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PERSONALITY DISORDER AND CRIME
PSYCHOLOGIST STELLA
INTRODUCTION
 Mental health settings have higher rates of personality disorder, especially
antisocial personality disorder, than people in the general community.
 The Hare Psychopathy Checklist revised (PCL-R), which measures psychopathy,
a particular subtype of antisocial personality, has become well established tool
for predicting the risk of violent reoffending.
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
PERSONALITY DISORDER SUBTYPES
AND DIFFERENT OFFENCES
 Studies found that conduct disorder scores were significantly related to all
offence categories and adult antisocial personality disorder scores were
associated with most offences, especially obstruction of justice, firearms,
robbery and blackmail, escape and breach, fraud, burglary and theft as well as
violence.
 With regards to other cluster B disorders, narcissistic personality disorder
scores were associated with fraud and forgery.
 A surprising finding was that there was no association between borderline
personality disorder scores and types of offending, despite the high rates of
borderline personality disorder found in prisoners, especially in women.
 In the cluster C disorders, they found that avoidant personality disorder
scores were associated with criminal damage but negatively associated with
firearm offences.
 Obsessive–compulsive personality disorder scores were associated with
firearm offences and dependent personality disorder scores were
significantly associated with firearm offences and violence but negatively
associated with criminal damage.
 In the cluster A disorders, paranoid personality disorder scores were
associated with robbery and blackmail but negatively associated with driving
offences.
 Schizotypal personality disorder scores were significantly associated with
arson but negatively associated with robbery and blackmail.
 Schizoid personality disorder scores were associated with kidnap, burglary
and theft.
 Interestingly, homicide offences and sex offending were not associated with
any personality disorder scores.
MALE SEX OFFENDING: RAPISTS VERSUS CHILD
MOLESTERS
 Studies found that rapists had significantly higher levels of antisocial
personality traits than child molesters.
 Nonsexual offenders also scored higher on the antisocial scale than child
molesters but not higher than rapists.
 Child molesters had higher levels of avoidant traits than rapists and higher
levels of avoidant, dependent, and schizoid traits than nonsexual offenders.
 When they looked at the number of individuals who reached the cut-off for
different personality disorder diagnoses they found that the greatest prevalence
for nonsexual offenders was for antisocial, avoidant and narcissistic personality
disorders.
 For sexual offenders, if considered together, avoidant personality disorder had
the highest prevalence followed by obsessive compulsive, schizoid, paranoid and
borderline personality disorders.
STALKING AND BORDERLINE PERSONALITY DISORDER
 Sansone and Sansone examined the relationship between stalking and
borderline personality disorder.
 Stalking consists of chronic, repeated, unwanted nuisance behaviors by an
offender, which have adverse psychological and/or physical effects on
victims.
 Because borderline personality disorder is characterized by a pattern of
unstable and intense interpersonal relationships coupled with frantic
efforts to avoid real or imagined abandonment, one might expect this
personality disorder to be prominent amongst stalkers.
 Previous studies have examined the prevalence of axis II disorders amongst
stalkers.
 Four studies found prevalence between 4 and 15%.
 Stalkers who end up in mental health treatment and forensic settings are
more likely to suffer from axis I disorders, in contrast to community samples
of less severe stalking, where a significant minority of individuals appear to
suffer from borderline personality disorder.
HOMICIDE
 Representative studies of offenders convicted of homicide have consistently
found personality disorder to be the most common mental health diagnosis
among these offenders, with 6% of all homicide offenders over a three-year
period in the UK having a primary diagnosis of personality disorder and 20%
of homicide.
HOMICIDE–SUICIDE
 Homicide followed by suicide is a rare but tragic phenomenon. Flynn et al., reported that studies
of homicide followed by suicide have not examined mental health characteristics in details.
 Men more often killed a spouse or partner and women more often killed their children.
 The most common primary diagnoses were personality disorder (32%) and affective disorder
(26%).
 The characteristics of those with personality disorder were not reported on separately. Overall few
homicide–suicide perpetrators had been in contact with services prior to the event.
 In fact, fewer perpetrators of homicide followed by suicide had been under the care of mental
health services before the incident than in cases of suicide or homicide only.
FILICIDE AND PERSONALITY DISORDER
 Fifty-one percent of maternal perpetrators had psychosis or psychotic depression and 76% were
deemed not responsible for their actions by reason of insanity.
 On the contrary, 67% of paternal perpetrators had personality disorder, 45% abused alcohol and
there were high rates of marital jealousy and domestic violence.
 Eighteen percent of the male perpetrators were deemed not responsible on the grounds of
insanity. The presence of significant life stressors amongst the male perpetrators included marital
break-up, jealousy, fear of separation, long-term substance misuse and low level of education and
socioeconomic status (Kauppi et al., 2003).
MATRICIDE, PATRICIDE AND PERSONALITY DISORDER
 Matricidal offenders suffered more commonly from psychotic disorders than
did patricidal offenders.
 A greater proportion of patricidal offenders had a personality disorder with
borderline personality disorder being more common amongst the patricidal
than matricidal offenders.
 For matricidal offenders the most common motive was a mental disorder,
whereas for patricidal offenders the offences were most commonly motivated
by long-term conflict.
FAMILICIDE
 The authors reported that 19% had borderline personality disorder and 38%
borderline traits.
 Twelve percent had antisocial personality disorder or antisocial traits and 68%
had a lifetime history of depressive symptoms.
 The four main motivations were: intimate partner loss, social loss, mental state
perturbations and economical motivation.
 The apparent link between borderline personality disorder, impulsivity and
intense fear of loss and abandonment and familicide.
LINK BETWEEN PERSONALITY DISORDER AND
VIOLENCE
 A conceptual framework for understanding the link between personality
disorder and risk of violence in individuals when doing structured professional
judgement risk assessment.
 They argue that when assessing risk of violence in personality disorder there is
a need to go beyond just listing risk factors such as having a personality
disorder and instead produce detailed, comprehensive, individual explanations
of risk potential and risk management needs.
 Four higher order dimensions into which DSM-V will organize personality
pathologies (dissocial, emotional deregulation, social avoidance and compulsive
dimensions) and how these dimensions might relate to violence if doing a risk
formulation, drawing on the literature to back up their hypotheses.
 They suggest that people who are on the emotional dysregulation dimension
experience extreme and fluctuating moods, dejection and disillusionment,
impulsive anger and irritability and fear of abandonment and rejection.
 Dissocial characteristics violence can occur when triggered by perceived injury or
abandonment by another person.
 The motivation for injuring others may be more motivated by a desire to prevent loss and
express intolerable emotions rather than the desire for retribution and to restore self
esteem that is seen in dissocial individuals.
 They suggest that dissocial individuals may be violent when they perceive themselves to
have been injured by another person. This triggers feelings of shame, guilt, humiliation or
envy, which are highly threatening to their fragile self esteem (Logan and Johnstone, 1998)

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Personality Disorder and Crime

  • 1. PERSONALITY DISORDER AND CRIME PSYCHOLOGIST STELLA
  • 2. INTRODUCTION  Mental health settings have higher rates of personality disorder, especially antisocial personality disorder, than people in the general community.  The Hare Psychopathy Checklist revised (PCL-R), which measures psychopathy, a particular subtype of antisocial personality, has become well established tool for predicting the risk of violent reoffending.
  • 3. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PERSONALITY DISORDER SUBTYPES AND DIFFERENT OFFENCES  Studies found that conduct disorder scores were significantly related to all offence categories and adult antisocial personality disorder scores were associated with most offences, especially obstruction of justice, firearms, robbery and blackmail, escape and breach, fraud, burglary and theft as well as violence.  With regards to other cluster B disorders, narcissistic personality disorder scores were associated with fraud and forgery.
  • 4.  A surprising finding was that there was no association between borderline personality disorder scores and types of offending, despite the high rates of borderline personality disorder found in prisoners, especially in women.
  • 5.  In the cluster C disorders, they found that avoidant personality disorder scores were associated with criminal damage but negatively associated with firearm offences.  Obsessive–compulsive personality disorder scores were associated with firearm offences and dependent personality disorder scores were significantly associated with firearm offences and violence but negatively associated with criminal damage.
  • 6.  In the cluster A disorders, paranoid personality disorder scores were associated with robbery and blackmail but negatively associated with driving offences.  Schizotypal personality disorder scores were significantly associated with arson but negatively associated with robbery and blackmail.  Schizoid personality disorder scores were associated with kidnap, burglary and theft.
  • 7.  Interestingly, homicide offences and sex offending were not associated with any personality disorder scores.
  • 8. MALE SEX OFFENDING: RAPISTS VERSUS CHILD MOLESTERS  Studies found that rapists had significantly higher levels of antisocial personality traits than child molesters.  Nonsexual offenders also scored higher on the antisocial scale than child molesters but not higher than rapists.  Child molesters had higher levels of avoidant traits than rapists and higher levels of avoidant, dependent, and schizoid traits than nonsexual offenders.
  • 9.  When they looked at the number of individuals who reached the cut-off for different personality disorder diagnoses they found that the greatest prevalence for nonsexual offenders was for antisocial, avoidant and narcissistic personality disorders.  For sexual offenders, if considered together, avoidant personality disorder had the highest prevalence followed by obsessive compulsive, schizoid, paranoid and borderline personality disorders.
  • 10. STALKING AND BORDERLINE PERSONALITY DISORDER  Sansone and Sansone examined the relationship between stalking and borderline personality disorder.  Stalking consists of chronic, repeated, unwanted nuisance behaviors by an offender, which have adverse psychological and/or physical effects on victims.
  • 11.  Because borderline personality disorder is characterized by a pattern of unstable and intense interpersonal relationships coupled with frantic efforts to avoid real or imagined abandonment, one might expect this personality disorder to be prominent amongst stalkers.
  • 12.  Previous studies have examined the prevalence of axis II disorders amongst stalkers.  Four studies found prevalence between 4 and 15%.  Stalkers who end up in mental health treatment and forensic settings are more likely to suffer from axis I disorders, in contrast to community samples of less severe stalking, where a significant minority of individuals appear to suffer from borderline personality disorder.
  • 13. HOMICIDE  Representative studies of offenders convicted of homicide have consistently found personality disorder to be the most common mental health diagnosis among these offenders, with 6% of all homicide offenders over a three-year period in the UK having a primary diagnosis of personality disorder and 20% of homicide.
  • 14. HOMICIDE–SUICIDE  Homicide followed by suicide is a rare but tragic phenomenon. Flynn et al., reported that studies of homicide followed by suicide have not examined mental health characteristics in details.  Men more often killed a spouse or partner and women more often killed their children.  The most common primary diagnoses were personality disorder (32%) and affective disorder (26%).  The characteristics of those with personality disorder were not reported on separately. Overall few homicide–suicide perpetrators had been in contact with services prior to the event.  In fact, fewer perpetrators of homicide followed by suicide had been under the care of mental health services before the incident than in cases of suicide or homicide only.
  • 15. FILICIDE AND PERSONALITY DISORDER  Fifty-one percent of maternal perpetrators had psychosis or psychotic depression and 76% were deemed not responsible for their actions by reason of insanity.  On the contrary, 67% of paternal perpetrators had personality disorder, 45% abused alcohol and there were high rates of marital jealousy and domestic violence.  Eighteen percent of the male perpetrators were deemed not responsible on the grounds of insanity. The presence of significant life stressors amongst the male perpetrators included marital break-up, jealousy, fear of separation, long-term substance misuse and low level of education and socioeconomic status (Kauppi et al., 2003).
  • 16. MATRICIDE, PATRICIDE AND PERSONALITY DISORDER  Matricidal offenders suffered more commonly from psychotic disorders than did patricidal offenders.  A greater proportion of patricidal offenders had a personality disorder with borderline personality disorder being more common amongst the patricidal than matricidal offenders.  For matricidal offenders the most common motive was a mental disorder, whereas for patricidal offenders the offences were most commonly motivated by long-term conflict.
  • 17. FAMILICIDE  The authors reported that 19% had borderline personality disorder and 38% borderline traits.  Twelve percent had antisocial personality disorder or antisocial traits and 68% had a lifetime history of depressive symptoms.  The four main motivations were: intimate partner loss, social loss, mental state perturbations and economical motivation.  The apparent link between borderline personality disorder, impulsivity and intense fear of loss and abandonment and familicide.
  • 18. LINK BETWEEN PERSONALITY DISORDER AND VIOLENCE  A conceptual framework for understanding the link between personality disorder and risk of violence in individuals when doing structured professional judgement risk assessment.  They argue that when assessing risk of violence in personality disorder there is a need to go beyond just listing risk factors such as having a personality disorder and instead produce detailed, comprehensive, individual explanations of risk potential and risk management needs.
  • 19.  Four higher order dimensions into which DSM-V will organize personality pathologies (dissocial, emotional deregulation, social avoidance and compulsive dimensions) and how these dimensions might relate to violence if doing a risk formulation, drawing on the literature to back up their hypotheses.  They suggest that people who are on the emotional dysregulation dimension experience extreme and fluctuating moods, dejection and disillusionment, impulsive anger and irritability and fear of abandonment and rejection.
  • 20.  Dissocial characteristics violence can occur when triggered by perceived injury or abandonment by another person.  The motivation for injuring others may be more motivated by a desire to prevent loss and express intolerable emotions rather than the desire for retribution and to restore self esteem that is seen in dissocial individuals.  They suggest that dissocial individuals may be violent when they perceive themselves to have been injured by another person. This triggers feelings of shame, guilt, humiliation or envy, which are highly threatening to their fragile self esteem (Logan and Johnstone, 1998)