Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (1ª part)

GRAZIA.TANTA@GMAIL.COM 30/9/2019 1
Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (1/3)
Capitalism, to consolidate itself, created the nation-state,
endowed it with tentacle and repressive state apparatus and a
discriminatory ideology when not racist, the nationalism. As a
process, capitalism has globalized, without losing the use of its
instruments of accumulation and social management; even with
the preponderance of the financial system as the main element of
capital creation (fictitious), capitalism is the responsible for
climate aggression. And there is no solution for the planet and
humanity within capitalism and using its usual instruments -
nation-state, state, nationalism, political classes.
Summary
1. How capitalism created the nation-state
2 - Nationalism as an instrument of ideological control
3 - To each nation a nation-state?
4. Capitalism magnifies the nation-state in its process of consolidation.
5 - The capitalist globalization reconfigures the role of the nation-state
5 .1 - Some segments taken from the domain of nation-states
6 - The State, local manager of the stratification of the Human beings
/// +
1. How capitalism created the nation-state
The sedentary nature of human beings has created several and chained groups with
increasingly complex relationships. Families expanded and intersections with other
families emerged in the context of meetings of a wandering life or conflicts leading to the
integration of the defeated; This integration corresponded to the implicit appreciation of
human capital, where and when the hostility of the environment forced it. On the other

hand, closure in the same inbreeding was avoided1
and the emergence of a great diversity
of human beings spread across the planet was favored.
In Rome, gens were sets of families that saw themselves in an illustrious ancestor or
considered important in their lives, as a unifying element and implicit generator of identity;
which is comparable to clans in other societies in Northern Europe, Arabia, China, Japan,
etc. These lineages later led to the concepts of noble and nobility, as a social class in
which affiliation in the same lineage was essential. It is known that the lineage had true
meaning only when there was possession of lands, mills and, slaves, levers necessary for
the exercise of political power; for those who did not have this property the issue of
lineage would be irrelevant, apart from the transmission of fathers or mothers to son(s) of
possessions, even including in these small portions of agricultural land or workshops of
blacksmiths, carpenters, etc.
On a broader plane came the tribe, a concept also from the Romans that was also
remotely based on inbreeding, sealed by the veneration of the same gods, the lares. The
incorporation of other elements, of distinct human groups or individuals, as was practiced
by North American natives, has rarely been removed; the variety of peoples, tribes and,
languages recorded in antiquity, between the Mediterranean and Mesopotamia, has no
comparison with the existing mosaic.
The concept of tribe in Europe ceased to be used as the manorial territories were formed,
with a well-marked social division between masters and servants; the servants came to fit
in as subjects of the lord (count, duke, king), in a picture of sedentary, of link to the land.
The arrival of other tribes moving from north to south or from the Asian steppes such as
the Lombards in Italy; or, the arrival of the Goths and Berbers to the Iberian Peninsula, for
example, resulted in a total miscegenation. In the Lower Middle Ages, as trade relations
became denser and the flight to the cities became widespread, the reference of origin was
no longer the connection to a feudal house, to be replaced by the region of provenance,
the gentile, as a reference of origin, identification, until the constitution of nation-states,
when the main reference became the identification of origin; as today it remains.
This identification of origin was initially a simple reference that translated habits, customs
and, a culture, before people of other origins. If Colombo was Genoese (which will not be
peaceful), his trip to the Iberian Peninsula did not drag rights or duties towards Genoa.
The same was true with Magalhães when he went to Spain after seeing his project
rejected by the Portuguese king. At that time, people circulated, traveled, without prior
knowledge of their "State" because at the borders no passports were required, leaving or
entering; though few people traveled, confining all their lives in a small circle around their
agricultural, self-sufficient community.
With the disintegration of the Roman Empire, the usual networks of commerce ceased to
be used and the urban population declined, as evidenced, for example, in the
abandonment of Conimbriga, with the richest moving to the countryside, to their villae,
1
It does not worried for centuries European royal families, producing commonly, physically or mentally weak

developing a very localized and self-sustaining economy. Thus, throughout the Middle
Ages, an autonomous agrarian economy predominated, with a range of knowledge that
went from parents to children, all illiterate (except the priest who gave mass… in Latin),
with a low volume of foreign trade. The references of the population were fixed in the
place, with sparse trips to urban centers; a self-centered, closed society, self-sufficient in
food (as long as there were no wars or bad harvests) and autonomous in the knowledge
of fields and domestic animals. Scholarly knowledge was anchored in the Bible and
limited to monasteries and universities, whose teachers were clerics.
The dialectic between peasants and feudal lords was centered on the tribute to be paid to
the nobleman to ensure the safety of the people without ruining it; in times of bad
harvests, this was a vital matter. Thus the pendulum oscillated between the tolerance of
the rural communities and the greed of the lords; and their abuse resulted in large and
bloody peasant uprisings such as the remensas revolt in Catalonia in the second half of
the fifteenth century, Walt Tyler and John Ball in late fourteenth-century England or,
Jacquerie in France, few decades before, following many others, against the abuses of
the lords since the tenth century. In Germany, the peasants tried to take advantage of the
movements resulting from the Lutheran secession to free themselves from the lords, but
Luther preferred to help the German nobility in their purpose of abandonment of papal
suzerainty. In these struggles, the rebellious were not directed against a distant king
whom they were asking for intervention but, against their direct oppressors.
In the typical agrarian societies of the European Middle Ages, the idea of nation-state was
unknown because the solidarity was manifested among social classes - the peasants,
among themselves against the masters; and among the latter, the extension of their
domains was achieved by war, where it was not possible to obtain them through family
crossings.
At the top of the manorial hierarchy in a given area was a king who often had equal or less
relevance than some manor houses, and, on the other hand, the loyalties among the
nobility were very volatile2
as is always the case at all times when there are riches in
dispute.
The apex of the pyramid of power in the setting of Christian Europe was the Pope, "vicar
of Christ" to whom everybody would be debtors of obedience and heir to the
responsibilities assigned to the Church, although during the fourteenth to the fifteenth
century there was an inter-papal competition; with one in Rome, another in Avignon and
for a few years a third, in Pisa. For centuries there have been serious disputes over the
primacy between clerical and lordly powers – all, dominating vast territories and servants;
after the Lutheran and Calvinist schisms in the Protestant states, the king became the
head of the local church, thereby adding one more element to the integration of the
2
It should be remembered, by the way, that most of the Portuguese nobility, under the dynastic crisis of
1383/85 supported the power delivery to the king of Castilla; this was not the case of non-eldest sons or
bastards who saw the conflict as an opportunity to seize the lands of the noble supporters of Castilla.

respective territory in the process of creating a nation-state. Following the French
Revolution and the formation of the USA, the principle of religious freedom was stressed.
Today, stricter situations of state religion are observed, for example in Saudi Arabia, with
the monopoly of Wahabite Islam or, in Iran, Shiite, where there are temples of other cults,
and atheism is not punished.
No one would remember, in the late Middle Age, to speak of homeland, nation, and even
less of State. Take, for example, the genesis of Portugal.
The first Portuguese king was vassal of his cousin of Castilla and Leon, the Spanish
emperor; and, to get rid of this dependency, he held, for decades, negotiations with the
Pope over the number of ounces of gold to pay, to have only an obedience facing to
Rome. Those who lived in those lands that became Portugal they were vassals of the
king, whether they were Christians of obedience to the Pope (the people of the North),
Muslims, Mozarabians or Jews (the people of the South), without any sense of nation, or
even a common culture; despite this, the present-day nationalists celebrated Portugal's
840 years, counted from the purchase with gold and, the end of the Portuguese king's
obedience to his cousin of Castilla and Leon. Only much later, in the 16th century, with the
expulsion or forced conversion of Muslims and Jews, the Iberian kings tried cultural
homogeneity; which in the case of Spain is still absent, of course, after 500 years.
The Italian republics, especially Genoa and Venice, had an oligarchic power structure with
mature diplomacy, suited to their mercantile and financial logic, with territorial possessions
circumscribed to the Mediterranean through war or plunder; and with little in common with
the austere European kingdoms to which they lent money. Its decline began with the
Ottoman expansion and the shifting of the spine of trade from the Mediterranean to the
Atlantic, initially through Spain and Portugal. Moreover, the Italian republics to compete in
the outer space of the Mediterranean would have to use new shipbuilding and armament
technologies, trade-support logistical bases and increase the volume of military spending
to compete with the Iberian countries already on the routes of East and the Americas.
In the Italian republics, the economic dynamic focused on foreign relations was anchored
in a class of merchants and bankers, united by business, with no pretensions to a higher
level of integration, especially national. The extensive Hanseatic League that united
dozens of Baltic and North Sea cities formed an alliance for trade and transport in that
region, minimizing pirate attacks. In these two cases, economic and political planning had
nothing in common with feudal territories based on the constitution of peasant rents from
warlords; and had nothing in common with the emerging nation-states.
The passage from the Middle Age to the Modern Age is structured under several axes.
Existing lenders in the main urban centers financed the monarchs to promote the

exploitation or conquest of their colonial territories, granted to small nobles such as
Cortez, Pizarro, Almagro or the grantees of Portuguese captaincies in Brazil3
.
The abundance of gold and silver in the American colonies of Spain, as well as the
weaknesses of the natives, with their way of life destroyed by the colonizers and
increased by the diseases offered by the latter, led to the slave trade until the 19th
century, distributed throughout southern of the nowadays US, the Caribbean, the mines
and the sugar mills of Brazil, for three centuries.
Gold and silver entered Seville twice a year in large fleets protected by warships; and, as
feudal lords, the Iberian kings used gold to pay for war, the hiring of armies with many
mercenaries, and the pageantry, with no purpose of economic promotion or logic of
income redistribution, as one would say today. They acted as true feudal lords, owners of
many lands and ideologically bound to Boullionism, the eagerness to own gold and silver
for the creation of money.
The Spanish cities continued to be unhealthy slums where penniless nobles (who had a
squire begging for them) but candidates for incomes and positions with the king, high
nobility, and clergy; also ruffians, awaiting contract for the use of the sword in defense of a
lord who paid the service; many merchants from various origins to sell their goods; rural
without work, given the abandonment of land by the nobles; and many beggars and little
thieves waiting for food at the door of the convents. The important thing was to have gold
or silver in hands.
In the sixteenth century, in Spain or Portugal, there was neither nation nor state4
because
the rise of capitalism was still incipient. The power was in monarchs, marked by the spirit
of crusade, imbued with a feudal mentality, under which the territory was theirs; and
where it did not exist a commercial bourgeoisie similar to that observed in the Italian
republics or and Hanseatic cities. Their inability to understand the new economic
dynamics was exploited by foreign traders who came to Seville to sell what was not
produced in Spain and were paid in gold. In Portugal, where the scenario was similar, the
economic ruin was added in 1578 by the king's disastrous military adventure in Morocco,
which led to the dynastic union of the two Iberian countries, with the people's indifference
to the fact the new king was Spanish.
The Iberian countries did not develop as capitalist powers but remained led by monarchs
with an expansionist vision marked by concerns of evangelization in the new territories of
the Americas and the East. And in the case of Spain, with an expensive and exhausting
involvement in the political and religious wars that marked the Holy Roman-Germanic
Empire. Hence, it happen its decline and the ceding of maritime power to Dutch, French
and, English.
3
These grantees had a hereditary right over the territory and, on the other hand, must give the king
20% of the gold or precious stones found; or 10% if they were farm producers.
4
Only in the late fifteenth century, with King John II, was generated a national administrative
apparatus, a state outline… with the arrival in India on a very near horizon.

The Netherlands5
(Northern Netherlands) had in the 16th and 17th centuries very different
characteristics from the Iberian monarchies; it had created a republican regime after the
end of a long war against the Spanish rule, which continued to be exercised in the South
Netherlands, Belgium. It has done great work in building dikes and canals, modernizing
agriculture by introducing crop rotation and increasing livestock breeding; and in
manufacturing, the specialization of workers within the industry began to develop,
producing larger, faster and more profitable ships to the colonial trade.
Its republican political regime corresponded to the rule of an active and wealthy
bourgeoisie, which favored immigration, especially of artists, philosophers and, scientists;
on the other hand, religious tolerance attracted wealthy or cultured Jews, expelled from
Spain, from Portugal6
and Belgium, where the Spanish sought to maintain religious
oneness.
The role played in the development of world trade generated major capital movements
and gave rise to the Amsterdam Stock Exchange, the Bank of Amsterdam, the emergence
of joint-stock companies that came to originate the East and West Indies Companies, to
which the state gave the monopoly of colonial products, increasing the profit margins of
their holders. Almost at the same time, English competitors created the Bank of England,
and the Bill of Rights that limited royal powers, while the property rights emerged.
Amsterdam has replaced Lisbon and Seville as the center of global trade. The
Netherlands took advantage of and consolidated the shift of European trade from the
Mediterranean to the Atlantic, becoming the hub of developed sea and land links with the
whole of northern or southern Europe, replacing, for example, the decaying Italian
republics in trade with Morocco.
Colonial trade was complemented by transactions on the European scene in food and raw
materials. Religious eclecticism allowed the monopoly of trade with Japan, after the
Portuguese were expelled from there, always interested in trade but, linked to
evangelization, naturally taken as offensive to educated Japanese.
This network of interests between traders, transporters and, bankers, operating on a
worldwide basis, enjoys the absence of a despotic and imposing central power as well as
religious freedom, were elements that greatly enlarged the commercial and financial
capitalism designed in the Italian republics, in the essentially Mediterranean context. This
network also aggregated the various dependent social strata, interested in the current
prosperity and continuity. The density of social and economic relations, especially in a
small territorial space, unified its inhabitants in a common culture and interested in a State
5
Since this paper is not intended to summarize the history of the emergence of capitalism and the
rivalries between the first capitalist countries, we are particularly concerned with the case of the
Netherlands, not proceeding with the same process in England or France, unless it is particularly useful
in framing this essay on the rise and fall of the nation-state
6
Spinoza had very close Iberian ancestors. The same happened with David Ricardo, whose father was a
Dutch Jew, with a more remote Portuguese ancestry.

with a role to give a cover to private enterprise. As there was competition from other
regions - England, France, Spain, Portugal, and Scandinavian countries - it was
convenient to erect a border delimitation, the existence of an army and, above all, a
powerful war navy - under the responsibility of a state apparatus, financially anchored in
customs duties, taxes, tithes.
This evolving global project that involved the Dutch, more so as a culturally and
linguistically homogeneous people (a nation) and averse to the domination of a foreign
monarchy (Spain), is called capitalism. To secure internally social peace and defend itself
from competition, this political project created a national label7
(Netherlands) that would
unify the population around certain economic and political designs in the global scene
and, in particular, the European framework - this project was materialized in a nation-
state. At the same time and as European economic development was proceeding, in a
global framework of competition and war, it was essential for the capitalists of the various
countries, the creation of nation-states, with a territory and a population, of their own,
mobilized for work and war.
2 - Nationalism as an instrument of ideological control
Each nation-state circumscribed itself by a border - sealed space that separated it from
other competing nation-states as to the possession of territories and their wealth; and
which today comprises other structures and distinct frameworks. Among these riches
stood out relevant population groups, which were required in each nation-state to crack
down and antagonize what would be necessary and convenient to face identical groups at
the border as potential threats. As it is "my capitalists" that give me work and "my state
apparatus" that gives me security against external aggressions "I accept a narrative that
unites us all" - nationalism; and against neighbors and intruders who want to impoverish
or violate "my homeland".
Local capitalists, with whom a new aristocracy was being integrated (not only sword
experts like their feudal ancestors but literate ones, too) needed to have the mass of the
population against a potential or effective enemy. Nationalism is an ingrained sense of
belonging that transforms any poor thing living in a nation-state into a declared enemy of
another poor thing, for the sole reason that the latter was born the other side of the
border, each in defense of the interests of "his" capitalists against the capitalists of the
other, which can be considered as a form of ideological and material capture - a new
bondage - of labor by capital.
In fact, in objective terms, a shipyard worker, a producer of armor, weapons, wheat, or a
sailor would soon change his social and economic position if, in the course of a war, they
were included in another nation-state, after a territorial loss of the defeated nation-state.
The immense changes in the political borders of Europe since the 16th century have
rarely been matched by massive population movements. We cite two exceptions; the
exchanges between Greeks and Turks on the banks of the Aegean a hundred years ago
7
A trade mark, as one would say today, in neoliberal language

and the rearrangement of the Germanic population following the rewording of the borders
in eastern Europe after World War II in a framework of great anti-German animosity.
Conversely, African nations essentially maintained colonial boundaries without major
migrations, because labor, whether forced or not, was on plantations or subsistence
agriculture, in a context of traditional ethnic integration, where colonial authority was
distanced and its economic power is very concentrated in commodities.
For people, in general, power and political classes are strange and distant things that are
accepted, better or worse, for many, many reasons, namely because they hold the
coercive power of the state in their hands, regardless of the color of the flag... The EU's
blue flag started to be side by side with the national flags in public buildings without any
problem; except in Britain where this has not been replicated since long before Brexit was
spoken.
It is not the changes in border boundaries that most lead to migration. Wars, ethnic and
religious persecution and, above all, the search for a better life, are the motors of
migration, even in a world built by capitalism, by nature a creator of enormous destruction
and convenient (for itself) inequalities. Human beings seek to settle where they can live in
peace, without lack of food, work, housing, education or health care; and, for this, they
disconnect from their places of origin, fit into different cultures from their own, bring about
various discriminations and eventually integrate themselves, incorporating even the
current nationalism and even the repulsion towards those who have just made it, going
through the same emigrant course.
The original national bonds are lost within two or three generations as their insertion into
the new society, their adaptation to a new culture. For example, in World War II, many
thousands of soldiers, with recent ancestry in Germany, Italy or Japan, fought against
countries of this close origin without embarrassment8
.
This material basis for the creation of nationalism is profoundly opposed to the childish,
false, metaphysical, and reactionary narratives constructed by the political classes, which
justify the nation-state as the simple organization of a nation, pure, different, with its
invariably glorious past, with their mythical heroes and spectacular deeds, with the
occasional support of the gods ... Nationalism is a cultural and psychological deviation
that proves to be the fuel of war, persecution, rape, looting, destruction, expulsion,
massacres, barbarity, discrimination …
The nation-state is a mixture of common interests, with one or more peoples present in its
territory; with a more or less intense mystique invented to shape nationalism, to exorcise
the differentiation from the Other, usually based on fantasist or childish elements used to
mark this difference. Since the nation-state is a political construction of capitalism,
nationalism is an ideological instrument of the latter whose use is performed by the
8
Conversely, Guinean soldiers of Guinea-Bissau, who fought the Portuguese colonial army and who
were unable to leave the country, were punished for this their choice; option taken often to avoid
hunger and not for the sake of the colonizer

institutions of the nation-state; and it serves to establish separation, difference, and
antagonism among the inhabitants of a nation-state against those of other nation-states in
the context of global and widespread competition. It is, therefore, an element of
consolidation of the nation-state, favoring the rule of its capitalists and the administration,
carried out by its political class, on the basis of differentiation, discrimination, racism;
although it does not seek homogeneity, since the existence of various cultures may be
useful to maintain some tension and division inside the homeland, to generate
discriminated populations, since capital accumulation requires divergences, social, racial
or religious hierarchies, to create struggle, dynamism. At the top will be a government to
manage divergences and conflicts between the various capitalist interests, which will be
able to compensate their representatives.
Nationalism is a weapon ready to be thrown, instilled into the plebs, by the possessing
strata against other nation-states and their peoples. Regarding specific cultural groups
inside a nation-state, there are cases where these groups want to create their nation-
state, such as Kurds, Catalans, Basques… or fascists like Lega who had called for an
independent Padania before becoming a national party; others, where these groups or
cultures live within the nation-state where they are a minority but without independentist
pretensions (Berbers or Copts, for example); and still cases in which these cultures are
expelled and persecuted as outcasts, undesirable (Palestinian, Gypsy, Rohingyas…).
Thus, some can live peacefully with their own cultures; and others are pointed out as
threats to the unity and good living of the motherland, which, if appropriate, will not retreat
from genocide, persecution or promote columns of fleeing refugees.
Nationalism does not require cultural homogeneity and accepts heterogeneity as long as it
does not constitute a threat, damage to the march of business or the unity of the
motherland. The construction of the nation-state generated the predominance of the
spoken language in the area where the power was centered and the vulgarization of this
language in administrative documents, through writing; later, with school networks and
compulsory education, power led to widespread adoption of the language (s) it uses, with
the regression or extinction of regional or local languages. The press and later, radio and
television, came to accentuate the predominance of the language spoken by political
power. And finally, US supremacy in politics, business, and the internet has made English
the great language of global communication.
In Italy, everyone speaks Italian (Tuscany language) but there are millions of people who
use their traditional, regional languages; the same is true in France but to a lesser extent
(Basque, Breton, Occitan, Corsican, Catalan…). More lurid was, in Spain, the ban of the
Catalan, Euzkera, or Galician languages by the fascist Franco regime for forty years; and
whose effect was just the opposite, when freedom of speech was reestablished, with the
natural uneasiness of the parties inheriting Francoism.
Due to its irrationality, nationalism tends to impose itself over other ideologies or cultures
when it is based on fear of a threat taken and held as latent, though often only imaginary;

it also serves to unite a people with a production of isolation or through the punishment of
internal "traitors".
Nationalism articulates with the dominant religion in the production of persecutory and
excluding acts, as in Francoist Spain. Similar nationalist repression took place in Salazar's
Portugal, the creator of a "multicontinental nation" to legitimize the possession of colonies.
And in Protestant monarchies, the king, as head of the national church, represents
national unity.
Nationalism can be an excellent means of elevating to undisputed leadership, a dictator, a
demagogue, a ruthless gang leader, as a leader of the nation, who will be indebted to
such political capacity, so much love for the country; he will be showed commonly in
statues and his name appears on many avenues throughout the country.
In short, the nation-state is not the logical and unquestionable result of the existence of a
people, a culture, the sharing of a common language. The nineteenths idea of "each
nation its nation-state" was a concept with specific and opportunistic purposes, in a
historical context, later used according to political convenience and never desired or
applied by the vast majority of specific peoples and cultures.
The nation-state, after establishing itself with political power (state), integrating capital
groups and hierarchies, installs unifying symbols for the veneration of the people - the
anthem and the flag9
in particular; and in modern times also with the national football
team, taken as a squad mission is to defeat the enemy.
Through school in general, particularly at the youngest age brackets, nationalism is
instilled through the heroes and achievements of the past which, as a rule, are greater
than those of close competitors. This indoctrination serves to create a collective spirit and
distrust facing other countries and peoples around, in the neighborhood. It is an inducer of
distrust, disqualification and exclusion of an abstract Other and that should make each
person a patriot, objective defender of the interests of the homeland or rather of "its"
capitalists; by the verb and the shotgun.
Another historical element in the induction of nationalism is the compulsory military
service (CMS) to which all young men were called10
to receive the due capacities for the
defense of the homeland at any time, without limit to sacrifice, which may represent a
glorious end wrapped in the homeland flag11
… even though in his homeland they may
9
When it is not a name invented based on, for example, the name of the capital (Algeria, Tunisia,
Kuwait, Djibouti); something as artificial as Central African Republic (formerly Ubangui-Chari); or
Pakistan that looks like a soup of letters.
10
However, women also joined the armed forces in a spirit of gender equality; as if the equality
between the two genders, in a context of strongly authoritarian and even ambiguous structures can
constitute the elevation of someone.
11
O capitalismo predatório e a estupidez patriótica (1)
http://www.slideshare.net/durgarrai/o-capitalismo-predatrio-e-a-estupidez-patritica-1
Patriotic stupidity and globalization (2)
https://grazia-tanta.blogspot.com/2019/10/patriotic-stupidity-and-globalization-2.html

have no more than free streets to walk. Presence in the CMS also means a training of
obedience to a strict hierarchy, in the context of integral subordination, if not in the
humiliation of subordinates; an induced obedience in young people that would lead them
to accept the hierarchy at work, to obey the employer, the State, the police authority; and,
in the case of women, also subordination to men - at home, at work, on pay, on rights…
Today, for technical reasons, CMS has been abandoned12
and the military13
became a
praetorian guard, unconnected with the population, which for many is taken as a band of
undisciplined civilians. Today's military is a volunteer, long-term contractor, skilled in the
handling of sophisticated equipment, people looking for decent pay (hard to find as
civilians) and a certain respect on the part of the plebs. At the lowest levels, they are
ignorant people, easily indoctrinated and easy to use violence14.
Thus it turned back to the early days of capitalism, to the sixteenth century, when the
European armies were made up of mercenaries. Today, in the United States, the
recruitment of young people, especially the poor, is achieved by having a university
entrance, something which is only accessible to families with possessions or, at the
expense of brutal levels of personal indebtedness. In this way, the United States, by
creating a mercenary troop, avoids the contestation of youth forced in the past to go to the
clumsy and unpopular war of Vietnam; A mercenary is paid to take all risks, and if
something goes wrong with his health… it is a professional risk.
12
Nationalism, which is very present in right-wing and " left " political groups, gives rise to the idea of
the importance of an CMS, perhaps because they intend to replicate the pre-revolutionary situation
lived in Russia in 1917 with its "workers soldiers and sailors committees". If being leftist necessarily
means being anti-militarist, refusing hierarchies and classifications of human beings on the grounds of
"nationality", it is evident that there is no visible Left in Europe.
13
http://www.slideshare.net/durgarrai/para-que-servem-as-forma-armadas (port)
14
Many later move to police or security companies for intervention, especially where physical violence
is "acceptable" such as nightclubs

To be continued:
This and other documents, here:
http://grazia-tanta.blogspot.com/
http://www.slideshare.net/durgarrai/documents
https://pt.scribd.com/uploads

Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (1ª part)

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