakawi). Bangkok: Samnak phim Khlang witthayaa. Harrison, Rachel (2001) “Prostitution, Politics and Power: Issues of the ‘foreign’ in Western television documentaries of female sex workers in Thailand” in: Shoma Munshi (ed.) Images of the ‘Modern Woman’ in Asia: Global media, local meanings. Surrey: Curzon Press. Hofstede, Geert Geert Hofstede Cultural Dimensions <http://www.geert- hofstede.com/hofstede_thailand.shtml> (16 February 2005) Lorber, Judith (2000) ‘The social construction of gender’ in: Estelle Disch (ed.) Reconstructing Gender: A multicultural anthology. California: Mayfield Publishing Company. Michel, Andrée (1986) Down with Stereotypes! Eliminating sexism from children’s literature and school textbooks. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Phasuk Aneckvanich (1979) Status of Women in Thailand. Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The American University for Master of Arts Sociology. Phillips, Herbert (1987) Modern Thai Literature. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Prakaaitham (1996) Khom waathii kawii ek khorng lok. Sunthorn Phu – nak kawii omata mahaa nirandornkaan (Sharp words from one of the most renowned poets in the world. Sunthorn Phu – the eternal poet). Bangkok: Thammasaphaa. Reinharz, Shulamit (1992) Feminist Methods in Social Research. New York: Oxford University Press. Sukanya Hantrakul (1988) ‘Prostitution in Thailand’ in: Glen Chandler, Norma Sullivan and Jan Branson (eds) Development and Displacement in Southeast Asia. Monash University: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies. Suwadee T. Patana (1999) ‘Gender relations in the traditional Thai lower class family’. Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Thai Studies in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 4-8 July. Thamsook Numnonda (1977) ‘When Thailand followed the Leader’ in: A Collection of Articles by Thai Scholars. Bangkok: The Social Science Association of Thailand. 22
  • 25. Thanapol Chadchaidee (2004) Fascinating Folktales of Thailand. Bangkok: D.K. Today The Committee for the Dissemination of Outstanding Thai Literary Works (1992) Women in Thai Literature. Bangkok: The National Identity Board Van Esterik, Penny (2000) Materializing Thailand. New York: Berg Wathinee Boonchalaksi and Guest, Philip (1994) Prostitution in Thailand. Salaya, Nakorn Pathom: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University. 23