Pakistan - Mapping the Policy Agenda 2018-2023

Syed Muhammad Ali
Editor
Islamabad Policy Institute
P A K I S T A N
Mapping the Policy Agenda
2018-2023

Copyright © 2018 Islamabad Policy Institute, Pakistan
© 2018 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Pakistan
First Edition
August 2018
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moral right of IPI and KAS authors has been asserted. For permission
requests,writetotheInstitute,atipi.islamabad@gmail.com
DISCLAIMER: e content of the policy papers included in this
publication does not necessarily re ect the policy of IPI or KAS.
Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the policy
papers, moreover, lies entirely with the author(s). Neither IPI/ KAS nor
any person acting on their behalf may be held responsible for the use
whichmay bemade oftheinformationcontainedtherein.
Cover Picture: Tanveer Shahzad (2018)

Table of Contents
Foreword
Executive Summary
Manifestos of Political Parties: Analysis & Recommendations for the New Administration
Policy Papers
Foreign Policy & Traditional Security Issues
i. Pakistan Foreign Policy: Challenges & Opportunities
Shamshad Ahmad Khan
ii. Defense Policy: e Way Forward
Lt Gen (Retd) Asif Yasin Malik
iii. Deﬁning National Security Needs
Khalid Banuri
iv. Countering Violent Extremism and Terrorism in Pakistan: A Policy Perspective
Muhammad Amir Rana & Safdar Sial
v. Reforming Pakistan's Anti-terrorism Regime: Promoting Rule of Law and
Access to Justice
Sarah Belal
Socio-Economic & Non-Traditional Security Issues
i. Pakistan's Economy – Key Issues and Policy Recommendations
for Improved Economic Outlook and Growth
Muhammad Asim, CFA, Awais A. Sattar, CFA, Seemab Shehzad, CFA
ii. Operationalizing CPEC: Challenges and Policy Measures
Faisal Ahmad
iii. Pakistan's Energy Security: Opportunities and Challenges
Syed Muhammad Ali
iv. Climate Policies and Institutions in Pakistan
Tariq Banuri
I
iii
1
25
29
39
43
51
59
65
69
103
111
125

v. Water Security in Pakistan
Mustafa Talpur
vi. Pakistan's Population Development Challenge
Dr. Zeba A Sathar (T.I.) & Dr. Ali M. Mir
vii. Revitalizing the Health Sector
Prof. (Dr) Malik Husain Mubashir
viii.How Democratic Transition Matters for Education, and How to
Tell if this Transition is Underway
Mosharraf Zaidi
Socio- Political Issues
i. An Intractable Challenge: Managing Civil Military Relations after
the Election 2018
Raza Ahmad Rumi
ii. Freedom of Expression: Pakistan's War on Dissent
Marvi Sirmed
iii. Media Policy
Syed Sajjad Shabbir Bokhari
About IPI & KAS
About IPI
About KAS
133
149
159
175
187
191
201
213
219
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223

Pakistan has just completed its second transition of power from one democratically elected government to another
in the 71-year history of the country. It is indeed a historic moment that democracy has entered into the second
decade, gradually transiting from Musharraf-led military regime to a fully established and consolidated
constitutionaldemocracy,withoutbeingderailed despite facingpressures and newerchallenges.
Although two democratically elected governments have consecutively completed their tenures in 2013 and 2018,
but the transition process continues and consolidation of democracy is work in progress. erefore, it is believed
that the new government too would face issues in asserting democratic supremacy in the country in addition to the
usual governance and service delivery challenges. Importantly, the country is still far from achieving long-term
political stability,whereaspolarization in societyandbody-politic has deepened.
And while it is expected that the new government would spend a lot of time and energies on achieving political
stability and reviving economy, it should also be kept in mind the country remains engaged in the ght against
terrorism. Raging con ict in neighbouring Afghanistan has directly impacted security and stability of Pakistan.
Furthermore, the failure of the leadership, during the last tenure, to fully implement the National Action Plan is
constrainingthecounter-terrorism eﬀortsbyallowingextremistgroups and theirnarrativetothrive.
e new government would also be facing the challenging task of securing and stabilising Pakistan’s western
border and steering relations with Afghanistan and the United States, both of which are marked by deep distrust.
Across the eastern border, ties have plummeted to new lows despite the occasional gestures shown by the top
leadership. erefore, managing and taking forward the relations with India will prove to be an uphill climb,
especiallywhen theuprising against IndianOccupation in Held KashmirValley isintensifying.
On the domestic front, it is believed that the biggest and the most formidable challenge for the new government
will be to stabilise the economy and steer China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) framework. Pakistan is
grappling with twin pressures of widening Current Account De cit, marked by trade imbalance, and depleting
foreign exchange reserves leading to currency devaluation and increased in ationary trends. As Balance of
Payment (BoP) crisis looms large, economic growth will slow down with adverse impact on CPEC projects,
despite improvement in energy supply and infrastructure. Prospects of new government approaching
International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a bail-out package are also on the horizon. Such an IMF facility will be
linked to certain performance benchmarks for tranche disbursements. IMF program might compel the new PTI
led government to undertake long-awaited structural economic reforms. Implementing these reforms would not
beeasy because of theresultingincreased burden onthecommon man.
Stabilising economy will make room for social sector reforms. ere is no gainsaying the fact that without a
performing economy, new government cannot make any meaningful progress towards addressing challenges of
climate change, water security, and improving quality of healthcare and education across the country. Growing
population, with majority being under 35 years, in particular demands improvement of governance and provision
of universal social services. Besides other factors, successive governments have in the past struggled to improve
social services due to resource scarcity. Prime Minister Imran Khan is determined to establish a welfare state during
his tenure. Policy-recommendations in various social sectors in this volume provide PM Khan and his advisors a
framework of interventions required by the government to address long-standing issues and re-orient governance
towardsservicedelivery.
FOREWORD

In the end, Islamabad Policy Institute (IPI) is grateful to the contributors to this report. IPI also extends its
gratitudeto Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung(KAS)for supportingthisendeavour and activecollaboration.
Last but not the least, I express heartfelt appreciation to all authors, who made invaluable contributions to this
report. It were the mere academic contributions by the authors that made it possible for IPI to produce this report.
e authors have indeed been the real motivation behind completing this project that encountered several
challenges. It would not be appropriate if I fail to mention the tireless eﬀorts of the editor of this report Syed
Muhammad Ali for transforming content into print-ready material. While going through this report, please do
remember theeﬀortsputinby Mr Ali.
IPIhopes thisreportwillbe a useful resourcefor Pakistan’snewgovernment, expertsandgeneral readers.
SyedMuhammadSajjadShabbir
ExecutiveDirector
Islamabad PolicyInstitute
ii

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
e world is changing like never before. e pace of major political, technological, economic, cultural and
environmental changes is unprecedented and mind-boggling. ese changes profoundly impact the values, the
way and quality of the lives of all the nations, which share this planet. e survival, stability, prosperity and
progress of all nations depend upon the political will and abilities of their leaderships to not only deeply re ect
upon the nature and complexity of these changing trends but also to evolve timely, well-considered and
comprehensive policies for their respective countries to address the challenges which these changes create and
accentuate.
is Islamabad Policy Institute initiative aims to independently re ect upon key policy issues in order to generate
fresh ideas that Pakistan's policy makers, legislators, jurists, executive branches of the government as well as
scholars and media can consider and debate. is initiative aims to add intellectual value to the public policy
making process by offering new, informed and timely policy perspectives to the new national leadership and
administration, which hasbeenelectedafter the2018national andprovincialelections.
IPI approached leading experts on key policy issues of national and international signi cance who have provided
us generous and timely support in the form of well-researched policy papers and policy recommendations, which
form part of this document. It is hoped these policy papers and policy recommendations will be dispassionately
read, deeply re ected and candidly debated by all those who have an interest in the entire process of policy making,
shaping,implementation,reviewand re nement.
is report proffers policy agenda in three thematic sections. e rst section covers foreign policy and traditional
security issues. In this respect IPI is indebted to former Foreign Secretary Shamshad Ahmad Khan for contributing
a 'Foreign Policy Road Map' and former Secretary Defence Lt General (Retd) Asif Yasin Malik for sharing his
perspective on 'Pakistan's Defence Policy: Objectives and Challenges'. Mr. Khalid Banuri, former Director
General Arms Control and Disarmament Affairs Branch of the Strategic Plans Division has written a paper on
'Mapping National Security Needs' while Mr. Muhammad Amir Rana has contributed a paper on 'Countering
Violent Extremism and Terrorism in Pakistan: A Policy Perspective.' Ms. Sarah Belal has suggested policy
measuresthat canhelp'Reform Pakistan'sAnti-Terrorism Regime'by promotingrule of law and access to justice.
e second section encompasses socio-economic and non-traditional security issues. In this case we are grateful to
Mr. Muhammad Asim, CFA, Awais A. Sattar, CFA and Seemab Shehzad, CFA for conducting an extensive joint-
evaluation of 'Key Issues affecting Pakistan's Economy and Policy Recommendations for Improved Economic
Outlook and Growth.' A policy paper on 'Pakistan's Energy Security' which evaluates relevant opportunities and
challenges has been contributed by yours truly whereas Mr. Faisal Ahmad has critically analyzed challenges related
to the 'Operationalization of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor' (CPEC) and suggested policy measures in this
respect. Chairman Higher Education Commission Mr. Tariq Banuri has kindly shared a policy paper, which
explores the signi cance of 'Climate policies and institutions for Pakistan'. Mr. Mustafa Talpur's paper evaluates
the critical issues of 'Water Security in Pakistan' and proposes important policy steps to address the mounting
challenges for Pakistan. Dr. Zeba A. Sathar and Dr. Ali M. Mir's joint-paper analyses 'Pakistan's Population and
Development Challenges' whereas Professor Malik Husain Mubashir's paper suggests measures to help 'Revitalize
the Health Sector.' Mosharraf Zaidi's in-depth paper highlights the signi cance of 'Democratic Transition for
Education'.
iii

e third section covers key socio-political issues. In this section Mr. Raza Ahmad Rumi's paper offers practical
steps, which can help 'Improve Civil-Military Relations after the Elections 2018.' Marvi Sirmed's insightful piece
'Freedom of Expression: Pakistan's War on Dissent' sheds light on the challenges to free speech. Syed Sajjad
Shabbir Bokhari's paper 'Media Policy'bringsto lighttheissuesfaced by media in thecountry.
It is sincerely hoped that this exhaustive and laborious effort and intellectual contributions of several leading
experts will prove useful and timely for all those who have an interest in making a practical and substantive
contribution towards governing Pakistan more effectively and efficiently. We pray that these ideas would be
dispassionately read, discussed with an open mind and contribute towards more substantive political and policy
debates as well as more informed media and academic discourses. IPI keenly looks forward to candid feedback to
furtherimproveour workinfuture.
SyedMuhammadAli
Editor
iv

Pakistan Mapping the Policy Agenda 2018-2023
MANIFESTOS OF POLITICAL PARTIES: ANALYSIS & RECOMMENDATIONS
FOR THE NEW ADMINISTRATION
1

2
Analysis of Manifestos of Political Parties & Recommendations for New Government

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

FOREIGN POLICY &
TRADITIONAL SECURITY ISSUES
25

Shamshad Ahmad Khan
Mr.Shamshad Ahmad Khan is a former foreign secretary.
He served as ambassador of Pakistan to South Korea and
Iran. He also remained Pakistan's ambassador and
Permanent Representative to the United Nations.
During his tenure as Secretary General of Economic
Cooperation Organization he oversaw transformation of
the regional multilateral forum into a 10 member
organizationfromathreecountrybloc.
He,moreover,represented the country in various positions
in Pakistan's missions in Tehran, Dakar, Paris,
WashingtonandNewYork.Hehasextensiveexperiencein
bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, regional
cooperation, conflict resolution, preventive diplomacy and
publicaffairs.
Author Profile
27

PAKISTAN FOREIGN POLICY:
CHALLENGES & OPPORTUNITIES
1
SHAMSHAD AHMAD KHAN
“Cheshire-Puss,”Alice began…”would you tell me which way
I ought to go from here?” “ at depends a good deal on where
you want to go,” said the Cat. “I don’t much care where.” said
Alice. “ en it doesn’t matter much which way you go....” said
theCat.LewisCarroll,AliceinWonderland.
eFirstDilemma
Foreign policy of a nation is always predicated on
where you want to go as a sovereign nation and an
independent state. is is the basic determinant of a
country’s foreign policy. In our case, at the time of
independence, like Alice in Wonderland, we just did
not know which way to go and this turned out to be the
rst‘dilemma’ofourforeignpolicy.
When we became independent in 1947, we were a
house divided not against itself but by more than 1000
miles of hostile India’s territory. e world itself was
divided in two rival and mutually hostile blocs
presenting our foreign policy with a diﬃcult choice;
either align with the free world represented at that time
by Western democracies or accept subservience to the
authoritarian andmonolithicCommunistsystem.
In June 1949, our acceptance of Stalin’s invitation to
our prime minister to visit Moscow was quickly
matched with a similar invitation for Liaquat Ali Khan
tovisitWashington.
We immediately got sucked into the cold war struggle,
and thanks to the old imperial connections at the civil-
military oﬃcial level, Liaquat Ali Khan set aside the
invitation to visit Moscow and chose instead to go to
Washington in May 1950. What followed that fateful
decision is history. But we still have not been able to
comeoutofour ‘dilemma.’
CrueltyOfGeopolitics
No doubt, a nation’s strength lies in its people and
institutions. But its ability to develop and prosper is
conditioned by the geographical environment in
which it functions. e cliché that a person is the
product of his or her environment is equally true of
nations. Geography is thus an important determinant
of a country’s foreign policy having a direct in uence
on its personality as a state and also conditioning its
role and behaviour as a member of the international
community.
For any country, it is always important who its
neighbours are, as their attitude and conduct,
irrespective of their size or power, have a direct bearing
on its own personality as a sate and on vital issues of its
independence, national security and socio-economic
growth. In Pakistan's case, its peculiar geopolitical
environment placed on it the onerous responsibility of
consistent vigilance and careful conduct of its relations
not only with its immediate neighbours but also with
therestof theworld,especially themajorpowers.
We could not change our geography, nor choose our
neighbours and had to live with geopolitical realities
emanating from a tampered partition of the
subcontinent that left a truncated Pakistan and
disputed borders as a result of last minute mala de
changes in the agreed demarcations lines.With no
parallel anywhere in the world, Pakistan came into
being like the SiameseTwins with its two halves joined
together just by a little bit of heart and mind
connection.
And this heart-and-mind connection was too weak to
withstand the pressures of physical separateness. In less
than 25 years, it got severed brutally through India's
military intervention. e cruelty of geopolitics did
not end with our country’s dismemberment. Even
today, we are living in a hostile environment. India still
militarily occupies a vast territory including Kashmir,
Siachen, Kargil and water sources that belonged to us.
In fact, Pakistan's quest for survival began even before
itcameintobeingasanindependentstate.
1
Former Foreign Secretary of Pakistan.
29

e Congress leaders accepted the June 1947 Partition
Plan only as a tactical move. eir strategic goal to rule
over the entire subcontinent remained unaltered.
Gandhi even said, “So long as I am alive, I will never
2
agree to the partition of India.” After Nehru had
swallowed the bitter pill of Partition, he vainly hoped,
as did Sardar Patel, that Pakistan would prove insolvent
after it was born and, not in the too-distant future,
Jinnah and Liaquat would beg forgiveness and ask for
permission to re-joinIndia’sunion.
In a resolution adopted on the patition on 15 June
1947, the All-India Congress Committee (AICC), was
even more prophetic in hoping the partition will not
endure because India’s unity was regionally and
globally indispensable. e vindictive attitude of the
Hindu majority to Pakistan’s creation was best
summed up by Sir FrancisTuker who witnessed the last
fatefulyearsbeforeIndia’spartition:
"In eﬀect what they said was "Well, if the Muslims
want Pakistan, let them damned well have it and with
vengeance. We shall shear every possible, every inch of
their territory so as to make it look silly and to ensure
that it is not a viable country and when they have got
what's left we'll ensure that it can't be worked
3
economically."
A speech that SardarVallabhbhai Patel delivered in the
Constituent Assembly in November 1949 fully bears
out Tuker's impression. Although delivered more than
two years after those events, it still breathed a spirit of
vengeance. In the course of his speech Patel said: "I
agreed to partition as a last resort when we should have
lost all...Mr. Jinnah did not want a truncated Pakistan
but had to swallow it. I made a further condition that
4
intwomonths’time,power shouldbetransferred."
It was clear that the acceptance of partition by
Congress was only a tactical move as its strategic goal to
rule over the entire subcontinent- remained unaltered.
To achieve their principal objective, in collusion with
the British, they manipulated the partition plan to
ensure that Pakistan was treated only as seceding
territory with no resources and equipment. No
wonder, on its birth, Pakistan inherited a painful legacy
of disputed borders and forced accession of Muslim
statesofHyderabad,Junagadh and Kashmir.
With a lingering suspicion that India had never
reconciled to the sub-continent’s partition and thus to
the existence of Pakistan, we have been living since
independence in the shadow of India’s hostility and its
threat to our security and survival. Our fears were not
exaggerated when we saw Sikkim, Goa, Hyderabad,
Junagadh and Kashmir falling to Indian avarice. Our
fears are not exaggerated today as we continue to face
India’s relentless aggressive designs and unabated
hostilityandbelligerence.
is troubled relationship, marked by “con ict and
confrontation” and a legacy of unresolved disputes
remains our biggest challenge as the centerpoint of our
foreign policy. With all its rami cations, this uneasy
equation has had a fundamental impact on our
domestic matters, on our security concerns, on our
international relations, and indeed, on the course of
our entire post-independence history. We could not
remain complacenttoperennial threatsto oursurvival.
Geo-politically, our strategic location was also pivotal
to the global dynamics of the Cold War era and
remains crucial even in today's changing regional and
global environment. e events of 9/11 represented a
critical threshold in Pakistan’s foreign policy. It was the
beginning of another painful chapter in our history.
Pakistan's Afghanistan-related are now being
aggravated by the growing Indo-US nexus and India’s
resultant strategic ascendancy in the region. In the
process, we have been encountering unbroken series of
crises that perhaps no other country in the world has
experienced.
ABalancingProcess
In this backdrop, Pakistan’s external relations since the
very beginning of its independence have been marked
byfour major constants:
2
India Wins Freedom: Abul Kalam Azad, Orient Longman, Delhi, pp185 and 87.
3
While Memory Serves: Sir Francis Tuker (London, Chassell, 1950) p.257
30
Pakistan Foreign Policy: Challenges & Opportunities

Ÿ Quest for security and survival as an independent
state.
Ÿ Legacy ofa troubledrelationshipwith India;
Ÿ Excessive reliance on the West, especially the US
for our economic, political and military survival;
and
Ÿ Total solidarity with the Muslim world, and
un inchingsupport toMuslim causes.
Pakistan's foreign policy has thus remained marked by
a complex balancing process in the context of the
turbulent history of the region in which it is located, its
own geo-strategic importance, its security concerns
and compulsions, and the gravity and vast array of its
domestic problems. We have always had to respond to
exceptional challenges which not only had an indelible
in uence on the conduct of our foreign policy but also
conditioned our priorities and policy-making
processes.
For over seventy years now, we have followed a foreign
policy that we thought was based on globally
recognized principle, and which in our view responded
realistically to the exceptional challenges of our times.
But never did we realise that for a perilously located
country, externally as vulnerable as ours, and also
domestically as unstable and unpredictable as ours,
there could be not many choices in terms of external
relations.
WhoRunsOurForeignPolicy?
We in Pakistan often misunderstand the realities of
foreign policy and tend to overplay the role of military
or so-called ‘establishment’ in its formulation and
execution. In every country, foreign policy decisions
are made by the executive branch of government. But
formulation of foreign policy being a complex matter is
never left to the whims of any one individual or
authority anywhereintheworld.
Besides ministry of foreign affairs as officially
designated foreign policy arm of the government, it
invariably also involves other relevant ministries and
agencies of the government including those dealing
with national security and defence. No foreign office is
equipped with intelligence gathering and analyzing
capabilities and cannot function in a vacuum of
intelligence and security information relevant to the
foreignpolicy goalsthatitissupposedto bepursuing.
No wonder, in our case, on issues of national security,
our GHQ and intelligence agencies do have an
indispensable role. Given Pakistan’s peculiar geo-
political environment and its volatile neighbourhood,
most of the foreign policy issues involving vital
national security interests have to be addressed through
a larger consultative process with the involvement of all
relevant governmental agencies and stakeholders
includingmilitary and intelligenceagencies.
ere is nothing unusual in this process, which is
followed in every state confronted with national
security challenges. Even a superpower like the United
States cannot afford to do without its Pentagon and
CIA in matters that affect its overarching security-
related global interests and policies. In our case, if there
are instances of military dominance in foreign policy
issues, it is only because our civilian set-ups are
invariably devoid of any strategic vision or talent in
their political cadres.
ChallengesInRetrospect:AnOverview:
Ironically, the rst challenge to Pakistan's
independence was the sole negative vote cast by
Afghanistan in the UN General Assembly when
Pakistan was admitted as a member of the United
Nations on September 30, 1947. At work was the same
Hindu mindset that had opposed the very creation of
Pakistan. Misled by Indian leaders who claimed
Pakistan was geopolitically and economically unviable,
the then Afghan government questioned the very
validity of Durand Line, an issue that had been settled
in1893.
ree weeks after Pakistan’s admission to the UN,
4
e Indomitable Sardar: Kewal L. Panjabi, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan (Bombay 1962)
31

Afghanistan withdrew its negative vote. Since then,
despite Kabul’s occasional detractions raising the bogey
of ‘Pakhtoonistan,’ Pakistan has maintained a
consistent policy of friendship and good-
neighborliness with Afghanistan. Besides providing
uninterrupted transit facilities to our landlocked
neighbour, we have over the decades stood by
Afghanistan in its long ordeals including foreign-
imposed wars, rst the Soviet-occupation-led war and
then theUS-occupation-ledAfghan war.
Indeed, the Afghans are not the only victims of the
Afghan tragedy. Pakistan has suﬀered more in multiple
ways in terms of refugee in ux, socio-economic
burden, rampant terrorism and protracted con ict in
its border areas with Afghanistan. Our problems are
aggravated by a complex new regional con guration
with growing Indo-US nexus that gives India a
strategic ascendancy in the region. Its unprecedented
in uence in Afghanistan now gives it an opportunity
to play its old game, striking as it has been at the very
roots of Pakistan. Modi's recent claims on Balochistan
arenorevelation.
We know them well. But what could one expect from a
Kautilya disciple? Modi never spares an opportunity to
be truly himself – as he was two years ago in his visit to
Dhaka where he could not be more spiteful of
Pakistan. He gloated over the role his country played in
the 1971 dismemberment of Pakistan. He must have
been looking into the mirror when he accused Pakistan
of “creating nuisance and promoting terrorism.” But
let's be honest. Modi is doing what he is supposed to
do. He is only advancing his country's larger interests
includingitsdesignsforregionalhegemony.
And he is doing it with great nesse as a master chess
player. On our part, we are left clueless with no
matching vision or foresight. We are aimlessly
clamoring for peace which will never come by
surrendering on our vital national causes. India-
Pakistan problems are real and will not disappear or
work out on their own as some people in our country
have lately started believing. To make things even
worse, in recent years, our political illiterates and
pseudo-intellectuals have been willfully distorting our
history misleading the youth that Pakistan’s birth was
only‘an accidentofhistory.’
According to them, the India-Pakistan border is no
more than an arti cial ‘thin’ line drawn on paper. ey
are naïve enough to believe that if we were to erase this
‘thin’ line, there would be no India-Pakistan problems
and we would live happily thereafter as ‘one people.’
ey are sadly mistaken and need a tutorial in history
to know that Pakistan is not an accident of history.
Pakistan came into being as a result of a long struggle.
It is now a reality with its borders drawn in blood that
cannot be erased, not even through any ‘goodwill’
gestures that some of our ruling elite and media friends
areeagerto make.
As we remain engaged in a decisive battle for our
independence and survival, Pakistan is being subverted
from within. We must root out from our body politic
the ugly mindset of heresy, sedition and treachery that
provides fertile ground for enemy maneuvers against
Pakistan. Foreign policy of a country, and the way it is
made and pursued is inextricably linked to its domestic
policies, governance issues and socio-economic and
political situation. ere is no foreign policy worth its
name in the absence of domestic strength. No country
has ever succeeded externally if it is weak and crippled
domestically.
What precipitates this situation is India’s obsession to
keep Pakistan under relentless pressure by blaming it
for everything that goes wrong on its own side of the
border or across the line of control in disputed
Kashmir. is has been a familiar narrative that India
has been using against Pakistan since after 9/11 taking
advantage of the global ant-terror sentiment and our
own rulers’ apologetic attitude in the face of India’s
sinister campaign. As it gets a sympathetic ear in the
US and elsewhere on the issue of what it alleges
Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, India smells blood
thinkingthatnow isthetime for a "kill."
In its calculation, the time is ripe for it to pressure
32

Pakistan to an extent where it can surrender on the
Kashmir cause. Today, Pakistan is facing an aggressive
rhetoric not only from India but also equally ominous
narratives emanating from Afghanistan and
Washington. As we ful ll our obligations as a partner
and an ally in its war on terror, the US has entered into
country-speci c defence and nuclear deals with India,
introducing a new and ominous dimension to the
already volatile and unstable security environment of
theregion.
e situation is being aggravated by growing nuclear
and military disparities as a result of double standards.
If the turbulent political history of this region has any
lessons, Washington's engagement in this region
should have been aimed at promoting strategic balance
rather than disturbing it.It should have been eschewing
discriminatory policies in dealings with India-Pakistan
nuclear equation, the only one in the world that grew
up in history totally unrelated to the Cold War. But
thisnever happened.
Any measures that contribute to widening of strategic
imbalances, lowering of nuclear threshold and fueling
of an arms race between the two nuclear-armed
neighbours with an escalatory eﬀect on their military
budgets and arsenals are no service to the peoples of the
region.With Narendra Modi’s India now opening itself
to world’s major military industries, the region is
heading into an apocalyptic arms race with far-
reachingimplicationsforworld’speaceandsecurity.
What we need in this region is not the induction of
new destructive weapons and lethal technologies but
the consolidation of peace, stability, development &
democratic values that we lack so much. But there is
another dimension to South Asia’s troubled security
paradigm. e post-9/11 military stalemate in
Afghanistan represents a new India-Pakistan con ict
area. In fact, it now becomes a critical factor for the
prospect of a stable and peaceful Afghanistan.
Washington s using Pakistan as a convenient scapegoat
for itsown failuresinAfghanistan.
In recent years, the has been targeting Pakistan with
military incursions and drone attacks in our tribal
areas. is has had an alarmingly adverse impact on
Pakistan’s psyche which is already perturbed by
America’s indiﬀerence to its legitimate security
concerns and sensitivities. A country cannot be treated
both as a target and a partner while ghting a common
enemy. Coercive and sometime accusatory and
slanderous approach towards Pakistan and its armed
forcesand security agenciesiscounterproductive.
In the context of Afghanistan, it is important that the
regional countries do not use the territory of
Afghanistan for destabilizing activities in third
countries. Regional rivalries can easily stoke the res of
con ict within Afghanistan as well as in the region. It is
necessary to control and contain these regional
rivalries. Our friends and allies must recognize that
Afghanistan is in a mess not because of Pakistan. It is so
because of many other well-known reasons. ey must
understand that Afghanistan is an area of fundamental
importanceto Pakistan.
If Soviet presence in Cuba almost triggered a nuclear
war in the early 1960s, India’s continued ascendancy in
Afghanistan remains a danger of no less gravity to the
already volatile security environment of this
‘nuclearised’ region. e risk of a Pakistan-India proxy
war in Afghanistan is fraught with perilous
implications for regional and global peace and must be
averted at all cost. On its part, Pakistan has direct stakes
in Afghan peace and has always been ready to play its
roleinpromotinggenuineAfghanpeace.
It is in Pakistan’s vital interest to have peace and
stability in an independent and sovereign Afghanistan
that is free of all foreign in uences. From within the
region, it is the only country which has the credentials
and the motivation to facilitate the Afghan peace
process. Of course, the Afghans will also have to reset
their own functional mode. ey must not allow their
country to be used against Pakistan. Afghanistan has
much more in common with Pakistan than any other
country in theregion.
China and Pakistan, both sharing border with
Afghanistan represent a natural partnership from
within the region that can bring about the real change
33

in this volatile region. Both can join together in
converting Pak-Afghanistan border into an economic
gateway for the region, and as a CPEC linkage of peace
and cooperation with Central Asian countries. China’s
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) promises vast
opportunities of peace and trade partnerships not only
in this region including India but also beyond to Iran,
Turkey andEurope.
eWayForward:
Ÿ As a country and as a nation, at this critical
juncture in our history we cannot leave ourselves
to the vagaries of time or at the mercy of others.
We can’t even innocently continue to believe that
everything will be all right, magically or
providentially. We must x the fundamentals of
our state and governance. We need to change
world’s perception of our country, which surely
has many reasons and assets other than terrorism
and violence to be recognized as a responsible
member oftheinternational community.
Ÿ Foreign policy of a country, and the way it is
made and pursued is inextricably linked to its
domestic policies, governance issues and socio-
economic and political situation. ere is no
foreign policy worth its name in the absence of
domestic strength. No country has ever
succeeded externally if it is weak and crippled
domestically. Even a super power, the former
Soviet Union could not survive as a super power
only because it was domestically week in political
andeconomicterms.
Ÿ All these problems that we continue to suﬀer
have nothing to do with our foreign policy. Our
problems are domestic. Even our external
problems are extension of our domestic failures.
Our domestic weaknesses have not only seriously
constricted our foreign policy options but also
exacerbated Pakistan’s external image and
standing. No doubt, we have survived these crises
andchallengesbutatwhatcost?
Ÿ ere are no two opinions on the need to combat
terrorism. But to eliminate this evil, we must
address its root causes. No strategy or roadmap in
the war on terror would be comprehensive
without focusing on the underlying political and
socio-economic problems. We can kill or capture
terrorists; disrupt their operations; destroy their
organizations; but unless we prevent others from
following their path, we cannot succeed in
eliminating terrorism. Terrorism will neither
ourish nor survive in a moderate, educated and
prosperousPakistan.
Ÿ We must restore our global image as a moderate,
cooperative and responsible state, capable of
living at peace with itself and with its neighbours.
A country remains vulnerable externally if it is
weak domestically. To be strong and stable, a
nation needs the ability and power that not only
preserves its physical integrity and independence
but also provides good governance for its
politico-economic freedom and strength as well
asdomestic peace andstability.
Ÿ To avert the vicious cycle of known tragedies, we
need a serious and purposeful national debate
involving a holistic review of our entire
governmental system. We can’t continue to
believe that everything will be all right, magically
or providentially. We need genuine political,
economic, judicial, educational, administrative
and land reforms. We must rationalize our
priorities to reinforce the resilience of the people
of Pakistan in all its facets, namely, psychological,
ideological, communal, political and
international.
Ÿ Given the gravity of our crisis, we surely need
deeper structural reform agenda and home-
grown solutions to our economic problems,
rationalizing GDP targets and restoring macro-
economic balances. An economic recovery
blueprint requires judicious planning to match
national needs and resources as well as
capabilities. Our weakness is economic
discipline. We need an iron-hand to curb this
weakness. Loot and plunder of national
exchequerand resourcesmuststop.
Ÿ is requires the system that breeds corruption,
tax-evasion, kleptocracy, abuse of power, a
privilege-based VIP culture, and violence and
lawlessness will have to be rooted out from our
body politic. e culture of perks and privileges
34

must go. e buck must stop somewhere. No
begging. Loans are not capital; they are a liability.
Foreign aid is never condition-free. Let’s come
out of the dependency mode and focus more on
optimum utilization of our own material wealth
andhumanresources.
Ÿ To keep our country strong and stable, we must
also root out from our body politic the mindset
of heresy, sedition and treachery that provides
fertile ground for enemy maneuvers against
Pakistan. It’s also time our mainstream media also
owned its national responsibility by upholding
our national ethos and defending the cause of
Pakistan’s independence, security and national
integrity.
Ÿ For us at this critical juncture in our history, what
is important is not what we are required to do for
others' interests; it is what we ought to do in our
own national interest. Our biggest challenge is to
convert Pakistan’s pivotal location into an asset,
rather than letting it remain a liability.
Implementation of the CPEC (China-Pakistan
Economic Corridor) linking Pakistan’s coastal
areas with northwest China provides us an
opportunitytodoso.
Ÿ On completion, CPEC will bring overarching
economic and trade connectivity, bilaterally as
well as regionally that would also be of great
bene t to landlocked Afghanistan. China and
Pakistan thus have a joint potential in converting
Pak-Afghanistan border into an economic
gateway for the region, and as a linkage of peace
andcooperation with Central Asiancountries.
Ÿ America’s rst president George Washington in
his farewell address in 1796 had left some advice
for us. Lamenting the fate of nations that leave
themselves at the mercy of other powers, he said,
“it was a folly to be the satellite of the latter or
looking for disinterested favours from another”
because “it must pay with a portion of its
independence and its sovereignty for whatever it
mayacceptunder thatcharacter.”
ForeignPolicyRoadmap
Ÿ Preservation of sovereignty, independence,
territorialintegrity,nationaldignity and honour;
Ÿ Peace within, peace without. Friendship with all,
enmitywith none;
Ÿ Independent foreign policy premised on national
interests that ensure the country’s sovereign
independence, territorial integrity, national
dignity and honour;
Ÿ We need to regain our lost sovereign
independence and dignity and restore our
credibility and respect as an independent state in
thecomityof nations.;
Ÿ We must restore our global image as a moderate,
cooperative and responsible state, capable of
livingatpeacewithitselfand with itsneighbours.
Ÿ A country remains vulnerable externally if it is
weak domestically in terms of political, economic
and military strength. Let’s opt for self-reliance
through optimum utilization of the country’s
materialwealth andhuman resources;
Ÿ We must continue our endeavours for a peaceful
environment in South Asia and good neighborly
relations with countries sharing borders with
Pakistan includingIndiaandAfghanistan;
Ÿ We must persist in our principled position on
Kashmir, seeking its nal solution through
peaceful means, in conformity with the UN
resolutions and legitimate aspirations of the
peopleof Kashmir;
Ÿ It is in Pakistan’s vital interest to have peace and
stability in an independent and sovereign
Afghanistan that is free of all foreign in uence. In
cooperation with China, we should convert the
Pakistan-Afghanistan border into an economic
gateway as a linkage of peace and cooperation
with Central Asiancountries;
Ÿ Despite their historical and multiple linkages,
Pakistan and Iran have not been able to develop a
vibrant and durable relationship, wide in scope
and substantive in nature. Both need to come out
of their narrowly-based priorities to be able to
capitalise on commonalities of their interests,
rather thanthe other wayaround;
Ÿ We must continue to pursue special relationship
of abiding friendship and cooperation with
China, solidarity with the Muslim world and its
legitimate causes, close cooperative links with
35

Central Asian States, and multi-dimensional
cooperative relationship with the US, Japan,
CanadaandEU countries;
Ÿ China does aﬃrm its support for Pakistan’s
eﬀorts in safeguarding its sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity and
promoting peace and stability in South Asia, but
this does not mean that we absolve ourselves of
our own responsibilities to ensuring our
country’s sovereign independence, political
stabilityandsocio-economicwellbeing;
Ÿ Our regional focus must remain on mutually
bene cial economic cooperation in South Asia
and Central Asia within the frameworks of
SAARC,ECOandSCO;
Ÿ At this critical juncture in history, our challenge is
not what we are required to do for others'
interests; it is what we ought to do to serve our
own national interests. We must convert
Pakistan’s pivotal location into an asset, rather
than lettingitremaina liability;
Ÿ And nally, the problem is not the US-Pakistan
relationship. e problem is its poor and short-
sighted management on both sides. It is time to
correct this approach and remake this
relationship. e objective must be not to
weaken this important equation but to
strengthen it by infusing in it greater political,
economic and strategic content. It must no
longer remain a ‘transactional’ relationship and
mustgo beyond the “war onterror."
36

Lt Gen Asif Yasin Malik(Retd)
Lt Gen Asif Asif Yasin Malik is a former defense(Retd)
secretary. He is a former infantry officer with extensive
experience of diverse command and staff assignments,
including command of Peshawar based prestigious 11
Corps that spearheaded military's operations against
terroristsinFATAandKPK.
GenMalikisagraduateof PakistanArmyCommandand
Staff College and holds a Master's degree from National
Defense University, Islamabad. He also graduated as an
International Fellow from National Defense University
Washington DC and earned Master's degree in Strategic
Resource Management. He was the first Pakistani to be
inducted into Hall of Fame area of NDU at Fort McNair
inWashingtonDC.
Author Profile
37

DEFENSE POLICY: THE WAY FORWARD
LT GEN ASIF YASIN MALIK(Retd)
1. Defense policy is one of the key components of
National Security Policy the master document of
any country's security regime. It mandates all
components of the government to issue their
respective policies. Unfortunately, Pakistan has
not been able to draft and publish its National
Security Policy. During my tenure as Secretary
Defence we made an attempt along with Amb
Mohammad Sadiq of National Security
Division. After an eﬀort of nearly a year a draft
was prepared and submitted to former Prime
Minister Muhammad Nawaz Sharif. He sat on it
till was kicked out and did not even bother to
readit,whattosaysign.
2. As a consequence, none of the ministries could
issue their respective policies including Defense.
Seeing the situation the Joint Services
Headquaters resorted to reverse engineering and
prepared a draft defense policy in consultation
with the three services and Strategic Plans
Division (SPD). is document was then sent to
Ministry of Defense which issued to the three
servicesandothers.
3. Objectives
a. Analyze and evaluate the global and
regional environment in relation to the
security of Pakistan. In our case we are
faced with very hostile global
environment due to multifarious
reasons.e most signi cant being our
ability to pursue relatively independent
policies in pursuit of our national
interests. In view of the emerging Indo-
US nexus to dominate the region Pakistan
is perceived to be the only impediment.
Also our relations with regional players
like Russia and China are also a source of
concern forourenemies.
b. Our strategic defensive capability itself is
a source of friction and is being targeted in
variouswaysandmeans.
c. Identify external as well as domestic
threats to the state and its components. In
our case India has been identi ed as the
main direct military threat to the existence
of Pakistan. Apart from that some indirect
threats are recognized which may not be
necessarily military in nature. For this the
supportive role of military has been
identi ed.
d. Our abysmal economic situation is
emerging as the biggest threat to national
security. It has direct and indirect eﬀects
on national defense. It impinges on force
structures and force development due to
resourceconstraints.
e. Defense policy crystallizes the Defense
Aim based on threat identi cation.
Defense aim has certain implications
which will drive other components of
defensepolicy.
4. All the above would bring us to Defense Policy
options available to Pakistan. Academically
speaking,DefencePolicyoptionsare:
a. Confrontation.
b. Regression.
c. Neutrality.
d. Reconciliation.
e. Deterrence.
f. Rapprochement.
g. Self-Reliance,and
h. Alliancesor SuperPower Guarantees.
5. Due to our limited power potential, we cannot
embark on a policy of confrontation.
Regression, Neutrality and Reconciliation
would be critically detrimental to our national
security and Super-power Guarantee is an
option not available to us. Self-reliance in
absolute forms is idealistic and likely to run into
snags when confronted with 'realpolitik'. at
leaves only the options of Deterrence and
Rapprochement to us, which are the basic
Defence Policy options that we are trying to
follow.
39

6. ChallengesforDefenseSector
a. Linear geographic nature of the country.
Pakistan is proportionately a small
country but has very long borders
stretching to nearly 7000 Kms in addition
to a coastline of approximately 1000
Kms. is length of border is accentuated
with the longish geography resulting in
virtually no strategic depth which is
essential for a viable defense. Apart from
that the Radcliﬀe Award demarcated a
very complicated border not only
increasing its length but also creating
seriouschallengesforthedefenders.
b. Leaving of an unresolved territorial
dispute in the form of Kashmir has
created perpetual environment of threat
for Pakistan.
c. e disproportionate size of our main
enemy India is also a major challenge.
Not only does it enjoy massive freedom of
strategic depth but has also the capacity to
create much larger kinetic threat with the
ability toabsorbour responses.
d. e pathetic economic situation created
during the last decade is de nitely the
most overwhelming challenge for our
defense policy makers. Infact, it emerges
as the greatest security threat to the
country. It puts critical restraints on our
capacity building and force structure
while creating a stress on national
economic resources which are direly
neededfor otheressentialsectors.
e. Two front threat is relatively a new
scenario as we were used to threat from
the east only. As the consequence of
international machinations India has
been given access in Afghanistan and is
aggressively involve in creating security
threats for Pakistan. Under this
environment we are forced to cater to
western borders in addition to the Indo-
Pakfront.
f. Lately there has been an operational
stretch on our resources due to prolonged
deployment on security operations in
FATA and KPK. is is also causing a
nancial stress on our defense budget
particularly after cessation of Coalition
Support Fund.
7. WayForwardfor Pakistan.
Pakistan is faced with greatest challenge to meet
the threats to its security. Apart from intrigue of
our political elite to weaken our defense at the
behest of global players for their petty interests
there are other problems to be resolved. Pakistan
has to take immediate measures some of which
aresuggestedbelow:
a. Pakistan must formulate and publish its
National Security Policy and
consequently draft all follow up policies.
is would set the course for the country
tomovein therightdirection.
b. A complete overhaul of our foreign policy
helping Pakistan in a diplomatically
favorable regional and global
environment.
c. Pakistan's economy has to be restored on
an emergentpace.
d. Pakistan has to draft a Defense Policy
based on the prevailing security
environmentandthreatassessment.
e. War avoidance is the best course and for
that maintain a credible strategic
deterrence.
f. Pakistani Armed Forces have to develop
the capability not only thwart external
threat on two fronts but also meet
terrorismthreatsinternally.
g. People of Pakistan have to be prepared to
play a constructive role in the recovery of
socio-economicdimensions.
40
Defense Policy: e Way Forward

Khalid Banuri
Khalid Banuri, a retired Air Commodore of the PAF, is a
policy analyst and advisor. He was the first Director
General of Arms Control & Disarmament Affairs
(ACDA) Branch of Strategic Plans Division (SPD) until
2017.The views expressed herein are his own and do not
represent either of the institutions, or any other
GovernmentalorNon-Governmentalentity.
Author Profile
41

Preamble
'ere is nothing permanent except change', said the
Greek philosopher Heraclitus (535-475 BC). e
centuries old idiom is still applicable in more than one
ways. It might be an understatement to say that the
contemporary world is full of newly emerging
challenges - the point of emphasis being on the
'newness', i.e., something that is either unforeseen, or
wrapped in a completely different approach. e
phenomenon of hyper-nationalism, for example,
though not new, was unforeseen to emerge in such
force at this time - the 'trumpism' being a case in point.
e whole world needs to deal with such challenges,
albeit the handling in all probability is expected to be
quite varied in different parts of the world. Pakistan is
no exception in facing a set of its own peculiar
challenges– someold,several new.
It is in this milieu that we must view our run up to
national elections and ensuing political change, or
maintaining the status quo, - take your pick. While
119 political parties are listed official, a media report
suggests that the election commission has noti ed 34
of them competent to contest the elections in 2018.
Whatever be the nal number, several amongst them
may not have a clear roadmap of the vision for running
the country. Even the major political parties with
signi cant following and published manifestos need to
evolve speci c pathways to take on the challenges,
should the nation decide to bestow upon one or more
of themto run thenextgovernment.
e nature of national security has evolved over time,
both in its conceptualization and complexity. is
requires policy makers, political thinkers, analysts,
opinion builders and statesmen to appreciate the
intricacies of the multi-faceted range of issues that
affect a state's national security outlook, whether
directly or indirectly. Let's also recall that after every
national election in the U.S., the time when a President
is designated till he takes over the high office, the think
tanks and part of the academia goes into a frenzy to
prepare options for the next administration to
consider. Perhaps there is value in taking a similar path
byourthinktanksand intelligentsiaatlarge.
is paper aims to persuade the potential national
leadership, as well as all those interested in the process
of national security policy development, formulation,
implementation and review, to re ect upon its
increasingly diverse nature and numerous multi-
dimensional aspectsanddomains.
Principles
In this backdrop, there is a need to map the national
security requirements with more clarity. But before
embarking on this philosophical journey, it would be
prudent to establish that any advice to interested
entities must be based on at least three principles. Since
national security needs cannot be seen in isolation,
thus the principle of comprehensiveness is an absolute
must. National security ideally includes all elements of
national power. However, even when limiting the
scope of the discussion to traditional security
requirements relating to armed forces, there is an
inevitable necessity to synergizethe relationship of
traditional security with foreign and economic policies
without which this issue cannot be comprehensively
tackled. Secondly, the principle of holding a futuristic
outlook relates with adapting to the contemporary
change as well as an assessment of the anticipated
future needs. e third principle is more directly
relevant to the military outlook – of joint and
combined operations – in terms of relating the threat
perceptions with the needs of the three services i.e.,
jointness, and aspects which relate to bilateral as well as
multilateral relations, e.g., of the UN peacekeeping
requirements and the associated military diplomacy,
and other combined operations with militaries and
para-militaryforcesofotherstatesof interest.
In nutshell, the “needs outlook” merits an assessment
based on a comprehensive and futuristic “outlook”
with emphasis on joint and combined operations of
the three servicesandassociatedentities.
DEFINING NATIONAL SECURITY NEEDS
KHALID BANURI
43

Challenges
e contemporary challenges for Pakistan can be
divided into three broad categories. First, that the
traditional security needs are real and growing, thus
theneed for revisiting them for a prudent policy
outlook, assessment of evolving aspects and provision
of adequate resources, for securing the borders as well
as for internal stability. e second important area is
about the need for synergy with, among others,
economic and foreign policies, which though an
obvious point, is easier said than done. e third
category is the emphasis on a futuristic outlook,
including methodologies to confront, brace up or defy,
the emerging technological and associated challenges
and nding ways to absorb them – e.g., tackling hybrid
warfare or cyber technologies. Needless to re-
emphasize that, given the modest national means, all
three categories would involve suitable prioritizing,
phasing, and integration of resources - both scal and
human.
TraditionalSecurityScenario
e assessment of national security needs must take
into account several new or emerging challenges. e
traditional security challenges of the erstwhile times
not only exist but have intensi ed over time. e geo-
strategic landscape of Pakistan's interests is primarily
regionaltherefore possible relevance of other states
must also be viewed in the regional context. For
example, while the U.S endeavors to convince us that
India is not a threat to Pakistan, our threat perception
in the face of ground realities is quite different. During
the year 2017 alone, deadliest bombings were
conducted by India on the LoC during more than
1,300 Indian cease re violations - the highest ever in
the recent past. In the Indian Held Kashmir (IHK),
maiming and blinding with so called 'non-lethal
weapons' like pellet guns, killings, enforced
disappearances, torture, sexual abuse as an instrument
of war and a general political repression through new
or amended legal mechanisms have all led to a highly
volatilesituationsrightnextdoor.
e mass uprising in the Kashmir valley in the
backdrop of the huge human rights situation aside, the
needs for securing the eastern border have further
deepened, owing primarily to the current reactionary
attitude of the Modi Administration. e increased
presence of the Indian military and the Border Security
Force (BSF) points to the age-old wisdom to attend to
the other side's 'capability', rather than its' intent'. In
any case, currently there's a twosome - the capability is
on the rise, while the intent is more expressly
provocative than ever before. Both India's capacity and
intent being aggressively hostile, the space for peace
andreconciliationisnegligibleto none.
erefore, the need for sustaining the effort to
neutralize the current or the emerging threat remains
on the increase from a highly militarized and
increasingly belligerent India. e decision of the
Trump Administration to squeeze Pakistan in Indian
favour has inter alia led to further cuts or additional
conditionalities from the U.S. is implies that the
national budget needs to cater for the determined
essentials for national security. is aside, the military
effort is further augmented through use of third
countries for espionage against Pakistan - Kulbushan
Yadav is a case in point. is also suggests investing in
intelligencebasedoperations.
On the West side, the Afghan problem continues to
simmer. Resultantly in Pakistan, civilians, armed forces
personnel, economy, and infrastructure have suffered
huge losses and endured signi cant pain while
supporting the so called War on Terror. e effort has
nevertheless led to some success with average of 300 air
missions daily, as well as the inimitable intelligence
cooperation etc.
Alongside this is the ongoing counter terror campaign,
a la Radd ul Fasad and Zarb-e Azb Plus, that may be
one of the largest counter- terrorism operations ever
conducted by any country in recent years.While
signi cant success has been made, the effort needs to
persist, requiring adequate allocation of resources – for
border protection, fencing effort, counter- terrorism
44
De ning National Security Needs

element, as well as for maintaining an unprecedented
three million Afghan refugees for over two decades.
Such spread, or thinning out, of military resources is
likely to continue and thus requires appropriate
apportionment.
Notwithstanding the enhancing security challenges,
Pakistan's defence budget in terms of percentage of
GDP had declined steadily, from 4.6% in 2001to
2.3% by 2012-13. Similarly notwithstanding the
increasing needs of land offensive in support of counter
terror operations, the budget for land forces had also
dropped from 31% during the 1960s to about 8.7% by
2012-13. According to SIPRI, in the 1960s Pakistan's
military expenditure was 5.6% of GDP, which plunged
to 3.6% of GDP in 2016. SIPRI fact sheet for 2018
provides a glimpse of the rising asymmetries in the
region. It identi es India as the fth in the world in
military expenditures with US$ 63.9 Billion, which
corresponds to 2.5% of its GDP and 3.7% of the world
share. In military expenditures, India is only behind
fourstates-U.S.,China,SaudiArabiaandRussia.
In this milieu, what is continuously needed is the
speci c military equipment and ensuing suitable
training for an effective urban warfare for which the
experience is rather limited.While terrorism takes time
to take root, the complete eradication of terrorism may
need double the amount of time, not to mention a
sustained supply of resources. Sustainability is thus the
key to tackling these festering challenges. e
sustainability facet also suggests the need for the non-
kinetic effort which may not require military
professionals but the other strata of the society
including the measures to deal with the speedy
onslaughtofthesocialmedia.
Synergizing with other Elements of National
PowerandEmerging Technologies
So where should a new government begin as it comes
into power? e rst step of course would be to
examine the national security pipeline to determine its
priorities and timelines. Given the contemporary geo-
strategic environment the need for according suitable
priority, for securing both the eastern and western
borders,remainsperennially high.
For this determination alone, there is a need for
synergy with the foreign policy to vent some pressure
from the traditional security needs, and determine the
priority versus phasing via the economic imperatives.
at's the trickiest part, for inter alia, two reasons.
First, that some of the traditional security needs may
not have the luxury of time and thus would require
immediate budgeting priority. Secondly, a closer
understanding of the economic prioritization would
be required to enable successful domestic negotiations,
for a win-winsolution.
To illustrate futuristic needs, sustained economic
growth is a well understood requirement. is requires
access to all possible sources of energy at cheapest
possible per unit cost. us, one of the priorities would
be to ensure that energy projects remain on time.
While the largest source of energy still remains hydel
power, there is value in timely execution of the
approved energy security vision for 100 years of
Pakistan by 2047 – that includes, inter alia, over
40,000 MWs of nuclear power. In view of existing
arrangements with China regarding nuclear power, it is
imperative to allocate suitable resources for timely
completion of the concurrent nuclear power projects
that could translate to adding 2200 MWs to the
national grid every 3-4 years. It should be noted that
the nuclear projects have had the history and
precedence of meeting project timelines well in time, if
notearlier.
Another important area that requires budgeting
priority for national needs is the peaceful pursuit of
space sciences. Pakistan has the basic skills and
sufficient experience as a space faring nation. Given
threat perceptions and that the space is common
heritage of mankind; it would be a mistake not to
45

pursue this increasingly expanding eld in, for
example, weather assessments, climatic studies,
telemedicine, remote sensing and earth observation
andother peacefulapplications,etc.
In a different realm, the notion of hybrid warfare
suggests priority investment in the cyber domain,
which remains a grey area for many nations around the
world. With a good technical base of the Information
Technology in Pakistan, in both hardware and software
domains; there is value in putting more effort in
specialized areas, like cyber strategic planning and
cyber laws. While such efforts would augment efficient
management systems and enhance cyber security, it
can also build the base to deal with the hybrid war that
is being thrust upon us from multiple actors. But this
requires smart planning, timely nancing and a highly
synergizednational leveleffort.
Another neglected area is the exploration,
development and expansion of the rare earth metals or
REMs – 17 metals, which have numerous uses in
emerging technologies. While the copper and gold
projects at Saindak and Reko Diq in Chaghai district
of Balochistan are well known, not much exploration
has occurred regarding the REMs. e stall over years
at Saindak suggests that the potential has largely
remained untapped. e case of Reko Diq, which is
said to be the world's fth largest gold deposit and
boasts of large copper reserves as well, is more
complicated due to international litigation and
arbitration issues, but nevertheless remains a potential
source. ese two aside, the impoverished but resource
rich areas such as those in Balochistan and Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (KP)provinces still need to be explored.
Currently China holds 81% of the world's REM
deposits. New products that need REMs
includerenewable energy technology industry, military
equipment industry, glass making and metallurgy, but
more commonly in high technology equipment such
as smart phones, digital cameras, computer parts, etc.
It thus appears that the exploration for these metals in
Pakistanneedsto beexaminedon priority.
Prioritizing,PhasingandIntegration
e obvious question for the next government would
be how to prioritize such areas, in the face of, and in
addition to, the traditional security needs. While it is
clear that there is not much choice not to invest in
traditional security to protect both our eastern and
western borders, in the medium to long term, some
steps need to be taken to expand our capabilities for
efficientgainsusingrelativelymodestresources.
e rst step would be to enhance the notion of
diversity – in that by diversifying bilateral and
multilateral business relations through parallel options
of trading with several other states of the world. An
important area for exports, for example, is to tap the
less explored markets e.g., Africa and Latin America.
Some lessons can be drawn from the IDEAS defence
exhibition to prioritize the target markets. e
industrial relations need two signi cant priorities – one
to enhance all possibilities of transfers of technology,
and second, to invest in those technologies which are
compatible with the existing assembly lines. To
exemplify this point, several of our armaments or
defence systems may be of Chinese origin. e need for
compatibility of any new systems,which may be
acquired in the future from any source, may be seen in
this backdrop. is will eventually assist in perceptive
change management from available conventional
technologies e.g., Chinese versus the Western
technologies. It can also help in nding alternatives at
more competitive rates. While interest in indigenous
technology development must remain in the long
term, through sustained R&D, in the shorter term,
smart acquisitions should be adopted. One aspect
which can help in this regard is to improve inter-agency
collaboration by removing redundancies in R&D
entities so that research organizations' work is mutually
supportive, i.e., in series, not in parallel. Other than the
strategic elds, such collaboration is successfully
demonstrated in e.g., the experience of the JF-17
aircraft, or tapping the new and less explored eld of
the drone technologies. is implies that since
46
De ning National Security Needs

multiple technologies are generally cost intensive, such
diversi cation can signi cantlyreducecosts.
To demonstrate this point, let us recall a historical
example. Following the gaining of independence from
the British Raj, Indian Prime Minister Nehru wanted
to evolve a policy for self-sufficiency in defence
procurements over a period of seven years. As described
by ChrisSmith in his 1994 SIPRI study, “India's Ad
Hoc Arsenal: Direction or Drift in Defence Policy,”
anticipating the need for expert advice, Nehru sought
the services of a famous British Physicist, P.M.S
Blackett. e ensuing Blackett Report gave elaborate
policy recommendations. An illustrative example is the
Blackett's recommendation for acquiring proto types
of competitive aerial weapon systems for training and
awareness of modern technological developments for
the IAF. He thus interspersed small numbers of select
aircraft with a larger number of available weapon
systems for general use, thereby saving revenue and
spreading eventual procurement over time. is
eventually led to sustaining the broad objectives of
indigenization and strengthening of domestic
industries.
Finally, a signi cant priority in terms of numbers,
training and resources is needed to enhance the
strategic brain pool, for which the current youth bulge
is a gold mine ready to be tapped. is would require
research and training, both in critical thinking and
astute strategic planning but also increasing the share
inthesocialmediamarket.
Conclusion
e national elections of 2018 would be challenging in
several ways. e new government would need to
provide balance and con dence to the masses in
general and comfort of efficient handling of its day-to-
day affairs to the other essential organs of the state in
particular. While its challenges would remain
multifaceted, the issues involving traditional security
would be high on the agenda. e foremost would be
prioritizing the defence needs related to securing the
eastern and western borders. Internally, it would be
imperative to strengthen the law enforcement agencies,
including the military, para military, police and the
intelligence out ts, with sustained support,
equipment, training and resources. is can also
manage the stretch that the armed forces are currently
facing. In the continuation of efforts for de-
radicalization, civilian ownership is vital for
'Disarmament – Demobilization- Rehabilitation
(DDR)'in post con ict situations, such as that
demonstrated in Balochistan. e challenge of the
hybrid war that looms large over the nation as well as
the national psyche is another issue of essential
importance. is would need continuous efforts for
awareness, sustained research work, appropriate use of
the social media as well as cyber defence. Several of
these challenges would require assured resource
availability and eventual self-reliance, which cannot be
achieved through ad-hocism or short cuts.us three
principles would remain the pillars – sustainability,
prioritization, and generation of adequate resources.
e potential of the thus far untapped domestic
human resource as well as materials like REMs may be
able to provide the much needed relief, provided
prudent policies are actually implemented and
sustained. “If you don't like something, change it. If
you can't change it, change your attitude”- Maya
Angelou.
47

Muhammad Amir Rana
Muhammad Amir Rana is a security and political analyst and
the director of Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS). He has
worked extensively on issues related to counter-terrorism,
counter-extremism, and internal and regional security and
politics. He was a founder member of PIPS when it was
launched in January 2006 and had previously worked as a
journalist with various Urdu and English daily newspapers
from 1996 until 2004. He has given lectures at several
universities and security institutes in Pakistan and abroad.
Amir has published widely in national and international
journals, professional publications and magazines. He writes
regularlyforDawn,Pakistan'sleadingEnglishnewspaper.He
isalsotheeditorof PakistanAnnualSecurityReport,andPIPS
researchjournal'ConflictandPeaceStudies'.
Authors’Profiles
Safdar Hussain
Safdar Hussain, nom de plume Safdar Sial, has been working
with the Pak Institute for Peace Studies as a research analyst
since March 2007. He holds a master's degree in political
science. His work focuses on conflict, insecurity, and violence in
Pakistan and Afghanistan; regional political, strategic and
security issues; and media and governance. He has published
extensively in national and international journals and is a co-
author of Dynamics of Taliban Insurgency in FATA, and
Radicalization in Pakistan and editor of Critical Ideologies:A
Debate on Takfeer and Khurooj. He is also associate editor of
PIPSresearchjournal'ConflictandPeaceStudies.’
49

Many of the challenges facing security and stability in
Pakistanare largely a result of religiously inspired
extremism and terrorism.While a multitude of factors
has contributed to the growth of violent and non-
violent extremism in the country over the past many
decades, the countering efforts have only swelled in
the recent years, mainly after the APS Peshawar attack
in late 2014. Still, many gaps exist in realizing and
strategizing the required Counter-Violent Extremism
(CVE) as well as counter terrorism (CT) actions. e
ones being implemented also lack effectiveness
apparently due to the lack of genuine threat
perception, political will, institutional coordination,
as well as the capacity gaps in implementing
institutions.
is article provides an insight into how Pakistani
state and its institutions can effectively develop the
required policy responses and actions to counter
violent extremism and terrorism. e rst part
analyses the state's past efforts in that regard and their
effectiveness. e second part explains why soft
approaches on countering violent extremism and
terrorism are required in Pakistan's context. e last
section recommends what the upcoming government
should do to reform the existing efforts and launch a
few new ones.
reatPerceptionAndResponseActions
ere is historical evidence to suggest that the state's
threat perception hardly touches upon fundamental
factors of violent and non-violent extremism and
ideological radicalism that eventually feed into the
menace of terrorism. Apparently that is why the
successive governments since the early 2000s have
largely relied on hard approaches, or the use of force,
and did little to employ soft approaches of countering
extremism and terrorism. Partly, some sporadic,
disjointed efforts were also made at times to talk with
the Taliban militants, which resulted in few peace
agreements but never succeeded in terms of ending
extremism and terrorism. e militants used peace
agreements to reestablish themselves and launch fresh
wavesof attacks,morebrutalthanthepreviousones.
Analysts argue that peace agreements with theTaliban
militants ignored the political, sociocultural,
economic, ideological and geostrategic root causes of
the problem. Nonetheless, as cited earlier, the
successive governments have been largely relying on
the use of force, which is again a security perspective,
of countering the threat of extremism, which some
refer to as re ghting approach. But that does not
mean it has not worked at all. For instance, the most
recent military operation, Operation Zarb-e-Azb in
North Waziristan has accomplished many things. It
has eliminated the militants' infrastructure to a greater
extent or pushed it to other side of Pak-Afghan border,
which has resulted in a decreased number of terrorist
attacks inside Pakistan. Indeed a decline in the
terrorist incidents inside the country had become
visiblesincethelaunch of Swatoperation in 2009.
Pak Institute for Peace Studies' (PIPS) Annual
Security Report for 2017 noted that during 2013 the
number of terrorist attacks took an upward turn
mainly due to an increased incidence of sectarian-
related attacks in the country as well as a signi cant
surge in terror acts in Karachi. However, a gradual
decline in the number of terrorist attacks and
consequent fatalities in Pakistan can be visibly seen
since 2009.“e Rangers-led operation in Karachi
(started 2013), military operations in North
Waziristan and Khyber agencies, and police's anti-
militant actions across Pakistan including part of the
National Action Plan (NAP) and Radd-ul-Fasaad,
apparently helped sustain that declining trend 2013
1
onward,whichcontinued in 2017aswell.”
Chart 1: Terrorist attacks and consequent fatalities
2
inPakistansince2009
However many challenges still remain to be addressed
in terms of countering extremism and terrorism. For
MUHAMMAD AMIR RANA AND SAFDAR SIAL
COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM
IN PAKISTAN: A POLICY PERSPECTIVE
1
Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), Pakistan Security Report 2017 (Islamabad: January 2018).
51

one, despite a decrease in the number of terrorist
attacks, terrorists including sectarian out ts have been
successful in carrying out some major attacks in the
recent months and years. is indicates that their
operational and support networks are still active,
despite being weakened compared to pre-2014
scenario. Similarly, most Baloch insurgent groups
have been reportedly pushed to certain southern areas
of the province such as Awaran and Khuzdar.
However, their low intensity attacks as well as some
major ones which targeted the FC, are repeatedly
reported from across Balochistan. Such attacks and
targeted killings by violent sectarian groups as well as
TTP and ISIS-supporters are also sporadically
reported. At the same time, some new challenges are
rearing their heads like the emergence of self-
radicalized individuals and small terrorist cells,
growing incidence of religious extremism including
on educational campuses, persisting cross-border
attacks by Pakistani militants relocated to
Afghanistan, and increasing footprints of Daesh, in
parts of the country and convergence of its ghters in
Afghanistan near the Pakistan border. ese have
made Pakistan's countering terrorism efforts even
more challenging, which are also evolving in line with
the changing regional scenario especially the pressure
mountedbytheUS administration.
eneed tofocus soft approaches
As cited earlier, much of the debate on countering
extremism in Pakistan revolves around countering
terrorism or terrorists, leaving unaddressed the
persistent factors of violent and non-violent
extremism in society. at is why the state's
counterterrorism actions don't have sustainable, long-
term effect. e soft approaches to counter extremism
are missing. A PIPS report based on consultations
with 10 CVE expert groups early 2017 found that
eliminating extremism – which is considered by many
as the key prerequisite to counter terrorism – in
Pakistan requires efforts at developing a holistic CVE
strategy, covering multiple fronts. at strategy
should not only focus on hard approaches, or ghting
against the violent extremists, but also on developing
intellectual, ideological responses to annul extremists'
religious-ideological dogmas and evolving a
comprehensive rehabilitation or reintegration of
(repentant and ready-to-quit-violence) militants.
Pakistan's National Action Plan (NAP) against
terrorism, which the government announced early
2015, employed soft approaches of CVE and CT, as
espoused in many of its clauses such as checking
religious extremism and protecting minorities;
curbing the formation of violent groups (armed
militias) and acting against banned groups; acting
against those spreading hate speech and propaganda
including on mainstream and scoial media; checking
secatrian violence; and reforming madrassas, etc.
However, judged by the tool of NAP, too, Pakistan's
performance against violent extremism and terrorism
has not been impressive. According to several
accounts, the government has been faltering on an
effective implementation of NAP measures mainly
due to reasons cited in the opening paragraph of this
article. A Pak Institute for Peace Studies' (PIPS) report
on the NAP progress in the year 2016 observed that
the implementation was far from satisfactory and even
former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif himself had
expressed dissatisfaction over it many time during the
year. Other indicators of faltering NAP
implementation include continuing activities of
banned militant groups including public gatherings,
persisting hate speech and faith-based violence on the
ground and in cyberspace, continuing sectarian and
terrorist violence, and growing insecurity among
religious minorities.
52
Countering Violent Extremism And Terrorism In Pakistan: A Policy Perspective

e need to focus soft approaches of reducing the
appeal of militant/jihadist ideologies – or expanding
and effectively implementing the NAP actions – is
vindicated by the fact that religious extremists – who
have a history of using mainstream and their personal
print media to propagate their ideologies – have
recently found new avenues in the form of Internet
and social media platforms such as Facebook and
Twitter to propagate and justify their violent
ideologies and actions and get recruits and nancial
support. Internet and social media have not only
increased the outreach, appeal and impact of
extremist, intolerant ideologies but also made
individuals, mainly youths, more vulnerable and
prone to radicalization as they are well connected on
various social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter,
Snapchat and more.
e problem is compounded by the fact that not only
militants but their sympathizers and apologists also
work as disseminators of extremist, intolerant and
pro-jihad messages on social media platforms. ese
non-jihadi disseminators also include clerics and
Islamic scholars, whose messages carry more appeal
and credibility for common Muslim users.A 2014
study by the International Centre for the Study of
Radicalisation and Political Violence found that
propaganda pages on Facebook could play an
important role in radicalizing Muslim youths. For
instance, there are frequent posts of intolerance and
hatred – posts that discount the presence of
Christians, Jews and different Muslim sects. Many of
the online content express, openly, sympathy for
'jihad' and Islamist militants. An investigative report
by Pakistan's leading English daily Dawn in 2017
noted that forty-one of Pakistan's sixty-four banned
militant groups were actively present on Facebook in
the form of hundreds of pages, groups and individual
userpro les.
PolicyRecocomendations
Ideological Counter-Responses:“Paigham-e-
Pakistan” is the country's rst serious effort to develop
an ideological counter-response to violent and
militant ideologies, which should be upheld,
promoted and transformed into a national narrative
effectively. It should also be used to develop a culture
of dialogue and consultation among religious
scholars. e moderate religious scholars can do the
job of developing counter-extremism response more
effectively both in terms of reconstruction of political
and religious views and contributing to a national
dialogue. Efforts are also required for restructuring a
non-discriminatoryreligious thought.
Dialogue: Apart form religious/ideological dialogue,
there is a need for establishing anational-level dialogue
forum, or a platform for scholars, academics, political
and religious leaders and policymakers to bring the
key challenges on the discussion table and to
understand various viewpoints. e government
should take lead to establish such platforms, which
shouldworkindependently.
Culture: e government should take practical steps
to build the foundation of Pakistani culture on
positive cultural expression that accepts and tolerates
diverse cultural identities. At the same time, it should
take political and legislative measures to discourage
sick customs and traditions playing out in the garb of
culture.
Education and curriculum: National educational
curriculum should be based on the principles of social
cohesion and larger acceptance of religious and ethnic
diversity. e subjects of “citizenship” and “civic
education” should be compulsorily added in primary-
level institutions, especially public and private schools
and madrassahs; and the nurturing of a good citizen in
light of constitution and law, should be given central
place. Also, the Constitution be gradually made part
of the education curriculum. At the same time, the
government should engage madrassas in a
constructive and concerted dialogue on how to make
these institutions of religious education places of
tolerance, moderation and innovation.
53

Reintegration: e government should strive to
develop a comprehenisve Pakistan-speci c model
which should engage different violent and non-
violentradical groups throughtailor-made programs.
In 2017, a group of security expertssuggested a such
framework, and recommended that Parliament
should constitute a high-powered national-level truth
and reconciliation commission, to review the policies
that produced militancy and to mainstream those
willing to shun violence.e policy group also
recommended an institutionalized de-radicalization
exercise and expansion of deradicalization centers in
prisons across the country. Currently such centres are
operating under the military in Swat and FATA but
policy group recommended that the key authority to
look after the centres should be with civilian law-
enforcement agencies, preferably police. Professionals
and moderate scholars should be engaged in the
rehabilitation centres. Prison Departments, Police
and its Counter Terrorism Departments (CTDs) can
jointly launch de-radicalization programs for the
terrorist detainees.
Effective implementation on NAP: To make NAP
functional and effective, a group of security experts in
a consultative meeting organized by PIPS in 2017
underscored that NAP should be reviewed afresh,
dividing into two broader components, Counter-
Terrorism (CT) and Counter- Violent Extremism
(CVE).e rst component, CT, may deal with the
hard approaches of countering militancy, having more
immediate effect. ese include reforming policing,
coordination among security institutions, acting
against armed groups, curbing hate speech, choking
terror nance, protecting minorities, dismantling
militants' communication networks, countering the
cyber spaces, reforming criminal justice system,
securing borders and most importantly reforming
intelligence. e second component, CVE, should
deal with the soft approaches of countering militancy,
producing results in the long-term. is component
should include reforming madrassas, banning
glorifying militants, reconciling politically with
different militants especially in Balochistan,
rehabilitating and de-radicalizing of different brands
of militants, reforming education, re-orientating
culture, reshaping media strategy, countering
sectarianism and reforming judiciary.
Youth engagement: An overarching purpose of youth
engagement programs should be to identify and
consolidate ways to make youth immune to extremist
narratives and ideologies, such as: mobilizing and
engaging youth with existing community circles to
promote harmonious values in society; andenhanced
interaction and dialogue among different shades of
youth including students of mainstream and religious
educational institutions.
Media including social: Sensitizing the media on
critical issues is crucial as media is not only a medium
to promote narratives, but it also transforms certain
tendenciesin people's thinkingand opinion making.
FATA reforms: A delay in or denial to implement
recommendations on FATA reforms will make it
harder to sustain the impact of military operations
launched in tribal belt. Socio-economic and political
factors of extremism still persist in FATA – which had
once provided spaces for the militants to operate and
attract tribesmen towards their violent ideologies –
which can be subsided greatly through reforming
FATA and bringing it to political and constitutional
mainstream.
Securing cyber spaces: e government should take
immediate steps to prevent youths from falling into
extremists' trap by securing cyberspaces. Militant
groups use cyberspaces for propagating their
messages, recruiting new adherents, and generating
funds, thereby making the virtual world a vulnerable
place for the youth. is is the area, which indeed
needseffectiveresponses both by thestateand society.
Baloch separatist insurgency: Baloch separatists may
not get con ated with Islamist militants. e cause of
Baloch insurgency is purely economic and political in
nature, and solutions should be political too, as also
acknowledged by the National Action Plan, the
54
Countering Violent Extremism And Terrorism In Pakistan: A Policy Perspective

country'scounter-terror plan.
A proper governance system: Good governance can
not only prevent people, mainly youth, from falling
for violent radicalism and extremism but also
strengthen the rule of law and [administrative and law
enforcement] surveillance. e need for good
governance is required in most of the country. Bad
governance reduces the public trust in the
government's commitmentagainstmilitancy.
Regional context: A holistic review of Pakistan's
strategic priorities is must to lessen the chances of any
fallout on the country's internal security. is review
should propose policy measures that contribute
towards reducing the risk of violence in the country
and improving relations with all neighbours and
particularly afghanistan, India and Iran.
55

Sarah Belal
Sarah Belal is the Founder and Executive Director of
Justice Project Pakistan (JPP), a legal action non-profit
organization established in Lahore in December 2009.
JPP provides pro bono representation to the most
vulnerable Pakistani prisoners facing the harshest
punishments in the courts of law and the court of public
opinion.
Sarah is the recipient of the 2016 Franco-German
Human Rights Prize, granted to only 16 human rights
activists throughout the world.In Dec.2016,she was also
awarded the National Human Rights Prize by the
Federal Ministry of Human Rights. In 2013, Sarah won
the prestigious Echoing Green Global Fellowship –
making JPP the first Pakistani organization to be
recognizedinthefellowship's25-yearhistory.
Sarah studied History at Smith College, Northampton.
She completed her law degree from Oxford University in
2006.She qualified as a barrister after completing the Bar
Vocational Course in 2007. She obtained her licence to
practice in Pakistan in 2008 and gained rights of audience
in the High Court in 2008. Since 2009, she has been
leadingtheteamatJusticeProjectPakistan.
Author Profile
57

Introduction
On 17 December 2014, following a deadly attack on
the Army Public School in Peshawar, the Government
of Pakistan lifted the de-facto six-year moratorium on
the death penalty. Since then, Pakistan has gone from a
non-executing state to the world's fth most proli c
1
executioner witha totalof480 executions.
e Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), Pakistan's primary
anti-terrorism legislation, was promulgated in 1997.
e legislative intent underpinning the ATA was to
increase the power of law enforcement agencies to
prevent and investigate terrorism and to create special
2
courts to expedite trials of terrorist suspects erefore
the ATA created a separate legal realm for offences that
fall within its wide scope by stipulating a parallel set of
procedures for the custody, detention, prosecution,
and sentencing of terrorism suspects in the country,
and establishing special Anti-Terrorism Courts (ATCs)
3
for the “speedy trial” of terrorism offences. e special
law additionally authorises policies such as enhanced
police powers, arrest without warrant, extended
remand of suspects and preventive detention. Within
this framework, the accused are deprived of key
procedural safeguards, such as those pertaining to
custody and detention, that they would be entitled to
under Pakistan's regular or normal criminal justice
system.
In the context of such a demarcation, it becomes
necessary to examine how the principles of rule of law
and access to justice, are impacted in practice. is
policy paper will critically examine the ways in which
Pakistan's application of the ATA 1997 contravenes
three key components of the rule of law, as identi ed
4
by Lord Bingham in 2010 . ese include “adequate
5
protection of fundamental human rights” , the
“provision of fair adjudicative procedures by the
6
state” , and “compliance by the state with its
7
international and national law obligations” .It will also
analyse the closely linked strand of access to justice
through highlighting the huge backlog of cases in
ATCs and the lack of effective legal representation
provided by the state to those tried under the ATA
1997. Finally, it will recommend policy reforms that
are essential in countering and redressing existing aws
in Pakistan's anti-terrorism framework, to ensure
adherence to principles of the rule of law and access to
justice. It will also recommend the creation of
comprehensive safeguards for the rights of juveniles
who are tried under the ATA 1997 by Anti-Terrorism
Courts.
Part 1: Existing Challenges to Rule of Law- Pakistan's
ApplicationoftheAnti-TerrorismAct1997
According to the United Nations Global Counter-
Terrorism Strategy (General Assembly Resolution
60/288), which was adopted by all Member States
unanimously in 2006 and was reaffirmed most recently
by the General Assembly in 2014, “respect for human
rights and the rule of law” form the “fundamental basis
8
for the ght against terrorism” . Member States
reaffirmed that the “promotion and protection of
human rights for all” and “respect for the rule of law”
are “essential” to all components of the Strategy-
effective counter-terrorism measures and the
protection of human rights “complementary and
9
mutually reinforcing” goals.
is means that upholding the principle of the rule of
law remains not only a relevant, but, in fact, a salient
aim in the context of legislative and judicial
frameworks designed to counter terrorism. Pakistan's
application of its primary anti-terrorism legislation,
the Anti-Terrorism Act 1997, however, infringes some
of the key aspects of the rule of law. is section will
critically examine the ways in which Pakistan's
application of the ATA 1997 contravenes three key
components of the rule of law, as identi ed by Lord
10
Bingham in 2010 . ese include “adequate
11
protection of fundamental human rights” , the
“provision of fair adjudicative procedures by the
12
state” , and “compliance by the state with its
13
internationaland nationallaw obligations” .
REFORMING PAKISTAN'S ANTI-TERRORISM REGIME:
PROMOTING RULE OF LAW AND ACCESS TO JUSTICE
SARAH BELAL
1
Till September 30, 2017
2
Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997[ATA], Preamble
3
ATA, S 13(1)
4
Tom Bingham, e Rule of Law (2010)
5
6
7
8
http://www.ohchr,org/EN/newyork/Documents/Fair Trial.pdf,Page3
9
http://www.ohchr,org/EN/newyork/Documents/Fair Trial.pdf,Page3
10
Tom Bingham,THe Rule of Law (2010)
11
12
13
59

Pakistan - Mapping the Policy Agenda 2018-2023

Pakistan - Mapping the Policy Agenda 2018-2023

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