7. What is a state?
”…a compulsory political organization with
continuous operations will be called a ”state”
insofar as its administrative staff successfully
upholds the claim to the monopoly of the
legitimate use of physical force in the
enforcement of its order.”
(Weber 1925)
21. Is the state an ”environmental
problem”?
✤ Is the state and the state system causing, or unable to
handle, unsustainable environmental change?
22. Is the state an ”environmental
problem”?
✤ Is the state and the state system causing, or unable to
handle, unsustainable environmental change?
➡ Well, that depends on how you theorize the state, its functions,
relations to other social entities and the nature of the social world
in general
23. Is the state an ”environmental
problem”?
✤ Is the state and the state system causing, or unable to
handle, unsustainable environmental change?
➡ Well, that depends on how you theorize the state, its functions,
relations to other social entities and the nature of the social world
in general
✤ Eckersley departs from three different contemporary
debates about the state...
26. The anarchic state system
✤ No authority above and beyond the state
✤ The realist theory of international relations:
27. The anarchic state system
✤ No authority above and beyond the state
✤ The realist theory of international relations:
➡ States are selfish and rivalrous (Hobbesianism)
28. The anarchic state system
✤ No authority above and beyond the state
✤ The realist theory of international relations:
➡ States are selfish and rivalrous (Hobbesianism)
➡ Power and material assets are zero-sum games
29. The anarchic state system
✤ No authority above and beyond the state
✤ The realist theory of international relations:
➡ States are selfish and rivalrous (Hobbesianism)
➡ Power and material assets are zero-sum games
➡ In order to maintain domestic security in a hostile world, states
prioritize relative strength and economic development
38. The anarchic state system
✤ Neoliberal institutionalism
➡ International cooperation represents bargains providing better
payoffs than selfish unilateralism (Lockeanism)
39. The anarchic state system
✤ Neoliberal institutionalism
➡ International cooperation represents bargains providing better
payoffs than selfish unilateralism (Lockeanism)
➡ International regimes and institutions
40. The anarchic state system
✤ Neoliberal institutionalism
➡ International cooperation represents bargains providing better
payoffs than selfish unilateralism (Lockeanism)
➡ International regimes and institutions
➡ A partial solution to the realist dilemma
41. The anarchic state system
✤ Neoliberal institutionalism
➡ International cooperation represents bargains providing better
payoffs than selfish unilateralism (Lockeanism)
➡ International regimes and institutions
➡ A partial solution to the realist dilemma
➡ If and when environmental considerations become interesting for
the material interests of the a state, environmental regimes might
arise - ”Green state light”
43. The anarchic state system as a
driver of environmental change
✤ Territorially defined and mutually exclusionary systems
of rule cannot manage:
44. The anarchic state system as a
driver of environmental change
✤ Territorially defined and mutually exclusionary systems
of rule cannot manage:
➡ Territories falling outside territorial jurisdiction
45. The anarchic state system as a
driver of environmental change
✤ Territorially defined and mutually exclusionary systems
of rule cannot manage:
➡ Territories falling outside territorial jurisdiction
➡ problems of common concern that are irreducibly transterritorial in
nature
46. The anarchic state system as a
driver of environmental change
✤ Territorially defined and mutually exclusionary systems
of rule cannot manage:
➡ Territories falling outside territorial jurisdiction
➡ problems of common concern that are irreducibly transterritorial in
nature
✤ And with the philosophical anthropological postulates
underpinning realism and neoliberalism, these cannot
provide a solution to this dilemma
49. Global capitalism
✤ The paradoxical nature of the state-capitalist system:
➡ Mutual functional interdependence
50. Global capitalism
✤ The paradoxical nature of the state-capitalist system:
➡ Mutual functional interdependence
✤ The state should simultaneously:
51. Global capitalism
✤ The paradoxical nature of the state-capitalist system:
➡ Mutual functional interdependence
✤ The state should simultaneously:
➡ Protect/enable welfare, social justice, equality, environmental
regulation
52. Global capitalism
✤ The paradoxical nature of the state-capitalist system:
➡ Mutual functional interdependence
✤ The state should simultaneously:
➡ Protect/enable welfare, social justice, equality, environmental
regulation
➡ Protect/enable growth (capital accumulation)
53. Global capitalism
✤ The paradoxical nature of the state-capitalist system:
➡ Mutual functional interdependence
✤ The state should simultaneously:
➡ Protect/enable welfare, social justice, equality, environmental
regulation
➡ Protect/enable growth (capital accumulation)
Legitimation crisis!?
55. Liberal democracy
✤ The supposed value neutrality of the liberal democratic
state and the individualist discourse associated with it, is
incompatible with ”green” morality, which is also
necessarily collectivist in nature
56. Liberal democracy
✤ The supposed value neutrality of the liberal democratic
state and the individualist discourse associated with it, is
incompatible with ”green” morality, which is also
necessarily collectivist in nature
✤ Liberal democracy is not reflexive enough since it
presupposes fixed preferences, which de facto are a-
political
58. Conceptual solution
✤ These are all historical contingencies and thus, they are
susceptible to change
59. Conceptual solution
✤ These are all historical contingencies and thus, they are
susceptible to change
✤ A constructivist panacea?
60. Conceptual solution
✤ These are all historical contingencies and thus, they are
susceptible to change
✤ A constructivist panacea?
➡ This is only a conceptual solution, not a theoretical and definitely
not an operative one.
62. Immanent critique as critical
political ecology
✤ Immanent critique: The practice of critically reflecting on
and harnessing those moral resources within existing
social arrangements that might enable new forms of
community with higher states of freedom
63. Immanent critique as critical
political ecology
✤ Immanent critique: The practice of critically reflecting on
and harnessing those moral resources within existing
social arrangements that might enable new forms of
community with higher states of freedom
✤ Critical constructivism: Social relations, perceptions and
systems of knowledge are constructed in social and
cultural practice
65. Critical theory and pragmatism
✤ Tries to come up with something new based on what we
got through a process of immanent critique
66. Critical theory and pragmatism
✤ Tries to come up with something new based on what we
got through a process of immanent critique
✤ The world doesn’t change overnight. Given the urgency of
some environmental problems, it’s probably wise to try to
fundamentally reform what we have rather than trying to
come up with something entirely new
67. Critical theory and pragmatism
✤ Tries to come up with something new based on what we
got through a process of immanent critique
✤ The world doesn’t change overnight. Given the urgency of
some environmental problems, it’s probably wise to try to
fundamentally reform what we have rather than trying to
come up with something entirely new
✤ Not every aspect of what we have is necessarily
”unsustainable”
69. Ecological democracy
✤ All those potentially affected by a risk should have some
meaningful opportunity to participate or otherwise be
represented in the making of the policies or decisions that
generate that risk
70. Ecological democracy
✤ All those potentially affected by a risk should have some
meaningful opportunity to participate or otherwise be
represented in the making of the policies or decisions that
generate that risk
✤ Not everybody affected need to participate, but
everybody participating should act as if everybody
participates
73. Ecological democracy
✤ Representation of others: Other groups, other species,
other generations
74. Ecological democracy
✤ Representation of others: Other groups, other species,
other generations
✤ A need to reconceptualize demos: A demos fluid in time
and space, not restricted to humans
75. Ecological democracy
✤ Representation of others: Other groups, other species,
other generations
✤ A need to reconceptualize demos: A demos fluid in time
and space, not restricted to humans
✤ Deliberative democracy
76. Ecological democracy
✤ Representation of others: Other groups, other species,
other generations
✤ A need to reconceptualize demos: A demos fluid in time
and space, not restricted to humans
✤ Deliberative democracy
➡ Unconstrained dialogue (the better argument wins)
78. Representing excluded others
✤ Communicative capacity is arbitrary from a moral point
of view and thus not appropriate as a basis for inclusion
79. Representing excluded others
✤ Communicative capacity is arbitrary from a moral point
of view and thus not appropriate as a basis for inclusion
✤ By settling on an intersubjective agreement on how to
understand nature, we can act as we have objective
knowledge about it and include it in political deliberation
83. Representing excluded others
✤ Impose institutional structures that enables deliberative
democracy
➡ Make political representation as diverse as possible
84. Representing excluded others
✤ Impose institutional structures that enables deliberative
democracy
➡ Make political representation as diverse as possible
➡ Representatives should be obliged to consider others
85. Representing excluded others
✤ Impose institutional structures that enables deliberative
democracy
➡ Make political representation as diverse as possible
➡ Representatives should be obliged to consider others
➡ Environmental justice demands rights and decision rules that
positively favor the disadvantaged
87. The precautionary principle
”Where there are threats of serious or irreversible
damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be
used as a reason for postponing cost-effective
measures to precent environmental degradation”
(Rio Declaration)
88. The precautionary principle
”Where there are threats of serious or irreversible
damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be
used as a reason for postponing cost-effective
measures to precent environmental degradation”
(Rio Declaration)
Entrench the precautionary principle constitutionally
89. The precautionary principle
”Where there are threats of serious or irreversible
damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be
used as a reason for postponing cost-effective
measures to precent environmental degradation”
(Rio Declaration)
Entrench the precautionary principle constitutionally
The green democratic state is a post-liberal state
91. Reflexive ecological modernization
✤ A radicalization of modernity through a deepening of the
modern notion of reflexivity and bracketing of traditions
92. Reflexive ecological modernization
✤ A radicalization of modernity through a deepening of the
modern notion of reflexivity and bracketing of traditions
✤ Questions the foundations of modernity itself
93. Reflexive ecological modernization
✤ A radicalization of modernity through a deepening of the
modern notion of reflexivity and bracketing of traditions
✤ Questions the foundations of modernity itself
✤ Opens up for the possibility of structural change
96. Modernization beyond capitalism?
✤ Continued dependence on the wealth produced by
private capital accumulation
✤ But securing private capital accumulation would no
longer be a defining feature of the state
97. Modernization beyond capitalism?
✤ Continued dependence on the wealth produced by
private capital accumulation
✤ But securing private capital accumulation would no
longer be a defining feature of the state
✤ Market activities would be ”disciplined” and sometimes
even curtailed by social and ecological norms
99. The green public sphere
✤ The public sphere is crucial for statist democracy
(Habermas)
100. The green public sphere
✤ The public sphere is crucial for statist democracy
(Habermas)
✤ A greening of the public sphere would mean its further
democratization
101. The green public sphere
✤ The public sphere is crucial for statist democracy
(Habermas)
✤ A greening of the public sphere would mean its further
democratization
✤ Discursive formulations of the common good,
conditioned by the precautionary principle and aiming for
ecological stewardship facilitated by a notion of ecological
citizenship.
104. Ecological citizenship
✤ The state should foster ecological citizenship
✤ Democratic decision-making presupposes a sense of
belonging, but imaginary communities need not be
confined to nations
105. Ecological citizenship
✤ The state should foster ecological citizenship
✤ Democratic decision-making presupposes a sense of
belonging, but imaginary communities need not be
confined to nations
✤ One individual belongs to several communities at the
same time
106. Ecological citizenship
✤ The state should foster ecological citizenship
✤ Democratic decision-making presupposes a sense of
belonging, but imaginary communities need not be
confined to nations
✤ One individual belongs to several communities at the
same time
✤ The state can facilitate ecological citizenship by being
more outward-looking and transnational
109. Environmental stewardship
✤ Environmental multilateralism
✤ Property rights and capital accumulation come second to
long-term environmental concerns
110. Environmental stewardship
✤ Environmental multilateralism
✤ Property rights and capital accumulation come second to
long-term environmental concerns
✤ Constitutional entrenchment of the precautionary
principle
111. Environmental stewardship
✤ Environmental multilateralism
✤ Property rights and capital accumulation come second to
long-term environmental concerns
✤ Constitutional entrenchment of the precautionary
principle
✤ Widen the moral community to non-human entities
112. Environmental stewardship
✤ Environmental multilateralism
✤ Property rights and capital accumulation come second to
long-term environmental concerns
✤ Constitutional entrenchment of the precautionary
principle
✤ Widen the moral community to non-human entities
✤ An explicitly non-value neutral state
114. The magnitude of suggested
changes...
✤ The state as territory: Create regulatory systems than
effectively render fixed territorial boundaries
insignificant.
115. The magnitude of suggested
changes...
✤ The state as territory: Create regulatory systems than
effectively render fixed territorial boundaries
insignificant.
✤ The state as institution: Profound constitutional revisions
in order to cater to environmental concerns
116. The magnitude of suggested
changes...
✤ The state as territory: Create regulatory systems than
effectively render fixed territorial boundaries
insignificant.
✤ The state as institution: Profound constitutional revisions
in order to cater to environmental concerns
✤ The state as nation: Multiple identities, ecological
citizenship
Editor's Notes
• Some practical matters before we start:\n- If anyone hasn’t handed in the assignment, please contact me for complementary assignment\n- The assignment for the final paper is ready, sorry for the delay\n
• The topic for today is Eckersley’s book. The focus will be on the discussions, my lecture is just to introduce the themes and provide a common ground. \n[gå igenom upplägget]. During the group discussion half of the group will stay here, the other half will go to room XXX\n• I have collected questions that you can discuss based on what you wrote in your PMs. I have also added a few other topics. \n
• In my lecture, I will begin with a few notes on what the state actually is.\n• Then, I will move on by reviewing Eckersley’s argument about why the state can be said to be an environmental problem. \nLastly, I will briefly review some of Eckersley’s normative arguments about what a green state ought to encompass. \n
• There is a famous definition of the state, originally associated with Max Weber, in which the state is defined as the only political body which legitimately can exercise physical force. \n• Today, this definition is not enough, partly because other actors can use force in a legitimate way, but mostly because the state is much more than just a source of violence of threat thereof. \nIn general, one can distinguish three different understandings, or dimensions of statehood. \n
• There is a famous definition of the state, originally associated with Max Weber, in which the state is defined as the only political body which legitimately can exercise physical force. \n• Today, this definition is not enough, partly because other actors can use force in a legitimate way, but mostly because the state is much more than just a source of violence of threat thereof. \nIn general, one can distinguish three different understandings, or dimensions of statehood. \n
• First of all, the state is a territory.\n1) There are always spatial dimensions of social order.\n2) And those dimensions are the foundations of sovereignty. Each state controls its boarders and has the legitimate right to decide who can enter those boarders.\n3) The state also has the right to those resources that falls inside the boarders. \n
• First of all, the state is a territory.\n1) There are always spatial dimensions of social order.\n2) And those dimensions are the foundations of sovereignty. Each state controls its boarders and has the legitimate right to decide who can enter those boarders.\n3) The state also has the right to those resources that falls inside the boarders. \n
• First of all, the state is a territory.\n1) There are always spatial dimensions of social order.\n2) And those dimensions are the foundations of sovereignty. Each state controls its boarders and has the legitimate right to decide who can enter those boarders.\n3) The state also has the right to those resources that falls inside the boarders. \n
• But the state is also, most importantly, a set of rules and regulation. Essentially, it’s constitutional in nature. 1)\n2) The everyday work, done by administrative and bureaucratic bodies, is directed by these legal-rational structures. \n
• But the state is also, most importantly, a set of rules and regulation. Essentially, it’s constitutional in nature. 1)\n2) The everyday work, done by administrative and bureaucratic bodies, is directed by these legal-rational structures. \n
• Lastly, the state is a nation. \n1) Each state is a demos, a people. \n2) Usually, this is referred to as that the state is an imagined community.\n3) A sense of identity and belonging, which is of great importance for, for example, moral beliefs \n4) This has also constitutional dimensions, since the understanding of modern democracy rests on the idea that a demos is autonomous. \n
• Lastly, the state is a nation. \n1) Each state is a demos, a people. \n2) Usually, this is referred to as that the state is an imagined community.\n3) A sense of identity and belonging, which is of great importance for, for example, moral beliefs \n4) This has also constitutional dimensions, since the understanding of modern democracy rests on the idea that a demos is autonomous. \n
• Lastly, the state is a nation. \n1) Each state is a demos, a people. \n2) Usually, this is referred to as that the state is an imagined community.\n3) A sense of identity and belonging, which is of great importance for, for example, moral beliefs \n4) This has also constitutional dimensions, since the understanding of modern democracy rests on the idea that a demos is autonomous. \n
• Lastly, the state is a nation. \n1) Each state is a demos, a people. \n2) Usually, this is referred to as that the state is an imagined community.\n3) A sense of identity and belonging, which is of great importance for, for example, moral beliefs \n4) This has also constitutional dimensions, since the understanding of modern democracy rests on the idea that a demos is autonomous. \n
• Given this background, and the understanding of the state as a complex phenomenon, can one argue that the state is ”an environmental problem”? 1)\n2) The answer to that question is dependent on further theorizing of the state. \n3) Eckersly structures her argument along three contemporary debates about the state. \n
• Given this background, and the understanding of the state as a complex phenomenon, can one argue that the state is ”an environmental problem”? 1)\n2) The answer to that question is dependent on further theorizing of the state. \n3) Eckersly structures her argument along three contemporary debates about the state. \n
• Given this background, and the understanding of the state as a complex phenomenon, can one argue that the state is ”an environmental problem”? 1)\n2) The answer to that question is dependent on further theorizing of the state. \n3) Eckersly structures her argument along three contemporary debates about the state. \n
• First of all, she turns to theories of international relations.\n1) The anarchic state system is a result of the lack of authority above the state.\n2) This is usually the departure for realist theories in international relations, who argue that\n3) States are selfish and rivalrous.\n4) An that power and assets are always zero-sum game - if one gains power, others loose. \n5) This means that states are in conflict with each other, trying to maximize their own gains at the dispense of others. \n
• First of all, she turns to theories of international relations.\n1) The anarchic state system is a result of the lack of authority above the state.\n2) This is usually the departure for realist theories in international relations, who argue that\n3) States are selfish and rivalrous.\n4) An that power and assets are always zero-sum game - if one gains power, others loose. \n5) This means that states are in conflict with each other, trying to maximize their own gains at the dispense of others. \n
• First of all, she turns to theories of international relations.\n1) The anarchic state system is a result of the lack of authority above the state.\n2) This is usually the departure for realist theories in international relations, who argue that\n3) States are selfish and rivalrous.\n4) An that power and assets are always zero-sum game - if one gains power, others loose. \n5) This means that states are in conflict with each other, trying to maximize their own gains at the dispense of others. \n
• First of all, she turns to theories of international relations.\n1) The anarchic state system is a result of the lack of authority above the state.\n2) This is usually the departure for realist theories in international relations, who argue that\n3) States are selfish and rivalrous.\n4) An that power and assets are always zero-sum game - if one gains power, others loose. \n5) This means that states are in conflict with each other, trying to maximize their own gains at the dispense of others. \n
• First of all, she turns to theories of international relations.\n1) The anarchic state system is a result of the lack of authority above the state.\n2) This is usually the departure for realist theories in international relations, who argue that\n3) States are selfish and rivalrous.\n4) An that power and assets are always zero-sum game - if one gains power, others loose. \n5) This means that states are in conflict with each other, trying to maximize their own gains at the dispense of others. \n
• First of all, she turns to theories of international relations.\n1) The anarchic state system is a result of the lack of authority above the state.\n2) This is usually the departure for realist theories in international relations, who argue that\n3) States are selfish and rivalrous.\n4) An that power and assets are always zero-sum game - if one gains power, others loose. \n5) This means that states are in conflict with each other, trying to maximize their own gains at the dispense of others. \n
• This state of affairs has tow results, if you are to believe the realists.\n1) First of all, we get the famous security dilemma, ”In order to maintain peace, prepare for war”\n2) Second, we get the equally famous tragedy of the commons. When everybody is maximizing their own short term gains, the environment will suffer in the long run. \n
• This state of affairs has tow results, if you are to believe the realists.\n1) First of all, we get the famous security dilemma, ”In order to maintain peace, prepare for war”\n2) Second, we get the equally famous tragedy of the commons. When everybody is maximizing their own short term gains, the environment will suffer in the long run. \n
• This state of affairs has tow results, if you are to believe the realists.\n1) First of all, we get the famous security dilemma, ”In order to maintain peace, prepare for war”\n2) Second, we get the equally famous tragedy of the commons. When everybody is maximizing their own short term gains, the environment will suffer in the long run. \n
• This state of affairs has tow results, if you are to believe the realists.\n1) First of all, we get the famous security dilemma, ”In order to maintain peace, prepare for war”\n2) Second, we get the equally famous tragedy of the commons. When everybody is maximizing their own short term gains, the environment will suffer in the long run. \n
• Neoliberal institutionalism has been introduced to correct for the cynical view on these matters held by realists. \n1) According to institutionalists, international cooperation can result in better payoffs than unilateralism.\n2) This theory can explain why so many international regimes and institutions have been created, which realists have a hard time explaining. \n3) However, this only represents a partial solution to the realist dilemma since\n4) the environment will only be a thought for concern if this becomes of interest in material terms. \n
• Neoliberal institutionalism has been introduced to correct for the cynical view on these matters held by realists. \n1) According to institutionalists, international cooperation can result in better payoffs than unilateralism.\n2) This theory can explain why so many international regimes and institutions have been created, which realists have a hard time explaining. \n3) However, this only represents a partial solution to the realist dilemma since\n4) the environment will only be a thought for concern if this becomes of interest in material terms. \n
• Neoliberal institutionalism has been introduced to correct for the cynical view on these matters held by realists. \n1) According to institutionalists, international cooperation can result in better payoffs than unilateralism.\n2) This theory can explain why so many international regimes and institutions have been created, which realists have a hard time explaining. \n3) However, this only represents a partial solution to the realist dilemma since\n4) the environment will only be a thought for concern if this becomes of interest in material terms. \n
• Neoliberal institutionalism has been introduced to correct for the cynical view on these matters held by realists. \n1) According to institutionalists, international cooperation can result in better payoffs than unilateralism.\n2) This theory can explain why so many international regimes and institutions have been created, which realists have a hard time explaining. \n3) However, this only represents a partial solution to the realist dilemma since\n4) the environment will only be a thought for concern if this becomes of interest in material terms. \n
• Neoliberal institutionalism has been introduced to correct for the cynical view on these matters held by realists. \n1) According to institutionalists, international cooperation can result in better payoffs than unilateralism.\n2) This theory can explain why so many international regimes and institutions have been created, which realists have a hard time explaining. \n3) However, this only represents a partial solution to the realist dilemma since\n4) the environment will only be a thought for concern if this becomes of interest in material terms. \n
1) In general, one can argue that the anarchic state system causes environmental change in that it cannot manage\n2) Territories that fall outside of sovereign power.\n3) or transterritorial problems. \n4) Given the ideas about human nature that these theories rest on, the theories cannot provide suggestions for how to solve this. \n
1) In general, one can argue that the anarchic state system causes environmental change in that it cannot manage\n2) Territories that fall outside of sovereign power.\n3) or transterritorial problems. \n4) Given the ideas about human nature that these theories rest on, the theories cannot provide suggestions for how to solve this. \n
1) In general, one can argue that the anarchic state system causes environmental change in that it cannot manage\n2) Territories that fall outside of sovereign power.\n3) or transterritorial problems. \n4) Given the ideas about human nature that these theories rest on, the theories cannot provide suggestions for how to solve this. \n
1) In general, one can argue that the anarchic state system causes environmental change in that it cannot manage\n2) Territories that fall outside of sovereign power.\n3) or transterritorial problems. \n4) Given the ideas about human nature that these theories rest on, the theories cannot provide suggestions for how to solve this. \n
• Eckersley’s third point of departure is the relation between the state and the market economy. \n1) According to Eckersley, and a number of critical theorists, there is a paradox in the relation between the state and the market. \n2) They depend on each other, but at the same time the state must cater for other things as well, not always in line with how the market functions. \n3)\n4) First of all, the state should protect and enable welfare and social justice\n5) But it also need to set up ways of the market to work. So it serves two masters, which might lead to what is known as a \n6) Legimitation crisis - a situation where the dual nature of the state is revealed.\n• How is this an environmental problem? Eckersley argues that unashamed market economy is necessarily unsustainable. \n
• Eckersley’s third point of departure is the relation between the state and the market economy. \n1) According to Eckersley, and a number of critical theorists, there is a paradox in the relation between the state and the market. \n2) They depend on each other, but at the same time the state must cater for other things as well, not always in line with how the market functions. \n3)\n4) First of all, the state should protect and enable welfare and social justice\n5) But it also need to set up ways of the market to work. So it serves two masters, which might lead to what is known as a \n6) Legimitation crisis - a situation where the dual nature of the state is revealed.\n• How is this an environmental problem? Eckersley argues that unashamed market economy is necessarily unsustainable. \n
• Eckersley’s third point of departure is the relation between the state and the market economy. \n1) According to Eckersley, and a number of critical theorists, there is a paradox in the relation between the state and the market. \n2) They depend on each other, but at the same time the state must cater for other things as well, not always in line with how the market functions. \n3)\n4) First of all, the state should protect and enable welfare and social justice\n5) But it also need to set up ways of the market to work. So it serves two masters, which might lead to what is known as a \n6) Legimitation crisis - a situation where the dual nature of the state is revealed.\n• How is this an environmental problem? Eckersley argues that unashamed market economy is necessarily unsustainable. \n
• Eckersley’s third point of departure is the relation between the state and the market economy. \n1) According to Eckersley, and a number of critical theorists, there is a paradox in the relation between the state and the market. \n2) They depend on each other, but at the same time the state must cater for other things as well, not always in line with how the market functions. \n3)\n4) First of all, the state should protect and enable welfare and social justice\n5) But it also need to set up ways of the market to work. So it serves two masters, which might lead to what is known as a \n6) Legimitation crisis - a situation where the dual nature of the state is revealed.\n• How is this an environmental problem? Eckersley argues that unashamed market economy is necessarily unsustainable. \n
• Eckersley’s third point of departure is the relation between the state and the market economy. \n1) According to Eckersley, and a number of critical theorists, there is a paradox in the relation between the state and the market. \n2) They depend on each other, but at the same time the state must cater for other things as well, not always in line with how the market functions. \n3)\n4) First of all, the state should protect and enable welfare and social justice\n5) But it also need to set up ways of the market to work. So it serves two masters, which might lead to what is known as a \n6) Legimitation crisis - a situation where the dual nature of the state is revealed.\n• How is this an environmental problem? Eckersley argues that unashamed market economy is necessarily unsustainable. \n
• Eckersley’s third point of departure is the relation between the state and the market economy. \n1) According to Eckersley, and a number of critical theorists, there is a paradox in the relation between the state and the market. \n2) They depend on each other, but at the same time the state must cater for other things as well, not always in line with how the market functions. \n3)\n4) First of all, the state should protect and enable welfare and social justice\n5) But it also need to set up ways of the market to work. So it serves two masters, which might lead to what is known as a \n6) Legimitation crisis - a situation where the dual nature of the state is revealed.\n• How is this an environmental problem? Eckersley argues that unashamed market economy is necessarily unsustainable. \n
• Lastly, Eckersley takes up the discussion on modern liberalism and argues that \n1) the supposed value neutrality of liberalism is incompatible with ecological concern. The state must concern itself with questions of outcome and what a green good life can look like. \n2) She also argues that the liberal state cannot provide opportunities for changing of preferences, since its decision making procedures presupposes fixed preferences. \n
• Lastly, Eckersley takes up the discussion on modern liberalism and argues that \n1) the supposed value neutrality of liberalism is incompatible with ecological concern. The state must concern itself with questions of outcome and what a green good life can look like. \n2) She also argues that the liberal state cannot provide opportunities for changing of preferences, since its decision making procedures presupposes fixed preferences. \n
• There is a wonderfully simple solution to all of this, namely that it’s all just social constructions. \n1) Nothing is essential in the social world, everything can change, so also the functioning of the state. \n2) However, is this really a solution? \n3) Does it really help us just to state that things can change? No, we need more profound arguments than that. \n
• There is a wonderfully simple solution to all of this, namely that it’s all just social constructions. \n1) Nothing is essential in the social world, everything can change, so also the functioning of the state. \n2) However, is this really a solution? \n3) Does it really help us just to state that things can change? No, we need more profound arguments than that. \n
• There is a wonderfully simple solution to all of this, namely that it’s all just social constructions. \n1) Nothing is essential in the social world, everything can change, so also the functioning of the state. \n2) However, is this really a solution? \n3) Does it really help us just to state that things can change? No, we need more profound arguments than that. \n
• Eckersley’s way of developing such normative theories, is that of critical theory and what is known as immanent critique. \n1) Immanent critique is about looking at the world to day in order to see how it can change. Mostly concerned with moral capabilities. \n2) She is also highly constructivist in her theorizing. In order to bring about change, we need to change social and cultural practice. \n
• Eckersley’s way of developing such normative theories, is that of critical theory and what is known as immanent critique. \n1) Immanent critique is about looking at the world to day in order to see how it can change. Mostly concerned with moral capabilities. \n2) She is also highly constructivist in her theorizing. In order to bring about change, we need to change social and cultural practice. \n
• However, interestingly enough Eckersley is highly pragmatist as well.\n1) First of all, she argues that we might as well try to depart from what we have, instead of utopian dreaming. \n2) And given the urgency of the issues as hand, a fundamental reform is probably better than staring from scratch. \n3) Lastly, she makes the point that not everything is unsustainable. \n
• However, interestingly enough Eckersley is highly pragmatist as well.\n1) First of all, she argues that we might as well try to depart from what we have, instead of utopian dreaming. \n2) And given the urgency of the issues as hand, a fundamental reform is probably better than staring from scratch. \n3) Lastly, she makes the point that not everything is unsustainable. \n
• However, interestingly enough Eckersley is highly pragmatist as well.\n1) First of all, she argues that we might as well try to depart from what we have, instead of utopian dreaming. \n2) And given the urgency of the issues as hand, a fundamental reform is probably better than staring from scratch. \n3) Lastly, she makes the point that not everything is unsustainable. \n
• Eckersley herself calls her normative theory Ecological democracy. \n1) It departs from a fundamental claim that [läs punkten]\n2) This doesn’t mean that everybody have to participate, but everybody should act as if everybody participates.\n
• Eckersley herself calls her normative theory Ecological democracy. \n1) It departs from a fundamental claim that [läs punkten]\n2) This doesn’t mean that everybody have to participate, but everybody should act as if everybody participates.\n
• Eckersley herself calls her normative theory Ecological democracy. \n1) It departs from a fundamental claim that [läs punkten]\n2) This doesn’t mean that everybody have to participate, but everybody should act as if everybody participates.\n
• This claim raises the question of how to represent others. This includes even other species. \n1) It also raises the question of the need to reconceptualize demos. We must have new ways of understanding who’s part of the imagined community that makes up the state. \n2) In general Eckersley argues that deliberative democracy can be the means for achieving such ends.\n3) Her vision of deliberative democracy is one in which dialogue is unconstrained, where the better argument wins. \n
• This claim raises the question of how to represent others. This includes even other species. \n1) It also raises the question of the need to reconceptualize demos. We must have new ways of understanding who’s part of the imagined community that makes up the state. \n2) In general Eckersley argues that deliberative democracy can be the means for achieving such ends.\n3) Her vision of deliberative democracy is one in which dialogue is unconstrained, where the better argument wins. \n
• This claim raises the question of how to represent others. This includes even other species. \n1) It also raises the question of the need to reconceptualize demos. We must have new ways of understanding who’s part of the imagined community that makes up the state. \n2) In general Eckersley argues that deliberative democracy can be the means for achieving such ends.\n3) Her vision of deliberative democracy is one in which dialogue is unconstrained, where the better argument wins. \n
• This claim raises the question of how to represent others. This includes even other species. \n1) It also raises the question of the need to reconceptualize demos. We must have new ways of understanding who’s part of the imagined community that makes up the state. \n2) In general Eckersley argues that deliberative democracy can be the means for achieving such ends.\n3) Her vision of deliberative democracy is one in which dialogue is unconstrained, where the better argument wins. \n
• In terms of representing excluded others, deliberative democracy has much to offer\n1) First of all, there is no reason why the lack of communicative capacity should restrict inclusion in the moral community. \n2) Through deliberation, we can settle on intersubjective understandings of nature and from such an understanding we can act as if we know the preferences of nature. \n
• In terms of representing excluded others, deliberative democracy has much to offer\n1) First of all, there is no reason why the lack of communicative capacity should restrict inclusion in the moral community. \n2) Through deliberation, we can settle on intersubjective understandings of nature and from such an understanding we can act as if we know the preferences of nature. \n
• In terms of representing excluded others, deliberative democracy has much to offer\n1) First of all, there is no reason why the lack of communicative capacity should restrict inclusion in the moral community. \n2) Through deliberation, we can settle on intersubjective understandings of nature and from such an understanding we can act as if we know the preferences of nature. \n
• Deliberative democracy can of course be politically imposed.\n1) Such imposition should strive for making political representation diverse.\n2) And representatives should be obliged to consider others. \n3) Lastly, one could impose institutional structures that favor the disadvantaged. \n
• Deliberative democracy can of course be politically imposed.\n1) Such imposition should strive for making political representation diverse.\n2) And representatives should be obliged to consider others. \n3) Lastly, one could impose institutional structures that favor the disadvantaged. \n
• Deliberative democracy can of course be politically imposed.\n1) Such imposition should strive for making political representation diverse.\n2) And representatives should be obliged to consider others. \n3) Lastly, one could impose institutional structures that favor the disadvantaged. \n
• Deliberative democracy can of course be politically imposed.\n1) Such imposition should strive for making political representation diverse.\n2) And representatives should be obliged to consider others. \n3) Lastly, one could impose institutional structures that favor the disadvantaged. \n
• While we’re at the subject of constitutional entrenchment, we might as well mention Eckersley’s ideas about the precautionary principle.\n1) The principle was originally formulated in the Rio Declaration, and it basically says that we should play it safe when it comes to the environment, and that we should not let scientific uncertainty stop environmental legislation. \n2) Eckersley develops an idea that this principle should be entrenched in the constitution of a state.\n3) This means that the state would promote certain values, and therefor be a post-liberal state. \n
• While we’re at the subject of constitutional entrenchment, we might as well mention Eckersley’s ideas about the precautionary principle.\n1) The principle was originally formulated in the Rio Declaration, and it basically says that we should play it safe when it comes to the environment, and that we should not let scientific uncertainty stop environmental legislation. \n2) Eckersley develops an idea that this principle should be entrenched in the constitution of a state.\n3) This means that the state would promote certain values, and therefor be a post-liberal state. \n
• While we’re at the subject of constitutional entrenchment, we might as well mention Eckersley’s ideas about the precautionary principle.\n1) The principle was originally formulated in the Rio Declaration, and it basically says that we should play it safe when it comes to the environment, and that we should not let scientific uncertainty stop environmental legislation. \n2) Eckersley develops an idea that this principle should be entrenched in the constitution of a state.\n3) This means that the state would promote certain values, and therefor be a post-liberal state. \n
• While we’re at the subject of constitutional entrenchment, we might as well mention Eckersley’s ideas about the precautionary principle.\n1) The principle was originally formulated in the Rio Declaration, and it basically says that we should play it safe when it comes to the environment, and that we should not let scientific uncertainty stop environmental legislation. \n2) Eckersley develops an idea that this principle should be entrenched in the constitution of a state.\n3) This means that the state would promote certain values, and therefor be a post-liberal state. \n
• Eckersley also suggest another way of going beyond the liberal state, by deepening its reflexive capacity. 1)\n• She calls this ”reflexive ecological modernization”, which is basically a radicalization of the reflexive character of modernity.\n2) This means that we should be able to question the foundations of modernity itself. \n3) Which also means that possibilities for structural change becomes visible. \n
• Eckersley also suggest another way of going beyond the liberal state, by deepening its reflexive capacity. 1)\n• She calls this ”reflexive ecological modernization”, which is basically a radicalization of the reflexive character of modernity.\n2) This means that we should be able to question the foundations of modernity itself. \n3) Which also means that possibilities for structural change becomes visible. \n
• Eckersley also suggest another way of going beyond the liberal state, by deepening its reflexive capacity. 1)\n• She calls this ”reflexive ecological modernization”, which is basically a radicalization of the reflexive character of modernity.\n2) This means that we should be able to question the foundations of modernity itself. \n3) Which also means that possibilities for structural change becomes visible. \n
• Since Eckersley argues that we must be able to question state functionality, this means that we can also question it’s relation to capitalism.\n1) According to Eckersley, market economy still would be necessary for ecological democracy.\n2) But capital accumulation would not be a defining feature of the state.\n3) Hence, there should be strict limits for the market. \n
• Since Eckersley argues that we must be able to question state functionality, this means that we can also question it’s relation to capitalism.\n1) According to Eckersley, market economy still would be necessary for ecological democracy.\n2) But capital accumulation would not be a defining feature of the state.\n3) Hence, there should be strict limits for the market. \n
• Since Eckersley argues that we must be able to question state functionality, this means that we can also question it’s relation to capitalism.\n1) According to Eckersley, market economy still would be necessary for ecological democracy.\n2) But capital accumulation would not be a defining feature of the state.\n3) Hence, there should be strict limits for the market. \n
• Another theme that Eckersley emphasizes extensively in the book is the idea of a green public sphere, in order to foster ecological values.\n1) Here, she makes use of Habermas theory of the important role played by the public sphere for statist democracy.\n2) A greening of the public sphere would mean further democratization since it would expand to other species than humans\n3) In the public sphere, discursive formulations of the common good can be articulated. Of course, these should be conditioned by the precautionary principle and be directed to what is known as ecological stewardship. In this way, something of an ecological citizenship can be fostered. \n
• Another theme that Eckersley emphasizes extensively in the book is the idea of a green public sphere, in order to foster ecological values.\n1) Here, she makes use of Habermas theory of the important role played by the public sphere for statist democracy.\n2) A greening of the public sphere would mean further democratization since it would expand to other species than humans\n3) In the public sphere, discursive formulations of the common good can be articulated. Of course, these should be conditioned by the precautionary principle and be directed to what is known as ecological stewardship. In this way, something of an ecological citizenship can be fostered. \n
• Another theme that Eckersley emphasizes extensively in the book is the idea of a green public sphere, in order to foster ecological values.\n1) Here, she makes use of Habermas theory of the important role played by the public sphere for statist democracy.\n2) A greening of the public sphere would mean further democratization since it would expand to other species than humans\n3) In the public sphere, discursive formulations of the common good can be articulated. Of course, these should be conditioned by the precautionary principle and be directed to what is known as ecological stewardship. In this way, something of an ecological citizenship can be fostered. \n
1) According to Eckersley, the state should foster ecological citizenship, a sense of identity that is based on environmental concerns and a sense of belonging to the world in general. \n2) In this respect, the notion of nation would be changed into a notion of fluid communities. \n3) Community identity is not monolithic, a person belongs to several communities at once. \n4) By being outward looking, that is by ”seeing the big picture” the state can foster this transnationally based senses of belonging. \n
1) According to Eckersley, the state should foster ecological citizenship, a sense of identity that is based on environmental concerns and a sense of belonging to the world in general. \n2) In this respect, the notion of nation would be changed into a notion of fluid communities. \n3) Community identity is not monolithic, a person belongs to several communities at once. \n4) By being outward looking, that is by ”seeing the big picture” the state can foster this transnationally based senses of belonging. \n
1) According to Eckersley, the state should foster ecological citizenship, a sense of identity that is based on environmental concerns and a sense of belonging to the world in general. \n2) In this respect, the notion of nation would be changed into a notion of fluid communities. \n3) Community identity is not monolithic, a person belongs to several communities at once. \n4) By being outward looking, that is by ”seeing the big picture” the state can foster this transnationally based senses of belonging. \n
1) According to Eckersley, the state should foster ecological citizenship, a sense of identity that is based on environmental concerns and a sense of belonging to the world in general. \n2) In this respect, the notion of nation would be changed into a notion of fluid communities. \n3) Community identity is not monolithic, a person belongs to several communities at once. \n4) By being outward looking, that is by ”seeing the big picture” the state can foster this transnationally based senses of belonging. \n
• Lastly, this all adds up to a general idea of environmental stewardship. \n1) Environmental stewardship is firstly founded upon environmental multilateralism, a working in common for the environment. \n2) A prerequisite for this is giving priority to long-term environmental concerns over property rights and short term individual gains. \n3) And as noted earlier, the precautionary principle ought to be entrenched constitutionally. \n4) And it is also conditioned by the need to extend the moral community to others than human. \n5) This all adds up to an explicitly non-value neutral state. \n
• Lastly, this all adds up to a general idea of environmental stewardship. \n1) Environmental stewardship is firstly founded upon environmental multilateralism, a working in common for the environment. \n2) A prerequisite for this is giving priority to long-term environmental concerns over property rights and short term individual gains. \n3) And as noted earlier, the precautionary principle ought to be entrenched constitutionally. \n4) And it is also conditioned by the need to extend the moral community to others than human. \n5) This all adds up to an explicitly non-value neutral state. \n
• Lastly, this all adds up to a general idea of environmental stewardship. \n1) Environmental stewardship is firstly founded upon environmental multilateralism, a working in common for the environment. \n2) A prerequisite for this is giving priority to long-term environmental concerns over property rights and short term individual gains. \n3) And as noted earlier, the precautionary principle ought to be entrenched constitutionally. \n4) And it is also conditioned by the need to extend the moral community to others than human. \n5) This all adds up to an explicitly non-value neutral state. \n
• Lastly, this all adds up to a general idea of environmental stewardship. \n1) Environmental stewardship is firstly founded upon environmental multilateralism, a working in common for the environment. \n2) A prerequisite for this is giving priority to long-term environmental concerns over property rights and short term individual gains. \n3) And as noted earlier, the precautionary principle ought to be entrenched constitutionally. \n4) And it is also conditioned by the need to extend the moral community to others than human. \n5) This all adds up to an explicitly non-value neutral state. \n
• Lastly, this all adds up to a general idea of environmental stewardship. \n1) Environmental stewardship is firstly founded upon environmental multilateralism, a working in common for the environment. \n2) A prerequisite for this is giving priority to long-term environmental concerns over property rights and short term individual gains. \n3) And as noted earlier, the precautionary principle ought to be entrenched constitutionally. \n4) And it is also conditioned by the need to extend the moral community to others than human. \n5) This all adds up to an explicitly non-value neutral state. \n
• So, to summarize, and return to the three dimensional understanding of a state, in what way does Eckersley suggest a transformation of the state?\n1) In terms of the state as territory, she wants to loosen up the fixed nature of territorial boundaries. \n2) And in terms of the state as an institution, she suggests major reforms, both in terms of decision making procedures and more profound constitutional principles. \n3) Lastly, Eckersley wants to reform our identities so that they are not as bound up to nations as they are now. \n
• So, to summarize, and return to the three dimensional understanding of a state, in what way does Eckersley suggest a transformation of the state?\n1) In terms of the state as territory, she wants to loosen up the fixed nature of territorial boundaries. \n2) And in terms of the state as an institution, she suggests major reforms, both in terms of decision making procedures and more profound constitutional principles. \n3) Lastly, Eckersley wants to reform our identities so that they are not as bound up to nations as they are now. \n
• So, to summarize, and return to the three dimensional understanding of a state, in what way does Eckersley suggest a transformation of the state?\n1) In terms of the state as territory, she wants to loosen up the fixed nature of territorial boundaries. \n2) And in terms of the state as an institution, she suggests major reforms, both in terms of decision making procedures and more profound constitutional principles. \n3) Lastly, Eckersley wants to reform our identities so that they are not as bound up to nations as they are now. \n
