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Gender Equality Levers
at the State-Market Nexus:
Bringing Organizations Back In
Prof Lynn Prince Cooke
15 September 2016
EU Social Investment Strategy
Inspired by the Nordic model
…‘Social investment involves strengthening
people’s current and future capacities. …. notably in
terms of employment prospects or labour incomes…. to
'prepare' people to confront life's risks, rather than
simply 'repairing' the consequences’ (European
Commission, 2013)
 Employment-focused (growth, knowledge economy)
 Child-focused (human capital, reduced poverty)
Gendered issues
Figure 1 (Gendered) investment distribution over the life
course and generations (Kvist 2014)
EU objectives 2016-2019
Activation goal = 75% women and men
Is it realistic?
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014
Countries that started with low flfp
Spain
Italy
Ireland
Greece
Countries with 1990 flp 40-49%
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014
Belgium
Luxembourg
Netherlands
Hungary
Countries starting 50-59%
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014
France
Poland
Germany
Slovak Republic
Latvia
Portugal
Slovenia
Austria
60-69%...
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014
Czech Republic
United Kingdom
Switzerland
Norway
70% + in 1990…
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014
Denmark
Estonia
Finland
Sweden
The Nordic gender wage gap x time
0
5
10
15
20
25
2000 2005 2010 2014
%genderwagegap
Denmark
Finland
Sweden
Norway
Linear (Denmark)
Er go, social investment approach does
not result in gender economic equality
The Missing Link
• Stratification researchers have long-acknowledged that
individual socio-economic attainment is embedded in
structures:
• Family
• Organizations
• Nation-states
• Initial growth in individual-level microdata privileged
analyses of human capital
• Subsequent growth in comparative data highlighted how
individual-level effects vary across nation-states
• These differences were used to defend social investment
approach (i.e., Esping-Andersen et al. 2002)
The Missing Link: Organizations
• Structuralists reject the economic supposition that labor
markets efficiently allocate wages according to skill and
market demand as assumed by the human capital
model
• Instead, organizations are the site of employment
relations, wage-setting, as well as compliance with any
national equality directives
• wage inequalities result from local social relations
that allocate rewards within establishments (Avent-
Holt and Tomaskovic-Devey 2014; Baron and Pfeffer
1994; Tilly 1998)
Gender Inequality Regimes
• Organizations’ gender inequality regimes reflect the
surrounding society’s politics and culture (Acker 2006)
• Yet Lazear and Shaw’s (2008) comparative study analysing linked
employee-employer data revealed significant and similar variation in
wage inequalities across firms within divergent socio-political
contexts
• Gender economic inequalities do not derive from women in
the same job being paid less, but the sorting of women and
men into different occupations (glass ceilings) and
establishments (glass doors) (Javdani 2015; Petersen et al.
2011, 2014; Petersen & Morgan 1995)
• May reflect individual ‘choice’ given family constraints, but
evidence that employers discriminate (Correll et al. 2007)
EU 2016-2019 strategy v.
organizational sorting
Two (of five) Priorities
 equal pay for work of equal value
 equal economic independence for women and
men
EU 2016-2019 strategy v.
organizational sorting
Two (of five) Priorities
 equal pay for work of equal value
• Strategy for reducing pay gaps includes the only nod to
sorting with an objective of reducing gender
inequalities in sectors and occupations
• The specific action plans, however, focus on increasing
today’s and future women’s human capital to compete
in male-dominated sectors (European Commission
2016: 25)
• Doing so will only frustrate women if they cannot obtain
the jobs/rewards using these
EU 2016-2019 strategy v.
organizational sorting
Two (of five) Priorities
 equal economic independence for women and
men
• Action plans relating to employment focus on more
policy supports for parental employment
• Mandel and Semyonov (2006) found that such policies
increased high-skilled women’s exclusion from lucrative
private sector occupations as compared with women in
countries with less or no policy support
De-gendering unpaid work?
• A further action plan is to encourage men to assume
more unpaid work to reduce the gendered dimension of
assumed family responsibilities
• Organizational ‘ideal worker’ models reward employees
with no familial responsibilities (Acker 1990)
• Research on the “flexibility stigma” finds that employers
penalize men, particularly professional men, who take
advantage of such policies (Williams, Blair-Loy, and
Berdahl 2013)
• Might account for the ‘stall’ in men’s domestic work
across countries…
Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
200
Minutesperday
1970s
Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
200
Minutesperday
1970s
1980s
Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
200
Minutesperday
1970s
1980s
1990s
Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
200
Minutesperday
1970s
1980s
1990s
2000s
Conclusions & Next Steps
 Social investment strategies do not promote gender
equality because they focus too much on individual human
capital and not enough on the organizational context that
determines its rewards
 Positive discrimination/quota policies directly address
sorting, and are acceptable under 2006/54/EC
 Yet many countries reject positive discrimination as a
violation of men’s right to equal treatment (Cooke 2011)
 Growing availability of linked employee-employer panel
data offers an opportunity to understand the organizational
factors that magnify or minimize gender and other group
inequalities

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Gender Levers at the State-Market Nexus: Bringing Organizations Back In

  • 1. Gender Equality Levers at the State-Market Nexus: Bringing Organizations Back In Prof Lynn Prince Cooke 15 September 2016
  • 2. EU Social Investment Strategy Inspired by the Nordic model …‘Social investment involves strengthening people’s current and future capacities. …. notably in terms of employment prospects or labour incomes…. to 'prepare' people to confront life's risks, rather than simply 'repairing' the consequences’ (European Commission, 2013)  Employment-focused (growth, knowledge economy)  Child-focused (human capital, reduced poverty)
  • 3. Gendered issues Figure 1 (Gendered) investment distribution over the life course and generations (Kvist 2014)
  • 4. EU objectives 2016-2019 Activation goal = 75% women and men
  • 5. Is it realistic? 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014 Countries that started with low flfp Spain Italy Ireland Greece
  • 6. Countries with 1990 flp 40-49% 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014 Belgium Luxembourg Netherlands Hungary
  • 7. Countries starting 50-59% 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014 France Poland Germany Slovak Republic Latvia Portugal Slovenia Austria
  • 8. 60-69%... 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014 Czech Republic United Kingdom Switzerland Norway
  • 9. 70% + in 1990… 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014 Denmark Estonia Finland Sweden
  • 10. The Nordic gender wage gap x time 0 5 10 15 20 25 2000 2005 2010 2014 %genderwagegap Denmark Finland Sweden Norway Linear (Denmark) Er go, social investment approach does not result in gender economic equality
  • 11. The Missing Link • Stratification researchers have long-acknowledged that individual socio-economic attainment is embedded in structures: • Family • Organizations • Nation-states • Initial growth in individual-level microdata privileged analyses of human capital • Subsequent growth in comparative data highlighted how individual-level effects vary across nation-states • These differences were used to defend social investment approach (i.e., Esping-Andersen et al. 2002)
  • 12. The Missing Link: Organizations • Structuralists reject the economic supposition that labor markets efficiently allocate wages according to skill and market demand as assumed by the human capital model • Instead, organizations are the site of employment relations, wage-setting, as well as compliance with any national equality directives • wage inequalities result from local social relations that allocate rewards within establishments (Avent- Holt and Tomaskovic-Devey 2014; Baron and Pfeffer 1994; Tilly 1998)
  • 13. Gender Inequality Regimes • Organizations’ gender inequality regimes reflect the surrounding society’s politics and culture (Acker 2006) • Yet Lazear and Shaw’s (2008) comparative study analysing linked employee-employer data revealed significant and similar variation in wage inequalities across firms within divergent socio-political contexts • Gender economic inequalities do not derive from women in the same job being paid less, but the sorting of women and men into different occupations (glass ceilings) and establishments (glass doors) (Javdani 2015; Petersen et al. 2011, 2014; Petersen & Morgan 1995) • May reflect individual ‘choice’ given family constraints, but evidence that employers discriminate (Correll et al. 2007)
  • 14. EU 2016-2019 strategy v. organizational sorting Two (of five) Priorities  equal pay for work of equal value  equal economic independence for women and men
  • 15. EU 2016-2019 strategy v. organizational sorting Two (of five) Priorities  equal pay for work of equal value • Strategy for reducing pay gaps includes the only nod to sorting with an objective of reducing gender inequalities in sectors and occupations • The specific action plans, however, focus on increasing today’s and future women’s human capital to compete in male-dominated sectors (European Commission 2016: 25) • Doing so will only frustrate women if they cannot obtain the jobs/rewards using these
  • 16. EU 2016-2019 strategy v. organizational sorting Two (of five) Priorities  equal economic independence for women and men • Action plans relating to employment focus on more policy supports for parental employment • Mandel and Semyonov (2006) found that such policies increased high-skilled women’s exclusion from lucrative private sector occupations as compared with women in countries with less or no policy support
  • 17. De-gendering unpaid work? • A further action plan is to encourage men to assume more unpaid work to reduce the gendered dimension of assumed family responsibilities • Organizational ‘ideal worker’ models reward employees with no familial responsibilities (Acker 1990) • Research on the “flexibility stigma” finds that employers penalize men, particularly professional men, who take advantage of such policies (Williams, Blair-Loy, and Berdahl 2013) • Might account for the ‘stall’ in men’s domestic work across countries…
  • 18. Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011) 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 Minutesperday 1970s
  • 19. Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011) 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 Minutesperday 1970s 1980s
  • 20. Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011) 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 Minutesperday 1970s 1980s 1990s
  • 21. Men’s unpaid work x time (Kan et al. 2011) 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 Minutesperday 1970s 1980s 1990s 2000s
  • 22. Conclusions & Next Steps  Social investment strategies do not promote gender equality because they focus too much on individual human capital and not enough on the organizational context that determines its rewards  Positive discrimination/quota policies directly address sorting, and are acceptable under 2006/54/EC  Yet many countries reject positive discrimination as a violation of men’s right to equal treatment (Cooke 2011)  Growing availability of linked employee-employer panel data offers an opportunity to understand the organizational factors that magnify or minimize gender and other group inequalities