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Citizens United, Campaign
 Finance, and Nonprofits
       Professor Rick Hasen
Prepared for Delivery at STANFORD
              PACS
Are Nonprofits People Too? Mar.20,
               2012
Federal Campaign Finance Law
before Citizens United
 Contribution limitations
   $5000 contribution limit to (even independent) PACs
    (rise of 527s)
 Source limitations
   Corporate and labor union ban on express advocacy
    (limited PAC option) [upheld as constitutional in Austin
    (1990), McConnell (2003)]
   McCain-Feingold Amendment for “Electioneering
    Communications”
   Exception to both corporate bans for QNC/MCFL 501c4
   organizations [MCFL (2003)]
 Disclosure rules
   McCain-Feingold Amendment for “Electioneering
    Communications” expanded disclosure
Things Change at the Roberts
Court/FEC
 Justice O’Connor retires and constitutional
  jurisprudence turns 180 degrees: since 2005
  Supreme Court has struck down or limited
  campaign finance law in every campaign finance
  case it has taken
 WRTL case, preceding Citizens United, blew a
  hole in rules limiting corporate electioneering
  communications, and led to growth in election-
  related activity by, among others, political
  organizations organized under 501c4 status
501c4s as election vehicles
 Big rise in “electioneering communication” activity by
    501c4s
   Benefit of 501c4 over 527: donor anonymity
    [disclosure to IRS but not public]
   Risk of 501c4s losing c4 status if political activity
    becomes “primary purpose”
   At first unclear if IRS would subject c4 contributions
    for political purposes to gift tax, but IRS has backed
    off
   Not clear whether DISCLOSE Act could/should be
    extended to activities of 501c4s
   Some 501c4s may be breaking campaign finance law
    because they are acting as political committees
Citizens United
 Holding: limits on independent corporate
  spending in elections is unconstitutional
 Presumably applies to labor unions as well
 Theory: rejection of equality/anti-distortion
  argument of Austin case; rejection of argument
  that independent spending can lead to
  “corruption” or the appearance of corruption
 Since Citizens United, very little direct
  independent corporate spending; most corporate
  spending from closely held corporations; public
  corporations worry about alienating customers
After Citizens United
 Rise of Super PACs (following SpeechNow and FEC
  rulings): eliminates $5000 contribution limit to PACs
  and source limitations.
   Theory: if independent spending cannot corrupt, then
    contributions to fund independent spending cannot
    corrupt either
 Super PACs replace 527s---no need for this campaign
  finance vehicle
 501c4s still provide benefits of donor anonymity, and
  c4s have pushed the envelope in 2010 and 2012 by
  acting as super PACs without disclosure
 Corporations and wealthy individuals may prefer to
  give to super PACs, 501c4s, or Chamber of
  Commerce (c6) to shield identity
Explosion of Outside Money
(Spending through March 8 of
Election Year)

        Outside
        spending
        so far in
        2012 at
        234% of
        2008 levels
        and 628%
        of 2004
        levels: CU
        matters
501c4 Money Now Going into
Express Advocacy
Does Citizens United Go Further in Freeing
Nonprofits from Political Activity Limits?
 Dicta v holding


 Example 1: Citizens United said that the identity
 of the speaker does not matter for First
 Amendment purposes, yet the Court recently
 affirmed that it does not violate the First
 Amendment to bar foreign spending in elections.
 (Why?)
Example 2: Dicta on All
Corporations, Including Nonprofits
 “Due consideration leads to this conclusion:
 Austin should be and now is overruled. We
 return to the principle established in Buckley
 and Bellotti that the Government may not
 suppress political speech on the basis of the
 speaker's corporate identity. No sufficient
 governmental interest justifies limits on
 the political speech of nonprofit or for-
 profit corporations.”
Understanding the dicta
 What does this mean for limits on lobbying by
  501c3s, etc.?
 Aprill: Categorical statement best understood
  in context of overruling Austin. Not a rejection
  of other theories (such as subsidy theory as to
  501c3s) to limit political activity of certain
  nonprofits.
 Citizens United dicta could be used for further
  attacks on 501c3 rules, 501c4 primary
  purpose activities. I am skeptical such attacks
  would work, at least in near term.

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Hasen stanfordpacs-2

  • 1. Citizens United, Campaign Finance, and Nonprofits Professor Rick Hasen Prepared for Delivery at STANFORD PACS Are Nonprofits People Too? Mar.20, 2012
  • 2. Federal Campaign Finance Law before Citizens United  Contribution limitations  $5000 contribution limit to (even independent) PACs (rise of 527s)  Source limitations  Corporate and labor union ban on express advocacy (limited PAC option) [upheld as constitutional in Austin (1990), McConnell (2003)]  McCain-Feingold Amendment for “Electioneering Communications”  Exception to both corporate bans for QNC/MCFL 501c4  organizations [MCFL (2003)]  Disclosure rules  McCain-Feingold Amendment for “Electioneering Communications” expanded disclosure
  • 3. Things Change at the Roberts Court/FEC  Justice O’Connor retires and constitutional jurisprudence turns 180 degrees: since 2005 Supreme Court has struck down or limited campaign finance law in every campaign finance case it has taken  WRTL case, preceding Citizens United, blew a hole in rules limiting corporate electioneering communications, and led to growth in election- related activity by, among others, political organizations organized under 501c4 status
  • 4. 501c4s as election vehicles  Big rise in “electioneering communication” activity by 501c4s  Benefit of 501c4 over 527: donor anonymity [disclosure to IRS but not public]  Risk of 501c4s losing c4 status if political activity becomes “primary purpose”  At first unclear if IRS would subject c4 contributions for political purposes to gift tax, but IRS has backed off  Not clear whether DISCLOSE Act could/should be extended to activities of 501c4s  Some 501c4s may be breaking campaign finance law because they are acting as political committees
  • 5.
  • 6. Citizens United  Holding: limits on independent corporate spending in elections is unconstitutional  Presumably applies to labor unions as well  Theory: rejection of equality/anti-distortion argument of Austin case; rejection of argument that independent spending can lead to “corruption” or the appearance of corruption  Since Citizens United, very little direct independent corporate spending; most corporate spending from closely held corporations; public corporations worry about alienating customers
  • 7. After Citizens United  Rise of Super PACs (following SpeechNow and FEC rulings): eliminates $5000 contribution limit to PACs and source limitations.  Theory: if independent spending cannot corrupt, then contributions to fund independent spending cannot corrupt either  Super PACs replace 527s---no need for this campaign finance vehicle  501c4s still provide benefits of donor anonymity, and c4s have pushed the envelope in 2010 and 2012 by acting as super PACs without disclosure  Corporations and wealthy individuals may prefer to give to super PACs, 501c4s, or Chamber of Commerce (c6) to shield identity
  • 8. Explosion of Outside Money (Spending through March 8 of Election Year) Outside spending so far in 2012 at 234% of 2008 levels and 628% of 2004 levels: CU matters
  • 9. 501c4 Money Now Going into Express Advocacy
  • 10. Does Citizens United Go Further in Freeing Nonprofits from Political Activity Limits?  Dicta v holding  Example 1: Citizens United said that the identity of the speaker does not matter for First Amendment purposes, yet the Court recently affirmed that it does not violate the First Amendment to bar foreign spending in elections. (Why?)
  • 11. Example 2: Dicta on All Corporations, Including Nonprofits “Due consideration leads to this conclusion: Austin should be and now is overruled. We return to the principle established in Buckley and Bellotti that the Government may not suppress political speech on the basis of the speaker's corporate identity. No sufficient governmental interest justifies limits on the political speech of nonprofit or for- profit corporations.”
  • 12. Understanding the dicta  What does this mean for limits on lobbying by 501c3s, etc.?  Aprill: Categorical statement best understood in context of overruling Austin. Not a rejection of other theories (such as subsidy theory as to 501c3s) to limit political activity of certain nonprofits.  Citizens United dicta could be used for further attacks on 501c3 rules, 501c4 primary purpose activities. I am skeptical such attacks would work, at least in near term.