3. ii
To the Faculty of Washington State University:
The members of the Committee appointed to examine the thesis of REBEKAH R. WEBB
find it satisfactory and recommend that it be accepted.
______________________________________
Paul Thiers, Ph.D., Chair
_____________________________________
Dana Lee Baker, Ph. D
.
_____________________________________
Mark Stephan, Ph.D.
4. iii
PROGESSIVE POLICIES AND POST-INDUSTRIAL MILL TOWNS OF WASHINGTON
Abstract
by Rebekah R. Webb, M.P.A
Washington State University
May 2016
Chair: Paul Thiers, Ph.D.
Based on Regime Theory, progressive polices at the local level are those that put
emphasis on citizen and community health over that of business growth. Mill towns in the
Northwest United States have had to adapt to a post-industrial economy while maintaining their
citizen and tax base. This research explores two mill towns in Washington State that are
approximately the same size and have a similar historical background surrounding a large
manufacturing facility. Interviews with local leaders and descriptive statistical analysis were
used to examine if progressive policies support community adaptability and economic growth in
the post-industrial mill town. The findings of this research reveal that there appears to be an
association between the progressive policies of Camas, WA and a thriving city. The hope of this
research is to inspire policy that creates healthy communities where people want to live, work,
and be civically engaged.
5. iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT.............................................................................................................................. iii
LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................................................vi
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................1
2. LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................................................5
a. Regime Theory..........................................................................................................5
b. Smart Growth............................................................................................................6
c. Progressive Policies ..................................................................................................7
d. Community Adaptability ........................................................................................11
e. Post-Industrial Cities...............................................................................................12
f. Post-Industrial Towns.............................................................................................15
3. METHODOLOGY ...............................................................................................................21
4. RESULTS .............................................................................................................................28
a. Indicators of Community Adaptability.............................................................28
i. Population and Families........................................................................28
ii. Public Schools.......................................................................................31
iii. Parks......................................................................................................33
iv. Air and Water Quality...........................................................................34
v. Government Engagement of Citizens...................................................35
6. v
b. Indicators of Economic Growth........................................................................37
i. Economic Variables..............................................................................37
ii. Employment/ Income............................................................................39
iii. Housing.................................................................................................41
iv. Downtown Improvements.....................................................................42
5. DISCUSSION.......................................................................................................................45
a. Major Themes ...................................................................................................45
b. Non Policy Explanations...................................................................................49
c. Questions for Future Study...............................................................................50
6. CONCLUSION.....................................................................................................................51
7. BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................................53
8. APPENDICES ......................................................................................................................58
a. Appendix A, Script and Verbal Consent...........................................................58
b. Appendix B, Population and Families ..............................................................60
c. Appendix C, Schools ........................................................................................61
d. Appendix D, Parks............................................................................................62
e. Appendix E, Air Quality...................................................................................64
f. Appendix F, Water Quality...............................................................................66
g. Appendix G, Economic Variables ....................................................................67
h. Appendix H, Income & Employment ...............................................................68
i. Appendix I, Housing.........................................................................................70
7. vi
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
CHART 1 Focus of Progressive Policy ....................................................................................23
CHART 2 Indicators of Community Adaptability and Economic Growth ..............................24
CHART 3 Park Score Variables ...............................................................................................26
GRAPH 1 Population Data, Camas and Longview (1960-2014) .............................................29
GRAPH 2 Total Families, Camas and Longview (1980-2010 .................................................30
8. 1
Introduction
This research project examines two post-industrial mill towns in Washington State,
Camas and Longview. Both cities are located in Southwest Washington, separated from the state
of Oregon by the Columbia River. Relative to the location of Portland, Oregon, the nearest
metropolitan area, Camas is approximately 20 miles away, and Longview is approximately 48
miles away. These two cities were chosen because of their mill town history and their close
proximity to one another. They are both roughly the same size geographically and have similar
populations. Additionally, both cities are in danger of losing their strong industrial base. Both
cities are quite small, less than 50,000 citizens, and from a historical perspective, were founded
to support a mill that was located on the banks of the Columbia River in Southwest Washington.
The roots of these two cities are historically similar, but the current situation is contrastingly
different.
I saw a need to do this project because of the gap in research around the best policies for
the modern mill town located on the West Coast of the United States that is not fully post-
industrial, yet trying to diversify its economic base and maintain a standard of living for its
residents. The primary research question is: Are progressive urban policies associated with
community adaptability and economic growth in the post-industrial mill city? Because of natural
resource exploitation, environmental regulation, and globalization, the American West is
scattered with mill towns that are looking for a way to stay economically viable and maintain
their middle class base, even as the threat of mill closings and more regulations lay on the
horizon. The goal of this research is to inspire policy that creates community and smart growth in
towns and cities that have similar stories to Camas or Longview. Conceptually, I begin with the
expectation that the local government has the greatest ability to directly influence our lives.
9. 2
Local governments will lead the way in solving extraordinary problems (King, 2014).
This research focuses on an association between progressive polices and urban renewal
and economic diversification. The methodology used was a qualitative interpretive policy
analysis through case studies of Camas and Longview to conceptualize community adaptability
and economic growth. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews of past or current
mayors/city managers and other community leaders, archival records consisting of newspaper
articles and public documents, and descriptive statistics from the U.S. Census, other
governmental organizations, and websites with sound methodological practices.
I have a personal connection to both of these Washington mill cities. My family has
strong historical roots in Camas, Washington. My grandparents were married in Camas in 1923,
my father was born there in 1943, and I have lived there since my birth in 1981. My grandfather
Map of Southwest Washington: Location of Longview, WA, Camas, WA and
Portland, OR Source: Google Maps
10. 3
worked his entire career at the paper mill in Camas. The paper mill in Camas is literally the
center of town; you cannot admire the idyllic main street without seeing the towers of billowing
steam in the background. During my studies in the Master’s Program of Public Affairs at
Washington State University Vancouver, I completed a six month internship for the city manager
of Longview, Washington. During my breaks, I would walk around the lake in the center of town
and admire the quaint houses, built more than 70 years ago, that complete the beautiful slice of
small town America.1
However, the outcomes of these two mill towns are markedly different. The thriving
small city of Camas, with approximately 22,000 residents (census.gov, 2016), had the third
highest ranked public school system in the State of Washington in 2014 (schooldigger, 2016).
Longview, with approximately 36,000 residents (census.gov, 2016), had the 156th
highest ranked
school district, out of the 206 public school districts in the state of Washington in 2014
(schooldigger, 2016). Longview is considered statistically one of ten cities in the nation where
crime is soaring, with a 5-year increase of 65% in violent crimes (Frihlich, T. C., & Kent, A.,
2015). According to the Longview Police Department (2015), the 2014 crime rate in Longview
was 128.3 crimes per 1,000 residents. The crime rate in Camas has been declining over the last 3
years; the rate in 2014 was 24.4 crimes per 1,000 residents (Hastings, 2015). This juxtaposition
of two cities with so much in common, yet so dissimilar, became the start of this research of the
1
In the course of research, I saw the need to visually represent what I was studying. In order to
provide readers with a visual picture of Longview and Camas, I prepared a short video that can
be assessed at https://youtu.be/f24mVXhMqyI.
11. 4
narrative of these two mill cities: Longview fighting for stability amongst poverty,
unemployment, and an ever increasing drug problem and Camas rapidly growing, a high
standard of living, and a nationally respected school system. This research is an exploration of
the Northwest mill town through the lens of the post-industrial city and urban policies that focus
on progressive ideals to promote community adaptability and economic growth, which lead to an
increased quality of life for citizens.
Each city represented in this paper has its own history and story to tell; even though this
paper will compare them in charts and data collection, it is not meant to label one as superior to
the other. Both cities have their sets of strengths and challenges, as well as unique and amazing
citizens and places that create community. This research is meant to explore if progressive
policies on the local level are associated with governance that creates places where people want
to live and work.
12. 5
Literature Review
“Successful governments work with citizens and community-based organizations, co-
producing new places and ways of governing” (King, 2014, p. 1043).
Regime Theory
Urban Regime Theory was put forth by Clarence Stone (1993) to explain the relationship
between the economy and politics in local governments; economic forces are shaped by the
political environment, and the economy shapes politics and determines the issues that those who
hold political power must address. Stone (1993) states that governing capacity depends on
coalitions and partnerships with those in control of resources, both governmental and
nongovernmental. “[M]any activity and resources important for the well-being of society are
nongovernmental and that fact holds political consequences (Stone, 1993.p. 7).” Effective local
governments blend their resources and ruling capacity with multiple nongovernmental actors.
How well elected leaders and administrators cooperate with the preferences of citizens and
businesses in the community results in the most effective form of governing (Stone, 1993).
Political action that is one sided will likely result in revolt by other actors in the municipality.
William Sites (1997) uses Regime Theory to look at the connection between urban
development policy and politics at the local level in regards to the evolution of cities. The three
regimes that build or maintain political partnerships at the local level are pro-growth,
progressive, and caretaker (Sites, 1997). The two main regimes are pro-growth, which uses
market-oriented policies for urban growth, and progressive, which focuses on community-
orientated development for economic progression. Caretaker, the third regime, avoids policies
influencing development to allow for free-market forces to determine growth and focuses on
13. 6
fiscal stability and maintaining basic public services (Sites, 1997). The strength of Regime
Theory is the connection between the type of regime in power and the coalitions that are built to
strengthen that regime; public officials lack direct control of the economy and therefore have to
align coalitions of support to influence urban development in the way the administrators feel is
the best outcome for their city. This political alignment and specific regime of pro-growth,
progressive, and caretaker are the foundation of studying local policy through a Regime Theory
framework.
Smart Growth
In recent decades as the competition between cities to attract business and citizens has
increased, growth promotion has become the job of the local government. There are deeply
entrenched growth paradigms that include “slowing growth would be disastrous,” “we need
growth for new jobs,” and “a bigger tax base means more economic prosperity” (Fodor, 1999,
p.38). Housing starts are used an indicator of economic strength (Kunstler, 1993). Yet, Fodor
(1999) explains that the four biggest myths around growth have to do with taxes, jobs, economic
prosperity, and housing. Growth management is a way that local governments can battle the
urban growth machine; growth management is comprised of smart growth, planning how growth
should occur, and finite-world planning, deciding whether growth should occur and how much
(Fodor, 1999). For Fodor (1999), there is an optimal community size. Glaser (2011) presents the
idea of “shrinking to greatness”, which coincides well with smart growth. There is a level of size
and economic activity that can most advantageously sustain a city. Once a city grows beyond
that size, quality of life and livability decline. The art and science of urban planning is finding
that level of equilibrium that promotes community stability while allowing for economic growth.
14. 7
Fodor (1999) uses the example of Washington State where, since the late 1980s and early
1990s, there has been a policy effort to address the growth of cities and communities. In 1990,
the Washington State Legislature passed the Growth Management Act to help control sprawling
growth. This act requires cities in Washington to have comprehensive planning and urban
growth boundaries. The 1980s saw urban growth like no other time in American history,
especially in the King County of Washington State (Fodor, 1999). Because of the increase in
business friendly taxation policies and business deregulation, communities were growing beyond
a sustainable level. To bring the cities of Washington back to a level of smart growth, zoning
was an important factor. Public officials can improve zoning regulations in their cities by
making sure old buildings, especially those that were part of the mill heritage, are restored for
historic purposes. Additionally, zoning mixed use areas that include retail, housing, and
commercial are an essential step in the smart growth paradigm that encourages citizens to work
and live in the city (Rohloff, 2014).
Progressive Policies
Stone (1993) identified the middle-class progressive regime when he introduced Urban
Regime Theory. Progressive policies promote monitored growth that best represents the needs
of the electorate (Stone, 1993). Progressive cities are more attractive to nongovernmental actors,
such as investors, because the citizen and community support are the greatest (Stone, 1993).
Progressive regimes focus on citizen involvement throughout the entire governing cycle, not just
during elections; this requires the “organizational capacity to inform, mobilize, and involve the
citizenry” (Stone, 1993, p. 20). In keeping with the ideology of progressive planning, Rohloff
(2014) describes how smart growth is an important component:
15. 8
For sustainable revitalization, economic redevelopment should be supported by social
capital and economic diversity, along with physical environmental changes to facilitate
diversity of social groups and uses (Rohloff, 2014, p. 630).
City spaces must generate human spatial activity for other businesses and community
connections to occur; this includes zoning of housing, retail, and other forms of commerce within
a close proximity to one another (Rohloff, 2014).
Greg Schrock (2015) explains that the progressive model of urban planning focuses on a
more equitable development for all citizens, rather than urban expansion and upward mobility for
a few. Policies must imbed practices and goals that are adopted by stakeholders both inside and
outside of local government. Policy changes, which can be reactive or developmental in
orientation, are principally and ultimately an issue of political will (Thomas and Mohan, 2007).
Successful and long-term policy adaption is only achieved through institutionalization; the
degree to which a policy can be institutionalized depends on the level of adversity and the
supporter’s amount of resources (Schrock, 2015).
At the heart of progressive policy is the focus on community and people rather than
buildings and places. Imperative to this focus on people comes from cities investing in safety
and education. Statistical evidence supports that cities with educated and skilled workers have
been more successful than those with an uneducated labor force (Glaeser, 2011). For Kunstler
(1993), the town was the instigator at creating community amongst its citizens. He defines this
as, “… something akin to a living organism composed of different parts that work together to
make the whole greater than the sum of its parts- that is, a community” (Kunstler, 1993, p. 147).
The federal government has failed to help cities invest in their citizens by funding safety and
schools; rather, billions in spending has been provided for infrastructure and transportation
(Glaeser, 2011). For a progressive regime to succeed in lower class communities, the municipal
16. 9
leadership must coordinate with state and other extra-local sources in order to mobilize
opportunities for all citizens; these opportunities must be large enough in scale and timely
enough as to attract citizens and the institutions/businesses needed (Stone, 1993).
Recognizing what fits into the progressive ideology was an important aspect of this
research. According to Rosdil (2010), progressive policies aim to redistribute resources from
those that benefit most from economic growth to those that are at a disadvantage. Progressive
planning policies emerged in the 1960s; they focused on community and neighborhood struggles
against highway growth, real estate developers, and gentrification that was the staple of the urban
renewal agenda (Clark and Clavel, 2012). Since that time, progressive policies at the local level
have evolved to include equitable economic solutions and best environmental practices, often
bucking what is happening at higher levels of government (Clark and Clavel, 2012). Restoring a
strong middle class is a key component of progressive planning. The new generation of workers
is concerned about a “thick labor market, lifestyle choices, social interaction, diversity,
authenticity, and a sense of identity” (Rosdil, 2010, p. 106). Previous research has shown there
is a strong connection between social capital and economic growth (Rosdil, 2010). Stone’s
(1993) Urban Regime Theory states government must attract and nurture business investment
because a substantial amount of a city’s operating budget is directly related to its economic
health and in a competitive marketplace, businesses can choose the most accommodating cities
(Rosdil, 2010). Progressives believe equality and diversity are strengths that make cities
stronger. An investment in education will always yield a positive effect on the community
(Clark, 2012). Through collaboration with citizens, public leaders, businesses, and places of
higher learning, creative and innovative solutions can be found that bring the most positive
solutions for all. Clark (2012) believes that innovation will lead to “adaptable, flexible, and
17. 10
resilient local economies (p. 17).” Some cities that have adopted progressive policies are as
follows: San Francisco, Los Angeles, Santa Monica, Seattle, Boston, and Berkley (Rosdil, 2010).
In a post-industrial economy, progressive policies look to restore manufacturing in the
United States that will lead the world in ingenuity and green technology production (Giloth,
2012). In this way, the legacy of a strong industrial past will create a positive future that
provides middle class jobs and restores the environment. Christopher (2012) believes that
economic diversification strategies need to support a manufacturing industry that creates
innovative and advanced industrial products that use regional manufacturing strengths.
Additionally, Christopher states that:
An effective job creation strategy should refocus on small and medium-sized,
privately held companies and what they need to expand employment. Among the
most important of these needs are access to capital, assistance in product and
process innovation and more skilled workers (Christopher, 2012, p. 15).
This equates to federal policies that support local lending institutions that have made a
commitment to supporting local businesses. An importance is also placed on research
universities and community colleges to collaborate with businesses in the community doing
research and development and equipping competent workers.
Other scholars have articulated the need for progressive policies in urban and public
planning. Even though the label of “progressive” is not always attached to the policy, those that
invest in building a strong middle class through education, small business growth, gainful
employment, and a healthy environment are progressive policies under Stone’s (1993) and
Schrock’s (2015) framework. Progressive policies can have a strong association with
establishing thriving cities where people want to live. However, it is important to not the
association is not perfect; there are progressive cities that do not thrive, and thriving cities that
18. 11
lack high levels of progressive policies in place. Fodor (1999), Glaeser (2011), Binelli (2013),
and Alberta (2014) all make contributions that demonstrate how the progressive ideology leads
to a successful path for cities in the post-industrial era.
Community Adaptability
There is a predominant assumption in urban planning that economic and social well-
being are linked; where they meet is the status quo, also labeled community stability. Beckley
(1995) presents three specific variables of community stability: quality of employment, social
cohesion, and local empowerment. A person’s attitude towards their job, jobs available, and jobs
attainable, independent of the compensation, is a factor Beckley (1995) states as an indicator of
quality of employment. Additionally, there is this notion of the level of satisfaction and
fulfillment that comes from one’s job (Beckley, 1995). Social cohesion addresses how people
living within a specific geographic location achieve community; community consists of shared
values, interests, commitment to the greater good, and levels of volunteerism (Beckley, 1995).
As the boundaries of the geographic perimeter expands, mainly through the use of transportation,
the bonds of community are weakened (Beckley, 1995). A divisive event, such as a polarizing
election or a labor strike can also affect social cohesion (Beckley, 1995). Local empowerment
can be defined as “…the opportunity to act and the capacity to act” (Beckley, 1995, p. 263). The
opportunities surrounding jobs, education, and housing affect the available choices. Local
empowerment is also intensified with diversity of leadership and multiple sources of financial
and political support within a community (Beckley, 1995). Because of this complexity, Beckley
(1995) suggests that community stability is really community adaptability. In a rapidly changing
economic and social environment, how successfully a community adapts is more important than
maintaining stability.
19. 12
Post Industrial Cities
“A post-industrial society is based on services” (Bell, 1973, p. 127)
According to Glaeser (2011), a declining population in once industrial cities signify that
the Industrial Age is over, at least in the Western world. The vast majority of literature around
post-industrial economies focuses on East Coast and Rust-Belt cities. Taking this into account, it
is still important to see how paradigm changes in economic policy can influence the communities
and citizens universally. There lies a similarity in need, whatever the size of the city, to refocus
local government attention on the progressive investments of schools, community organizations,
and smart economic growth opportunities. Larger cities that have done this well have flourished
in the Post-Industrial Era. “Urban reinvention is made possible by the traditional urban
virtues…educated workers, small entrepreneurs, and a creative interplay among different
industries” (Glaeser, 2011, p. 57). The cities in the nation that have the largest middle class
populations and thriving economies are those that are governed under a progressive regime
(Stone, 1993).
The beginning of the 20th
Century saw massive industrial growth in the United States.
People moved out of rural communities and into towns and cities during the industrial revolution
for jobs (Brugmann, 2009). In the 1900s, 3 in 10 workers were employed in service and 7 in 10
were employed in the production of goods. By the 1940s, there was an even distribution at 50%
for each. The 1960s saw the scale tipping in the service direction, with 6 in 10 workers in the
service industry and 4 in 10 in manufacturing. By the 1980s, as Bell (1973) accurately predicted,
there was an exact reversal of the figures seen in the 1900s; 7 in 10 workers were employed in
the service sector, with the public sector as a major employer, and only 3 in 10 workers were
employed in the once mighty industrial section (Myers and Pitkin, 2009). With the majority of
20. 13
the nation’s population living in cities, the public sector had to grow to provide the necessary
services for people living in urban areas (Glaeser, 2011).
Perhaps the biggest and most researched post-industrial failure is the city of Detroit,
Michigan. In 2013, Forbes rated Detroit as the most miserable city in the country (King, 2014).
However, crises can trigger different ways of governing and organizing that involve
entrepreneurship and community-based movements. Where thousands of abandoned buildings
have been burned down or bulldozed, urban prairies (places where nature is taking back once
developed land) offer an opportunity to move away from the destruction of industrial
development (Binelli, 2013). As a hope to struggling communities and cities, King (2014) says:
In the wake of disruption, there is a possibility to create new spaces within which
we collectively do the work as citizens and administrators, which requires us to
think differently about how we, citizens and administrators, co-produce and
manage the public good (p. 1040).
This description of change through collective action and community focus comes directly from
the progressive ideology of urban governance. Author Mark Binelli (2013) says that Detroit
could be “the story of the first great post-industrial city of our new century” (p. 16).
Alberta (2014) says the key to saving a post-industrial Detroit is only possible by
focusing on rebuilding the middle class; a strong middle class is the key to a thriving city. There
are currently two Detroits: one that portrays a downtown revival with new condos, businesses,
and breweries, and the other that resembles a “zombieland,” completely lacking inhabitants
(Alberta, 2014). The biggest problem of the post-industrial city is a declining population; people
are needed to build the middle class and restore the economy. Currently in Detroit, there is a
boom of new businesses in the downtown corridor, but it has not been enough to draw people to
live in the depressed and abandoned neighborhoods (Alberta, 2014). Young and educated
21. 14
workers do not want to live in Detroit because crime is off the charts, the public school system is
one of the worst in the nation, and the city’s public services are significantly lacking (Alberta,
2014). These are all issues that progressive policies directly address.
The rebuilding attempts that are taking place in Detroit are multi-faceted. Glaeser (2011)
says, “If Detroit and places like it are ever going to come back, they will do so by embracing the
virtues of great pre- and post-industrial cities: competition, connection, and human capital (p.
42).” City and state officials are trying to rebuild the middle class by luring educated,
professional immigrants to the area. Non-profits are working to retain the graduates of
Michigan’s universities. Additionally, non-profits are providing job-training and connecting
employees with high-demand industries and skills. Business organizations and coalitions are
diversifying and trying to destigmatize Detroit as a manufacturing-only city. Craft industries are
emerging, from breweries to watchmakers. Rebranding the city is considered an especially
important step (Alberta, 2014). Doing this will reinforce the importance of education that was
once unnecessary to get a manufacturing job in the city. Millions in investment dollars are going
into technology and the energy industry to attract a young and diversely educated workforce. “To
build a long-term economic base, Detroit, like a low budget baseball team, must develop and
retain homegrown talent (Alberta, 2014).” Once the middle-class is stronger, more money will be
available for governmental services like schools and public works, and the city will fully start to
heal. Even though the story of Detroit represents a city with far greater challenges in regards to
financial distress, population loss, and corruption in government then Camas and Longview, I
believe the principles of progressive reform can be universally applied.
22. 15
Post- Industrial Towns
Even though there is a large number of books and published articles about declining cities
centered on mining and manufacturing, they are predominately focused on the East Coast of the
United States. Additionally, this research focuses on the first big wave of economic downturns
that took place as a result of changing federal aid to cities in the way of education, job-training,
job-placement, and stricter environmental regulations (Mayer and Greenburg, 2001). However, I
believe that there is an abundance of industrial communities and small cities in the Northwest
that are facing similar challenges as Camas and Longview. The natural resource-based industries
in the United States have been diminished by technological changes, globalization, and the cost
of energy (Colocousis, 2013). Additionally, environmental regulations have made it more
expensive to manufacture products that use natural resources and release toxic pollution (US
EPA, 2015). Cities where the mills have been completely shut down have had to redevelop their
economic structure or try to attract a new industrial base.
Mayer and Greenburg (2001) researched 34 diverse small and medium size cities
(populations between 25,000-50,000) all across the United States that were once dependent on
one business owner or type of economy. Their findings suggest that the biggest policy issue was
that the response by city leaders and officials had a ten year lag in recovery after a major industry
or plant had closed (Mayer and Greenburg (2001). Due to a lack of leadership and shared vision,
a decade or more was needed to attract new businesses or industries; this proved economically
disastrous for the cities in Mayer and Greenburg’s (2001) research. Additionally, deep rooted
coalitions amongst individuals that did not want to see economic diversification were a
stumbling block; this idea is expressed in a quote by a mayor from West Virginia: “Because of
23. 16
the integration between politics and influential individuals, nothing could really happen of a
progressive and influential kind in the city” (Mayer and Greenburg, 2001, p. 209).
The other barriers presented by Mayer and Greenburg (2001) for small to medium cities
trying to recover after a dominant industry/mill closure were environmental stigmas, labor
barriers, barriers related to infrastructure, and land use. Often found in locations that were once
used for mining or heavy manufacturing were mountains of waste to clean-up that deterred new
industries and businesses. This made the areas unattractive for tourism and service-based
industries (Mayer and Greenburg, 2001). Another concern for potential investors were past-
disruptive strikes and a predominantly union labor force. The lack of infrastructure barrier
centered on transportation and major highways; most of the old mining and manufacturing sites
were predominately served by rail (Mayer and Greenburg, 2001). Lastly, the zoning and land use
of the most usable land with flat topography was a brownfield that was not yet suitable for
redevelopment. However, as previously stated, Mayer and Greenburg (2001) saw that the most
critical component to redevelopment was leadership that included high levels of community
involvement; hope of prosperity is created among people when a leader is able to express a
vision that brings people together.
Colocousis (2013) describes the situation in Berlin, Maine, where the paper mill closed in
2006. Since then, the city has seen a consistent population decrease and been unable to replace
the economic stimulus the mill provided. This mill town in Maine has attempted redevelopment
through tourism and attracting in-migration, trying to shift the urban policy paradigm to amenity
migration (transition from production to consumption). Because Berlin was seen as an
exclusively stinky mill town that harmed the surrounding environment, there has been a
stigmatization that policy makers in the city and the state have been unable to overcome
24. 17
(Colocousis, 2013). Based on the research of place stigmatization by Kasperson et al (2003),
Colocousis concludes that “negative labels and images can fundamentally alter the identity of the
place …, so that it is viewed as tainted and discredited by residents of the place and by outsiders
(2013, p. 760).” Looking comparatively at Camas and Longview, place stigmatization is an
applicable theory. Although being labeled the “smelly place” seems to have minimally affected
growth in Camas, the social stigmatization of Longview as a violent drug town has appeared to
be much more harmful. Even though Longview has had a paper/pulp mill since its founding, the
labeling of social problems far outweigh the sensory labels from pollution.
An extensive study was released in 2002 by Freudenburg and Wilson that examined the
economic impacts of mining in nonmetropolitan areas; they found that half the regions had a
negative economic outcome as a result of the mining industry. Also intriguing was that half of
the positive economic findings were previous to 1982 (Freudenburg and Wilson, 2002).
Statistical testing showed a correlation between mining nonmetropolitan regions and higher rates
of poverty and unemployment. One of the reasons that Freudenburg and Wilson (2002) gave for
this outcome was flickering, which is in reference to the shut-downs and periodic lay-offs
associated with industrial mining. Because mining is place specific, unemployed workers will
often stay in the same community hoping for the return of a good job. Even though Longview is
a paper/pulp mill town, flickering also occurs in the industrial sector and could be a contributing
factor to their high poverty rate of 22.6%, combined with the low cost of housing (census.gov,
2016).
Mill and industrial towns in British Columbia, Canada, have faced many similar
challenges to their counterparts in the Western United States. Markey, Halseth, and Manson
(2008) state that reversing the rural decline that has occurred from resource exploitation and
25. 18
limitation requires an appreciation and investment in place (the unique and special communities
that are located in the northern area of British Columbia.) Since the 1980s, Northern British
Columbia has experienced “intense economic transition” (Markey et al., 2008, p. 409). The
provincial government has treated northern communities as a resource bank from which to make
endless draws without much reinvestment, helping to make the rest of the province wealthy
(Markey et al., 2008). As a result, the northern communities of British Columbia have been
completely dependent on resource extraction and valued for this economy. However, as
resources dwindle and environmental regulations prohibit the pillage of the land, these
communities have been negatively affected (Markey et al., 2008).
Since the middle of the 1970s, the policies of the British Columbia Provincial
Government have represented a neoliberal ideology in aiding these communities; this is a non-
progressive, market-based approach, which in turn, left these communities to fend for
themselves. The northern resource communities have been left without the technological and
transportation infrastructure to compete in a modern economy (Markey et al, 2008). As of 2008,
when Markey et al. presented this article, there was a refocusing of government to make strategic
investments in community infrastructure. Markey et al. (2008) recommended the following four
areas of need for new infrastructure and investment in northern resource towns and cities:
physical infrastructure around transportation, communication, and civic facilities that also act as
long-term assets; human capacity support in the areas of education and job training to create an
economically relevant workforce; community capacity investments to increase healthcare,
education, social service, and support for civic engagement; and economic and business support
to aid new and emerging businesses to locate in northern communities, ultimately adding
economic diversification to these resource dominant areas. All of these suggestions fit in with
26. 19
the progressive ideology put forth by Stone (1993) and support the thesis of this paper that
progressive policies are associated with economic growth and community adaptability.
In a more recent article presented by Rohloff (2014), the impact of transferring to an
Information Technology (IT) based economy is examined as it relates to mill towns in
Massachusetts. Mill towns in New England have been economically suffering since the 1970s
due to economic decline and a depression in the small manufacturing industries (Rohloff, 2014).
Rohloff (2014) states that strong revitalization plans have been needed in these struggling towns,
and fostering IT intensive facilities has become a leading approach for economic diversification.
The hope with drawing in IT manufacturing is that this new market sector will expand growth to
all areas within a city. Mill towns are attractive to the IT sector because of the infrastructure that
is already in place and the tax-incentives offered by city officials (Rohloff, 2014).
As is the case in the case studies in Massachusetts, proximity to education opportunities
and institutions of higher learning have been able to supply the mill towns with the type of labor
force needed for the IT field. On the flip side, this can also be problematic for mill towns that
are not near universities; IT requires a specific skill-set in the labor force that may alienate the
blue-collar workforce already present in the town, therefore, doing little to improve the
employment opportunities for existing citizens (Rohloff, 2014). However, the IT industry
attracts additional innovative and start-up industries. Even if the mill workforce does not find
employment at the IT firm, many of the businesses opportunities that arise out of economic
clustering can improve the employment outlook (Rohloff, 2014).Since success of economic
revitalization is multifaceted, the same mill towns in this article also put policies in place to
attract museums, shopping centers, artists’ lofts, theaters, software companies, and housing starts
(Rohloff, 2014).
27. 20
In light of this review, there is a need for research that specifically focuses on progressive
policies for post-industrial mill towns on the West Coast. The ultimate goal is a resource for
policy-makers that will help them make decisions to create healthy economic growth and
communities where citizens thrive. From my preliminary research, I trust that there are policy
concepts from larger cities and post-industrial towns on the East Coast that are applicable to the
West Coast. The progressive focus on schools, community development, and local business
growth can be universally applied to help citizens of mill towns reach their highest potential,
resulting in healthy and stable places to live.
28. 21
Methodology
The primary research question is Are progressive urban policies associated with
community adaptability and economic growth in the post-industrial mill city? This research
focuses on economic growth as a tool for urban renewal and additionally concentrates on
progressive reforms, such as growth planning and community investment. I explore, particularly
through semi-structured interviews, how municipal leaders define economic health. Because this
research is limited to two case studies, this research has little power to generalize. However, the
intention is to be heuristic in nature and potentially represent progressive policies that can be
applied to mill towns in the Pacific Northwest that are facing similar challenges to Camas, WA
and Longview, WA.
The main methodology is a qualitative interpretive policy analysis through case studies of
Camas, WA and Longview, WA to conceptualize community adaptability and economic growth.
This was done through semi-structured interviews of past and current mayors/city managers and
community leaders and an analysis of archival/secondary data. Also included is an analysis of
secondary data using descriptive statistics from the Census, the Environmental Protection
Agency, various sub-agency government websites, and other online sources with sound
methodological research practices.
Yanow (2000) states that interpretive policy analysis looks at how the policy issues are
framed by the various parties in the debate. Interpretive policy analysis involves the researcher
“contributing to shaping the way the policy issue is perceived and acted on …The report is itself
a form of world-making and in it the researcher-analyst’s own interpretive frame or lens is
imbedded” (Yanow, 2000, p. 87). The interpretive framework through which I will collect and
analyze data is Stone’s (1993) Urban Regime Theory and Schrock’s (2015) progressive model of
29. 22
urban planning. However, I am aware that the differences in post-industrial success between
these two mill towns might be due to factors other than the level of progressive policies. To cite
one example, their proximity to Portland may be influential. Since you cannot change
geographic location, this might be an absolute that progressive policies can do little to equalize.
Yet, even in this case, there might be public transportation policies that could enhance proximity
to Portland as a metropolitan center.
The units of analysis and boundaries of this research are limited to the two incorporated
cities of Camas, Washington and Longview, Washington. Through an intensive look at their
historical backgrounds, economic policies, and industrial changes, I hope to illuminate policies
that have been successful and might be beneficial to similar mill towns around the Northwest.
Through an analysis of archival and secondary data for both cities, I conceptualized the two areas
of community adaptability and economic growth as reflected in city websites, local newspapers,
historical data, and other governmental sources. Within the framework of Stone (1993) and
Schrock (2015), progressive policies have an association with a strong middle class and can draw
people to cities because of the job opportunities, good schools, public places (parks), and
environmental concern that is put in place by these policies. Chart 1 represents a progressive
focus:
30. 23
Chart 1-Focus of Progressive Policy-
(Stone, 1993)
Supports neighborhood associations/coalitions
Community diversity
Affordable housing
Green technology/ Environmentally healthy industry
Environmental protection
Emphasis on education (all levels)
Job training/ Job skills
Attracting local businesses
Supporting private, local businesses
Affirmative Action
Historic Preservation
Middle class wages & benefits
Equitable distribution of services
Public safety & safe public places
Support citizen engagement in public decision making
Partnerships/coalitions between businesses, public
agencies, education
Community adaptability was operationalized as: The number of citizens, and specifically
families, and the rate of change at 10 year intervals since 1980, school district rankings, parks
analysis, environmental air and water quality, and government engagement of citizens. When
collecting my data, every effort was made to control for annexations. Economic growth was
operationalized as it relates to Fodor’s (1999) framework for smart growth. This includes the
types of businesses/industries, unemployment rates, percent of citizens in poverty, property
values, and the types of employment available. Chart 2 represents these variables and the
sources where I gathered data; the sources were chosen based on the best available information
and those that provided the information that I was seeking.
31. 24
The archival and secondary data sources that I examined to gather information around
community adaptability and economic growth are listed below:
-City of Camas Comprehensive Plan 2004
-City of Camas, 2035 Comprehensive Plan (http://www.camas2035.com/)
-City Council Notes and Minutes, Camas, Washington
-Historical data of Camas and Longview
-City of Longview Comprehensive Plan 2006
-City Council Notes and Minutes, Longview, Washington
-Newspaper articles from the local paper in each city, The Post Record and The
Daily News
-Environmental Protection Agency Data (epa.gov)
Chart 2: Indicators of Community Adaptability &
Economic Growth
Community Adaptability Source(s) of information
Number of citizens (change over time) Census (1980-2014)
Number of families (change over time) Census (1980-2014)
School District Rank in Washington Schooldigger.com
Park Score Census, city websites, Trust for Public Land website
Air quality EPA website
Water quality Public Works website
Government engagement of citizens City website, interviews
Economic Growth Source(s) of information
Types of businesses in each city Census, interviews, bestplaces.net
Unemployment rates Census, bestplaces.net
Property values bestplaces.net, interviews
Percent of citizens in poverty Census
Median household income Census, bestplaces.net
Types of employment available Interviews, bestplaces.net
Downtown improvement projects Interviews
32. 25
-United States Census Data (census.gov)
-Websites: Economic Councils, bestplaces.net, schooldigger.com
I also incorporated a methodology put forth by The Trust for Public Land (2015) in the
Park Score 2015 program, which assigned the 75 largest cities in the United States a score based
on the quality, availability, and accessibility of public parks. This coincides with a local
progressive paradigm of creating spaces that promote community cohesion (Stone, 1993). Due
to the time limitations of this research project, it was not feasible to assign Camas and Longview
a score using the complete methodology put forth by The Trust for Public Land (2015), however,
I was able to use certain parameters to analyze the public park systems of Camas and Longview.
The Park Score 2015 also accounts for any private money and state/federal funding that is
allocated for parks; I was unable to get an accurate representation of this data for Camas and
Longview. My budget information came from averaging the total allocation to Parks and
Recreation for the budget years 2014, 2015, and 2016 from each respective city. I assigned each
city variables gathered from the Camas and Longview city websites, Census data, and using a
portion of the methodology from the Park Score 2015 program. In my scoring system, each city
either got a 1 or a 0, with a best score total score of 7, based on the following variables listed in
Chart 3:
33. 26
Chart 3- Park Score Variables
1= More than 50% of parks with picnic tables; 0= 50% or less of parks with picnic
tables
1= More than 50% of parks with playground facilities; 0 50% or less of parks with
playground facilities
1= More than 50% of parks with sports facilities; 0=50% or less of parks with sports
facilities
1= More than 50% of parks with ADA accessibility; 0= 50% or less of parks with
ADA accessibility
1= More than median size of park compared to national average; 0= less than median
size of park compared to national average
1= More than median park acres as % of city area compared to national average; 0=
less than median park Acres % of city area compared to national average
1= More than median average spending per resident compared to national average; 0=
less than median average spending per resident compared to national average
In person, semi-structured interviews were conducted with six participants. More than
thirteen interview invitations were made. Cancelled appointments or non-response decreased the
number of interviews. Snowball sampling was very beneficial during the interview stage of this
research because some of my best information was collected through interviews that I had not
originally planned. I was able to interview the following people: an economic council director
(I1C), a mayor (I2C), a city manager (I3L), head of the downtown economic council (I4C), head
of compliance of a major mill (I5CL), and a former city manager (I6L). The C or L after the
interview number represents Camas or Longview. To ensure confidentiality, the interviews were
assigned a number. This number was used as their identifier in this research. All participants
gave their verbal consent to be a participant in this research (see Appendix A for script). All of
the interviews were recorded, as well as short-hand notes taken. Additionally, extensive notes
were added directly following the interviews and from listening to the recordings. The
34. 27
information gained through the interview process provides a personal narrative by community
leaders as well as addresses whether there are progressive or non-progressive policies in place,
the successes and failures of program implementations, and the concerns around industrialism
and economic strategies.
35. 28
Results
To compile data and analyze my results, I used the indicators of community adaptability
and economic growth listed in Chart 2 on page 24. Secondary data was collected from the
United States Census (2016) and the other listed resources with sound methodological practices
to compile the available information around each of my indicators. The interviews provided
primary data around the areas of community adaptability and economic growth. I took all this
data and compiled the following results, which are also organized by my indicators of
community adaptability and economic growth.
Indicators of Community Adaptability
Community Adaptability is the term used to describe how a mill town is able to adjust to
a changing economic outlook and still maintain a stable or growing population through programs
and attractiveness to citizens. This section of the data looks at indicators of community
adaptability; I believe that cities with more progressive policies and spending patterns will
promote higher levels of community adaptability, being able to grow or maintain their citizen
base, provide healthy water and air quality, foster an excellence in education, and promote
community involvement in all areas of civic life.
Population and Families
Based on Census data going back to the 1960s, Longview saw its greatest population
increase between 1960 and 1970, with a 21.5% gain. Camas, during the same period, only saw a
2.2% increase (census.gov, 2016). It is important to note that is was not until the 2010 Census
that Camas and Longview became somewhat similar in size according to the classification
system of the U.S. Census, Camas with 19,355 citizens and Longview with 36,648 citizens
36. 29
(census.gov, 2016). Camas has historically been a much smaller city than Longview. Camas
saw rapid growth in the 1990s; between 1990 and 2000, Camas experienced a 94.6% population
increase. However, during the same decade, Longview saw only a 10% increase (census.gov,
2016). See Appendix B for complete chart representing population and percent change between
Census counts.
The population growth of East Clark County where Camas is located was greatly aided
by the completion of the Glen Jackson Bridge in 1982 (I-205 Bridge, 2014). This bridge made it
much easier to live in Washington and work in Portland, Oregon. The Portland International
Airport, which is directly located off the Glen Jackson Bridge, allowed people traveling from
Camas to be at the airport in 15 minutes (I1C, 2016). Additionally, Nan Hendrickson, mayor of
Camas, actively put in place progressive policies during the 1980s to attract new industries to
Camas and annexed in more land area to help the city grow (I2C, 2016). For these reasons, the
population growth of Camas was supported by forces outside its’ historically manufacturing base
that had sustained its population up to that point. See Graph 1 for a graphic representation of the
rapid population change in Camas between 1990 and 2010 while also noting the minor
population increases in Longview. Note: between the 2010 Census and an updated count in
2014, Longview has experienced a population loss (census.gov, 2016).
37. 30
Urban scholars see the number of families in a community as a strong indicator of
stability and growth, especially when the trend is multigenerational. When citizens choose to
migrate to a place to raise their children, it usually coincides with a progressive city that provides
good education, parks, safety, well-planned neighborhoods, and high quality jobs (Clark, 2012).
Camas has seen a notable increase in the number of families since the 1980s. The increase of
this demographic is due to an impressive school system, beautiful public places and parks, and a
small-town sense of community, according to Interviewees 2C and 4C (2016). Camas
experienced a 98% increase in the number of families between 1990 and 2000, whereas
Longview, during the same decade, saw a 4% increase (see Appendix B for data). Longview has
seen stagnant family growth, gaining approximately 500 families between 1980 and 2010
(census.org, 2016). Graph 2 shows the rapid growth of families in Camas and the relatively flat
growth of families in Longview between 1980 and 2010.
0
5000
10000
15000
20000
25000
30000
35000
40000
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020
Graph 1-Population Data, Camas and Longview
(1960-2014) Source census.gov
Camas Longview
38. 31
Public Schools
Based on the rankings system methodology provided by schooldigger.com (2016), I was
able to see how the Camas and Longview School Districts rate compared to all school districts in
the State of Washington. Washington’s district ratings are calculated with information provided
by the National Center for Education Statistics, the U.S. Department of Education, and the
Washington Department of Education (schooldigger.com, 2016). The most recent rankings were
updated on August 17, 2015, therefore, I feel this is the most current information available on
district ratings. Camas School District has a total of 6,417 students and is ranked 3rd
out of the
206 districts in Washington (schooldigger.com, 2016). Their rank change from 2013 is up
eleven places. Longview School District has 6,803 students and is ranked 156th
out of the 206
districts in Washington (schooldigger.com, 2016). This rating is an improvement of 34 spots
from 2013.
0
2000
4000
6000
8000
10000
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020
Graph 2- Total Families, Camas
and Longview (1980-2010)
Source census.gov
Camas Longview
39. 32
With the exception of the 2004-2005 school year, the Camas School District spent more
money per pupil per year than the Longview School District and the State of Washington
average (Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, WA, 2016). Over the 9 academic years
between 2004/2005-2012/2013, the average expenditure per pupil by Camas was $3161.28 more
than the Longview average and $1685.89 more than the overall State of Washington average.
For the same time span, the Longview School District spent $1475.39 less per student than the
overall State of Washington average. See Appendix C for data.
Although this is a complex issue with many variables, based on the per- student spending
by the districts and the schooldigger.com rankings, the more money invested in education results
in a better quality school system. Two interviewees #2C and #4C (2016) discussed how every
education levy presented in Camas for the public vote has passed. This represents a community
of people that place a high importance on education, which is a cornerstone of progressive
values. Interviewee #3L (2016) recalled how the mill in Camas had a research institute in the
1970s (referred to as “the Lab”); as a result, the labor force in Camas was highly trained, either
through university or advanced training, and the residents always placed a high value on
education for their children. Interviewees #1C, #2C, and #4C (2016) discussed how the Camas
School District is major contributor to the economic stability of the city as well; the education
system has been a component of why technology companies and professional services have
wanted to relocate to Camas. The Camas School System has consistently provided a high level
of education that employees can have for their children, as well as for an educated future
generation of employees.
40. 33
Parks
In keeping as much as possible to the methodology of the National Park Score 2015
program, I was able to assign both Camas and Longview a park score, with my top score being a
7. This was based on the following 7 criteria: percentage of parks with playgrounds, percentage
of parks with sports facilities, percentage of parks that had picnic tables/covers, percentage of
parks that meet the American Disability Act regulations for accessibility, the median size of
parks compared to national average, the percentage of park size of the total city land area
compared to the national average, the average spending per citizen on parks compared to the
national average. If the city had a greater than 50% of parks that met the first four criteria or
were greater than the national average in the next three criteria, they received 1 point (receiving a
0 score if they did not). Both Camas and Longview received a score of 4 out of 7 possible
points.
Based on my analysis of Camas and Longview Parks, both cities are doing well at
providing natural, open spaces to their residents in line with a progressive ideology. Although
the per citizen spending for both cities is slightly lower than the national median, this data is
being compared to cities that are much larger in area, population, and budgetary capacity.
However, the score of 4 for both cities shows that there is room for improvement on developing
more park land and increasing the investment of city funding towards parks and recreational
programs. Parks are not only a place where nature is preserved, but they are places where
citizens can congregate together and engage in community and recreational activities. The chart
located in Appendix D represents these incorporated variables.
41. 34
Air and Water Quality
In accordance with progressive policies, air and water quality are fundamental provisions
of an environmentally healthy city where people are the focus over businesses and industry. A
city that has healthy air and water will result in healthier citizens, vegetation, and wildlife.
However, environmental regulations have a historically troubled past in mill towns. The
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) collects air quality data in the areas surrounding
manufacturing sites in accordance with The Clean Air Act, The Clean Water Act, and The
Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (epa.gov, 2016).
I examined the EPA compliance data from 2013-2015 for Georgia Pacific in Camas and
Weyerhaeuser Company and Kapstone/Longview Timbre in Longview; these are the three
largest active paper manufacturing mills in the two cities (I1C, 2016). Georgia Pacific in Camas
faired the best, with zero quarters of non-compliance and three quarters of significant violations
relating to The Clean Air Act (epa.gov, 2016). Weyerhaeuser in Longview had six quarters of
non-compliance and twelve quarters of significant EPA violations during 2013-2015; The Clean
Air Act, The Clean Water Act, and The Resource Conservation and Recovery Act were all
violated by Weyerhaeuser (epa.gov, 2016). During the same time period, Kapstone/Longview
Timbre had eight quarters of non-compliance and five quarters of significant EPA violations,
including The Clean Air Act, The Clean Water Act, and The Resource Conservation and
Recovery Act (epa.gov, 2016). See Appendix E for complete EPA data chart.
The interview data added further insights to the different air quality experiences in the
two towns. Interviewee #5 CL(2016) expressed how the Camas City Council has worked with
Georgia Pacific to improve the air quality, as demanded by Camas residents. The air quality in
Longview was not discussed in any of the interviews.
42. 35
To examine water quality, I collected data from the Consumer Confidence Water Reports
published from the Department of Utilities from both Camas and Longview for the years 2012,
2013, and 2014. Despite the paper mills in both cities having EPA violations during the same
time frame, the municipal drinking water remained safe and met the EPA standards with no
violations. See Appendix F for complete water data information.
Government Engagement of Citizens
The most significant way that governments can interact with its citizens is through
websites and social media (Foth, 2011). Longview’s city website is called mylongview.com, and
there is an “Ask Longview” portal which allows citizens to get a response directly from the
needed department in a timely manner. Additionally, Longview allows online application for
open board and commission positions online and Longview’s city council minutes are posted
online (mylongview.com, 2016). The City of Camas has a “Your Government” section which
includes a Legislative Meeting Portal; through this searchable portal, all meeting dates, times,
location, details, agendas, minutes, and videos are assessable in a user friendly format. The
Camas City Council felt that investing in this portal technology was a vital step in allowing
citizens to information about what was going on in the city (I2C, 2016).
Camas and Longview have adopted different governing organizational structures;
Longview has a council/manager form of government and Camas has a mayor/council form of
government (cityofcamas.us, 2016; mylongview.com, 2016). In Longview, the city council is
elected by the citizens and the council appoints a city manager to administer legislative policy.
In Camas, the mayor and city council are elected by the citizens and are assisted by a city
administrator that is hired by the mayor and city council. From personal experience, both cities
43. 36
have adopted a new management philosophy that encourages staff and elected personnel to be
involved in community activities and available to citizens (I4C, 2016).
Interviewees from both cities discussed how city sponsored community events and
festivals are a cornerstone of drawing citizens together. The Camas City Council, in coalition
with the Downtown Camas Business Association, puts on a First Friday Celebration, every
month for downtown Camas businesses (I2C, 2016; I4C, 2016). Interviewee #2 (2016) from
Camas spoke specifically how in autumn when Camas High School football games fall on the
first Friday of the month, 5,000 or more people attend the football game and then flood the
downtown corridor to have dinner and honor the football team. Camas is a community known
for rallying around high school athletics, and the city encourages participation in community
events by pairing civic events with school events (I2C, 2016). The Downtown Camas Business
Association also puts on a farmer’s market located in downtown Camas on Wednesdays during
the spring and summer months (I5C, 2016). Being a regular attendee of the farmer’s market, I
know that the main street is blocked off, businesses set up specials on the sidewalks, and this is a
great time where the community congregates together and supports local farmers and businesses.
It is not uncommon to see the mayor and city leaders out enjoying the market and talking to
citizens about their concerns for the city.
Longview has seen participation increase in their city sponsored events since the
administration has made a collected effort to advertise through city websites and social media, as
well as partnering with other community organizations to sponsor the events (I3L, 2016).
Interviewee #3 (2016) from Longview specifically talked about the success of the Fourth of July
Weekend celebrations and the annual Squirrel Festival. Not only do these events bring
thousands of Longview residents together, they have also become a tourist draw to the city (I3L,
44. 37
2016). Both of these events take place on the beautiful Lake Sacagawea in the center of
Longview, which is a great natural setting with many parks, walking bridges, fountains, and
trails.
Indicators of Economic Growth
Economic Variables
The economic variables I examined from the 1980 to 2010 Censuses for both cities are
the mean travel time to work, the percent of people below the poverty line, percent of the labor
force unemployed, percent of labor force in manufacturing, and the median income per family.
By 1990, the United States Census (2016) shows that both cities had moved into a post-industrial
economy, with a 10% decline of the labor force in manufacturing in Camas and a 3% decline in
Longview. In 2010, there was less than 20% of the labor force working in manufacturing in both
cities, which according to Bell (1973) signifies a post-industrial economy.
As the paper mill in Camas started downsizing in the late 1980s and early 1990s, bringing
on a post-industrial economy, along with the variables of aggressive annexation, new industry
growth, and the completion of the Glen Jackson Interstate Bridge, the economic outlook for
Camas started to improve (I1C, 2016). The increase in jobs in Camas and the addition of the
bridge to Portland decreased the mean travel time to work from 20.3 minutes in 1980 to 16.9
minutes in 1990 (census.gov, 2016). All other economic indicators started to improve as well.
The big change occurred for Camas between the 1990 and 2000 census counts; by 2000, the
percent of people below the poverty line was 5.4%, only 2.9% of the labor force was
unemployed, and the median income per family rose to $64,885, which was double the median
family income from 1990 (census.gov, 2016).
45. 38
In 1980, Longview had a lower percentage of people in poverty, a lower unemployment
rate, a lower percentage of the labor force in manufacturing, and a higher median family income
than Camas (census.gov, 2016). However, Longview has been in an economic decline since the
1990s. In a very industrial based town, the post-industrial era brought declining economic
indicators. The percentage of people below the poverty line has increased at every Census count,
with 21.3% below the poverty line in 2010. The mean travel time to work in Longview has
increased from 13 minutes in 1980 to 19.4 minutes in 2010 (census.gov, 2016). One possible
reason for this increase is as jobs have become scarcer in Longview, people are having to travel
farther to work. See Appendix G for complete economic variables’ data.
The interviews revealed that the economic focus of Camas and Longview have been very
different from one another. Where leadership in Camas saw the need to start diversifying their
economy in the 1980s, Longview attempted to draw in more industrial and manufacturing
businesses to occupy vacated industrial land (I1C, 2016; I6L, 2016). One of the reasons that an
interviewee from Longview gave for the focus on an industrial economy is that the workforce in
the area has traditionally been blue-collar and high-school educated; the jobs that the citizens
needed were of the industrial nature (I3L, 2016). Additionally, the majority of the commercial
zoning in Longview since its incorporation as a city of 1924 has always been heavy industrial
(I6L, 2016). There would be great cost to the city and incoming businesses to rezone and clean
up manufacturing sites; with a declining city budget, a citizen base that wanted industrial jobs,
and unions pushing for more businesses that would hire their members, Longview has never
broken out of the industrial economy (I6L, 2016).
46. 39
Employment/ Income
As of June 2014, the unemployment rate, which is the percentage of the available
workforce that is not employed, was 6.3% in Camas and 7.5% in Longview (Sperling, 2015). A
telling statistic is the median family income for both cities; the Census 2010 reports that Camas
had a median family income of $84,798, almost double that of Longview at $50,883 (census.gov,
2016). Having somewhat similar unemployment rates and projected job growth, yet with large
median family income discrepancies, means that the jobs available in Camas are higher paying.
In a deeper analysis of the citizen income levels in both cities, I examined the percentage
of households that fall within certain income brackets. As was previously noted, a far greater
percentage of the population in Longview falls below the poverty line (census.gov, 2016). On
the opposite end of the spectrum, a significantly higher percentage of households in Camas make
higher wages. See the complete household income breakdown in Appendix H.
Additionally, I examined the percentage of the population working in certain occupations
to be able to see what types of employment is available in both cities. The two highest
occupation categories in Camas in 2014 were management/ business/ finance at 24.5% and sales/
office/ administrative support at 25.99% (Sperling, 2015). The two highest occupation
categories in Longview in 2014 were production/ transportation/ material moving at 15.39% and
sales/ office/ administrative support at 24.52% (Sperling, 2015). Camas had 4% more of the
workforce in engineering/ computers/ science (Sperling, 2015). Longview had 6.37% of the
workforce in food preparation/ service compared to Camas at 2.67% in the same category
(Sperling, 2015). Longview also saw higher percentages of their workforce in service industries
such as building maintenance and personal care categories (Sperling, 2015).
47. 40
The difference in types of occupational availability between the two cities reflects the
types of businesses located in the geographical area of each city, however, it is also related to the
proximity to other cities that offer these types of businesses and services. Interviewee #2 (2016)
spoke about how Camas lacks many service based businesses like restaurants, hotels, and retail
establishments because of their availability in larger, neighboring cities of Vancouver,
Washington and Portland, Oregon. Interviewees #1 and #2 (2016) from Camas predict that in
the coming decade, Camas will attract more of these types of businesses based on the work of the
Downtown Business Association and the business opportunities that continue to expand in the
city.
Longview interviewees state that as a city they are actively pursuing new manufacturing
and industrial business (I3L, 2016; I6L, 2016). Longview developed the Mint Valley Industrial
Park, in partnership with the Weyerhaeuser Company, to attract more businesses to the city (I3L,
2016). According to Interviewee #3 (2016) from Longview, this property still has many
vacancies and has not been as successful as had hoped. I drove through Longview’s Mint Valley
Industrial Park and noticed the acres of vacant, unused land. The goal for Mint Valley Industrial
Park was to attract supply chain businesses and other wood product manufacturing that would
support the mills and the port located in Longview (I3L, 2016; I6L, 2016). It has been
problematic to attract technology manufacturing because the lack of a trained workforce and
Longview lies too far outside of the supply chain economy that benefits from the tech companies
located outside of Portland, Oregon (I3L, 2016). Because Longview has only recently been able
to offer higher education through Lower Columbia College for bachelor degree completion,
much of the labor force existing in Longview is not trained for professional or high tech careers.
48. 41
Additionally, students have had to leave Longview to pursue college educations. Then because
the jobs are not there for them to come back to, they are moving away (I6L, 2016).
Housing
The housing statistics for the two cities reveal a great deal about the economic condition
and the increase of urban growth boundaries since 1980. As of June 2014, the median home age
in Longview was 46 years, and the median home cost was $148,000 (Sperling, 2016). At the
same date, the median home age in Camas was 18 years, and the median home cost was
$319,000 (Sperling, 2016). Camas doubled their incorporated land area through annexation
between 1980 and 1990, adding large tracts of residential zoning (census.org, 2016; I2C, 2016).
Another insight provided by the housing data has to with home appreciation. As the
economy plummeted in 2008, the nation saw record levels of home foreclosures and property
values dropped dramatically. However, in Camas, the home appreciation from 2009 to 2014 was
1.2%, while recovering to an appreciation home value increase of 13.10% between June 2013
and June 2014 (Sperling, 2016). Longview saw housing appreciation of -20.20% between 2009
and 2014, only recovering to .80% home value appreciation from June 2013-June 2014
(Sperling, 2016). This is directly related to post-industrial job growth; Camas had enough
recession resistant jobs to maintain home appreciation even when this was not the trend
nationwide. Longview, which is dependent on a manufacturing, retail, and service-based jobs
(most sensitive to economic changes), did not fare as well (census.gov, 2016).
Interviews confirmed that the annexation plan in Camas was part of their progressive
policy to attract new, greener industries; as a result, the new work force desired middle and upper
class homes (I2C, 2016). The increase in construction of new homes drove up property values.
Interviewee #2 (2016) from Camas said that a lack of affordable housing in Camas is a current
49. 42
concern for city council. In an effort to address this issue, there are policies being looked at to
allow home owners to add accessory dwelling units to their property; these dwellings would
allow the property owner additional income from rents and allow for more housing options in the
city (I2C, 2016).
See Appendix I for complete housing data for Camas and Longview.
Downtown Improvements
The information provided from the interviews revealed the importance of mixed use
zoning in each city’s downtown corridor. In accordance with progressive policy described by
Stone (1993), the goal for downtowns is that people can live, shop, and work within the same
area, therefore increasing community, decreasing commute times, and supporting local
businesses. One policy put in place by the Longview City Council was to allow building owners
located in the downtown area a 12 year property tax deferral on additions or upgrades to second
story residential units (I3L, 2016). This program has had little success with only one building
owner taking advantage of this opportunity. Interviewee #3 (2016) from Longview said it has
been very difficult to entice the building owners in the Longview downtown area to make
expensive improvements to their buildings when their street level commercial and retail spaces
have struggled to maintain occupancy.
The municipal governments of Camas and Longview have adopted very different
strategies to downtown improvements. Leaders from both cities expressed their city’s agenda
toward the progressive policies of historic preservation and a mixed use downtown corridor,
however, implementation of these policies looks very different (I2C, 2016; I3L, 2016; I4C,
2016). As early as 15 years ago, downtown Camas was somewhat of a post-industrial ghost
50. 43
town. The Georgia Pacific Paper Mill, looming as the backdrop of the city, was the only
significant economic activity that was happening in the city; almost every storefront was boarded
up with a vacancy sign in the window (I4C, 2016). Then in the early 2000s, a couple of small
business owners took a chance and relocated to Camas, determined to be successful and make a
difference in this struggling downtown. In keeping with Regime Theory, these business owners
created coalitions with the Camas City Council, the Camas/Washougal Chamber of Commerce,
citizens, and other downtown businesses, and created the Camas Downtown Business
Association (I4C, 2016). Present day, downtown Camas is thriving; the historic buildings are
being preserved and there are no vacant buildings; there are plans to extend the downtown
commercial corridor 4 more streets to meet the need for people that want to do business in
Camas (I4C, 2016). City council added flowers, expanded cobblestone walkways, fountains, and
exterior art pieces (I2C, 2016). This is one example how the progressive ideology of putting
people and community first expands out to economic growth; the power of citizens working
together in coalitions with government has potential to make powerful change.
Interviewee #3 (2016) from Longview said that Longview has improved their downtown
corridor with park benches and flowers; they are currently in the middle of a public works
project called the downtown corridor project. However, there has not been a great deal of new
business growth in Longview. Many of the social service agencies that serve vulnerable
populations of Longview are located downtown, and business owners say that this is a detriment
to business. City council responded by banning new social service agencies from opening up in
the downtown business district (I3L, 2016). At one time, a group of citizens attempted to start a
downtown business association that resembles the one in Camas, but there was little success.
51. 44
Furthermore, the building owners are reluctant to make needed improvements to the building to
add to aesthetic appeal without a guarantee that business will improve (I3L, 2016).
52. 45
Discussion
There were several themes that emerged from the interviews about how Camas and
Longview have adapted to the changing industrial mill environment that was once the center of
these mill towns. The first one is economic diversity. The second one is zoning and urban
development, in regards to mixed-use in the downtown and waterfront corridors. The third is
education, both K-12 and secondary schooling. The fourth is preemptive planning in areas of
infrastructure and strategic utility investment. The fifth is community involvement. These five
themes are reflected in both the indicators of economic growth and community adaptability, and
in the data I collected first hand through interviews.
Each of these themes was revealed through an examination of my interview notes and
recordings. In an analysis of how many times a topic was mentioned, I created a spreadsheet to
tally responses. The following themes are those that were most frequently discussed from
responses representing both cities.
Economic Diversity
The post-industrial economy that became prevalent in the United States in the 1980s has
made it a necessity for cities to diversify their industries and businesses. Based on the literature
and these case studies of Camas, WA and Longview, WA, cities that have diversified to include
as many economic avenues as possible have been the most successful. Because the leadership
of Longview has not successfully been able to attract new businesses to Longview and because
of their focus on heavy industrial businesses, I believe that the city is suffering. On the other
hand, Camas city leadership, which saw the need to diversify in the 1980s, has a successful
corridor of technology and financial businesses located in the Columbia Business Park and other
53. 46
areas in the city. This diversification of industry has allowed other service and retail based
businesses to locate to Camas and thrive.
An important part of Regime Theory are the coalitions that form between government,
businesses, and citizens to implement policies that fit within a pro-growth, progressive, or
caretaker ideology (Stone, 1993). Based on my research, the coalitions that exist in Longview
are of a pro-growth regime that are focused on maintaining and attracting a manufacturing/heavy
industrial base in hopes of implementing economic stability (I3L, 2016). Perhaps the reason that
mills in Longview are not meeting the federal environmental guidelines are because the local
government is not putting enough pressure to comply (epa.gov, 2016). If the Longview
Municipal Government reprimanded the mills for not meeting the EPA standards, this could be
seen as a non-accommodation towards the businesses to which they cater.
Zoning and Urban Development
Officials from both cities stressed the importance of mixed-use zoning in their downtown
corridors. However, the level of success of this zoning seems to coincide with a citizen
commitment to the same end. In keeping with Regime Theory, there must by coalitions built
between the local governments, businesses, citizen councils, and the citizen themselves.
One of my interview questions had to do with master planning of the cities, and what
would be done differently if given a “magic wand.” For Camas, the responses were around
utility infrastructure and keeping up with the housing boom that took place in the 1990s.
Interviewee #2 (2016) from Camas says that one of the best ways a city can encourage business
growth is through existing infrastructure, including utilities and roads, favorable zoning
locations, and an efficient planning office.
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The responses about zoning and master planning for Longview focused on the waterfront
land along the Columbia River. All the waterfront land currently within the Longview City
limits is privately owned, except for the Port of Longview, and all the area along the river is used
for industrial purposes. There are no public access areas, parks, residential zones, or any areas
where the citizens of Longview can see the river except through a barbed wire topped chain link
fence. Interviewee #3 (2016) from Longview said that this is the greatest area where the city
could improve on trying to make places where the people of Longview can enjoy this beautiful,
natural setting.
Education
Education at all levels is a pertinent component of a thriving city; both citizens and
businesses benefit from a strong education system (Clark, 2014). A good public school system
not only educates a future workforce, it also encourages multi-generational residents and is a
draw for businesses to locate in the area (I1C, 2016). Every interviewee from Camas placed the
great public school system as a driving force behind the current success of the city. Camas does
not have any colleges or universities, but because of the close proximity to Vancouver,
Washington and Portland, Oregon, which has multiple institutes of higher learning, people are
able to live in Camas and go to a four year university.
Based on the lack of higher education opportunities in Longview, they have had trouble
attracting economic growth with businesses that require an educated workforce (I6L, 2016).
This is a place where a progressive policy to invest in job training and higher education could
have a marked impact on the future of the Longview economy.
Preemptive Planning
55. 48
Consistent with the findings of Mayer and Greenburg (2001), the results of this research
points towards the dangers of 10 year lag in leadership response to large economic changes.
However, in Camas, because of very forward thinking and brave leadership, future economic
endeavors were planned for directly following the regulations that threatened the paper mill in
the early 1980s (I1C, 2016; I3C, 2016). As a result, when the national economy boomed in the
1990s, Camas saw a windfall of business growth because they had the infrastructure in place to
accommodate this progress (I1C, 2016; I3C, 2016). Preemptive planning is difficult because it
can be politically disastrous (if it fails), and no one can fully predict future economic
environments. However, the evidence from Camas shows how important it is city government to
always be thinking progressively about what is going to be most beneficial for the city in the
future.
One of the major things that emerged about the association between the progressive
policies and the success of Camas has been and continues to be is the forward thinking on behalf
of City Council and Mayors. Camas, which was historically a middle-class, blue collar mill
town, really improved their economic outlook of the city with the addition of information
technology manufacturing in the 1990s. However, this was made possible by the investment
from the city in the 1980s towards utility infrastructure, zoning of light industrial areas close to
residential zones, and the planning of roads as main arteries to these areas (I2C, 2016).
Community Involvement
My most striking finding from this research is that the best policies implemented by the
local government to help a city succeed will fail to reach their highest potential unless there is a
high level of citizen commitment and community involvement. Based on data collected from the
interviews, I believe that one of the most important factors in the success of Camas are the
56. 49
coalitions that the city government has been able to make with citizens. The enthusiasm that the
citizens of Camas have towards making their city a wonderful place to live is a driving factor
behind a more progressive city. There is a high level of citizen involvement in volunteering at
the schools, attending community events and festivals, and supporting the local businesses (I2C,
2016).
On a personal note, as a future public administrator, I never realized the importance of
community support in successful policy implementation. This study made me see that serving
the public and trying to create the most good for all means actively being involved in programs
and problems that the people are passionate towards. This coincides with the progressive
ideology of investing in people; when people are personally devoted to an issue with their time
and talents, it spills out into a more beautiful and thriving community.
Non-policy Explanations
Mostly based on the data collected through the interviews, two main issues arose in
comparing the post-industrial mill towns of Camas and Longview that are not associated with
policy choices. The first is the topographic differences. Camas has many slopes and hills that
lend to the types of residential lots that are ‘view lots’; this has evolved into higher- end housing
developments that coincide with being able to attract white collar jobs to the area (I2C, 2016).
Additionally, Camas has many natural bodies of water that are of great use in designing parks
and residential zones (I2C, 2016). Longview has a mostly flat topography. Although this lends
itself to industrial purposes, it is not as attractive for high-end residential zones (I3L, 2016).
The second issue is the proximity to Portland, Oregon as a metropolis. Camas is just a
15 minute commute to the Portland International Airport. This has become an advantageous
57. 50
selling point for businesses looking to locate in Camas. Longview, being a 45 minute commute
to the airport, is still within a reasonable driving distance, however, does not provide the same
quick accessibility. Additionally, because of the high level of education provided by the Camas
Public Schools, many citizens can live in Camas and work in nearby Vancouver, WA or
Portland, OR. Based on economic policies and planning, Camas has also been able to create an
economic supply chain cluster with other High-Tech manufacturing companies located on the
outskirts of Portland (I1C, 2016). Interviewee #3 (2016) from Longview stated that one of the
hardest parts about drawing IT manufacturing to Longview was the distance from the larger IT
companies to the south and east of Portland. These alternative explanations for Camas’ success
relative to Longview remind us that progressive policies are certainly not the only factors
impacting post-industrial mill towns.
Questions for Future Study
I believe that this research study could be replicated in mill towns all over the Northwest
region of the United States and bring focus to progressive policies and practices that need more
attention. In a broad, exploratory study like this one with only two cities, the results gathered are
informative and have internal validity, but may not be generalizable. External validity could be
strengthened with an increased number of case studies.
Both Longview and Camas are bordered by smaller cities that might also affect the
economic output and community strength. Kelso, WA borders Longiew, and Washougal, WA
borders Camas. A future study could incorporate how the interconnection of these neighboring
cities affects policy choices and examine, within the framework of Regime Theory, how the
coalitions support or discourage economic growth and community stability in the region.
58. 51
Interviewee #3 from Longview expressed how they wished there was more policy co-alignment
with Kelso.
There is the potential to take any one of the economic indicators or community
adaptability indicators and create a study that looks at how this one variable is impacted by
specific municipal policies. In addition, I think investigating how community involvement could
be maximized in a city with a struggling economy would be valuable research toward
implementing progressive policies. A research question could be: How does a struggling mill-
town with a declining population and tax-base inspire and invest in citizen engagement?
Additionally, Binelli (2013) believes that progressive policies can save the large, hardest hit
post-industrial cities in the rust belt of the United States. Therefore another question for future
study is: How is the implementation of progressive policies in metropolitan, post-industrial cities
in the Midwest United States translated to cities in different geographic locations and/or smaller
in size?
Conclusion
I believe that the findings of this research build on the frameworks of Stone (1993),
Glaeser (2011), and Schrock (2015), and how progressive policies can bring about positive social
outcomes and economic stability. Stone (1993) and Schrock (2015) focus on the importance of
progressive policies in conjunction with strong government and community coalitions at the
local level to increase economic output and bring community stability. Based on this exploration
of Camas, WA and Longview, WA, there appears to be an association between the presence of
coalitions and the successful implementation of progressive policies. Including community
actors in the political and policy making process through coalition building coexists with high
levels of civic engagement.
59. 52
Human capital is the driving force of survival for post-industrial cities (Glaeser, 2011).
The progressive ideology stresses the importance of investing in human capital (Stone, 1993).
The interviews of community leaders and administrators from Camas, WA and Longview, WA
reveal data that supports an association between progressive policies and economic growth and
community adaptability. Glaeser (2011) says that the vital features of city life- citizens
specializing in skills, small business, and connections with the outside world, are what always
have created urban prosperity and will make successful cities in the future. In my opinion, these
are universal characteristics of the progressive city, no matter the size; I feel this research has co-
aligned with this ideology.
In conclusion, I hope the specific stories of Camas, WA and Longview, WA are added to
the canon of work about post-industrial cities. To reiterate information in the Introduction, the
goal of this research is to inspire policy that creates community and smart growth in towns
similar to these case studies. From the themes that emerged in this study around economic
diversity, zoning and urban development, education, preemptive planning, and community
involvement, there are progressive policies that might be universally applicable. In towns like
these that still have working mills, policies can be put in place now as proactive measures that
are supportive of economic growth and investments in progressive goals that will help maintain
their populations and tax bases as industrial manufacturing changes occurs.
60. 53
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