1. British, Yemeni and Muslim: How
Yemeni Women Construct Their
Identities in Sheffield
Nicola Wilson
MA in Sociological Research
Department of Sociological Studies
September 2008
1

2. ‘The grandchild of a Turkish immigrant in Cologne may well be Turkish, but being Turkish in
Germany means something different from being Turkish in Turkey’
Thomas Hylland Eriksen (2002: 138)
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3. Abstract
This study offers a detailed exploration of identification processes amongst a group of second and
third generation British Yemeni women. Focusing on their self-representations as individuals and
also as members of the Yemeni community in Sheffield, I have examined the ways in which
individuals define themselves, in a specific time, place and context. In order to do so, I have
employed a constructivist model (Jenkins, 2008a) in which identity is processual, contingent and
variable.
In the summer of 2008 I interviewed 10 women who all worked for the same community
organisation in Sheffield. Findings present a picture of individual identities which are multiple and
overlapping, constructed through negotiation and competition between ethnic, religious and
gendered identities. These are influenced both by circumstantial and structural factors, and also by
individual and collective actions. Processes of assertion and categorisation, reformulation,
redefinition and rejection are all observable in the ways in which different identities are articulated
by individuals.
Interviewees simultaneously claimed dual identities as Yemeni and British, recognising that the
salience of these was contextual. Religion was closely woven into ethnic identity; for most women
being Muslim and Yemeni were equally important, although in some cases religion was prioritised.
Religious identity also appeared to reinforce ethnic identity. Gender was also important in identity
construction, with parental and collective ideals of gendered behaviour influencing ethnic identity.
However changes were observed in the ways that individuals responded to these; marriage, work
and surveillance were the main arenas in which ethnic identities were contested, with evidence of
resistance and renegotiation by most participants.
Finally, in support of Dwyer (2000), I suggest that this study demonstrates British Yemeni women’s
identities as ‘hybrid’. Fabricating them from the raw material of primary identities and also from
lived experiences, individuals have crafted their own identities in which the original elements are
combined but also transformed.
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4. Acknowledgements
First and foremost an enormous thank you is due to the women who took part in this project, giving
up their time (sometimes lots of it) and speaking on subjects of some sensitivity.
Thanks also to my supervisor, Richard Jenkins, for guidance, directions and general enthusiasm for
the subject of my study.
Finally to my husband, Stephen Connelly -bombarded with questions and ideas – much gratitude for
his patience and encouragement during my year of learning.
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5. Table of Contents
Table of Contents.............................................................................................................................5
16310 words.....................................................................................................................................6
Chapter One: Introduction...............................................................................................................7
Chapter Two: Rationale for the Research.......................................................................................11
General theories of identity, groupness and ethnicity.....................................................................11
Empirical studies of ethnicity...........................................................................................................17
Yemenis in Sheffield and elsewhere................................................................................................19
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................22
Access and sampling........................................................................................................................24
Ethical issues and the position of the researcher............................................................................27
Chapter Four: Findings....................................................................................................................31
Asserted identities...........................................................................................................................31
Being Yemeni ..............................................................................................................................32
Being British.................................................................................................................................33
Being Muslim...............................................................................................................................34
Being Arab...or not.......................................................................................................................36
Ascribed identities...........................................................................................................................37
Interaction between identities........................................................................................................39
Yemeni and British.......................................................................................................................39
British but Muslim.......................................................................................................................41
Gender .......................................................................................................................................41
Contextual factors in identity construction.....................................................................................42
Internal forces: history and social institutions.............................................................................42
External factors...........................................................................................................................45
Marriage as an example of hybridity and change between generations.........................................46
Changes between generations........................................................................................................48
Chapter Five: Discussion.................................................................................................................50
Thick and thin identities...................................................................................................................50
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6. The generational model of identity.................................................................................................52
Unanticipated consequences...........................................................................................................54
Similarity and difference within the group......................................................................................56
The case study.................................................................................................................................58
Chapter Six: Conclusions.................................................................................................................60
Validity ............................................................................................................................................64
Relevance to Policy..........................................................................................................................65
References......................................................................................................................................67
Appendix 1: Semi Structured Interview Guide...............................................................................71
16310 words
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7. Chapter One: Introduction
This study offers a detailed exploration of identification processes among a group of women
from a small but significant ethnic minority in Sheffield. Focusing on their self-
representations as individuals and also members of a collective – the Yemeni community – I
have attempted to unravel some of the complexity behind the ways that individuals define
themselves, in a specific time, place and context. In order to do so, I have employed a
constructivist model of identity (Jenkins, 2008a) which sees it as processual, contingent and
variable
The inspiration for this research arose from a series of interviews in 2007 with British
Yemenis living in Sheffield, providing material for an exhibition in a Sheffield museum.
Regardless of variations in age and backgrounds, interviewees articulated a strong sense of
Britishness alongside their ethnic identities as Yemenis. This was often in spite of their
awareness of being seen as ‘other’ by the white majority population. This encounter with
the dynamics of identity – sameness and difference, ascription and assertion – and a dual
rather than single ethnic/national identification stirred my curiosity. It seemed an
interesting area to research, and one which has significance for current debates on national
identity and multiculturalism in Britain. These are not purely academic interests but have
the power to influence policy, political action and popular understandings of identity
(Parekh, 2000). My subject is also relevant to contemporary constructions of Muslims as
radical extremists, unwilling to engage in British society and therefore a ‘threat’ to Western
secular traditions (Nagel and Staeheli, 2007). Media reports have reinforced such images
and presented an essentialist interpretation of Islam in spite of clear evidence that Muslims
think about and practice their faith in a multitude of ways. Muslim women in particular
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8. have been caricatured as subservient and oppressed by their menfolk, trapped in patriarchal
systems of authority which assert traditional religious and cultural values. From my own
friendships and contact with Muslim women in Sheffield and elsewhere, I know this is
untrue. I have therefore sought to explore ethnic identity from a standpoint of
acknowledging diversity and difference.
Although seldom noticed by the majority population, Yemenis have lived in Sheffield for
over fifty years. Yemeni men first began arriving in Sheffield during the 1950’s and 60’s,
seeking work in the steel industry in the post-war period of economic prosperity. Regarding
their migration as temporary, they left families behind in Yemen and resisted integration
into the host society (Halliday, 1992; Searle, 2007). However as the myth of the ‘sojourner’
was reluctantly abandoned, wives and children began to arrive in Sheffield in the 1980’s and
90’s. Although born in Yemen, the children of first and second generation migrants have
settled in Sheffield and made it their home. Many have strong attachments to the
neighbourhoods in which they live. At the same time they remain distinctive and apart from
mainstream society (Halliday, 1992), often invisible to the wider population of Sheffield and
disadvantaged by poverty and discrimination. Growing up in both Yemen and Britain, they
navigate between the cultural worlds of their parents, relatives in Yemen, and that of British
society.
Traditional views of second generation migrants have tended to refer to them as having
‘divided loyalites’ (Anwar,1998) and experiencing identity problems. More recent writers
(Dwyer, 2000, Burdsey, 2006) note how individuals negotiate between different identities
and have adapted them to fit new situations. Thus ‘hybrid’ identities develop which sit
between the extremes of assimilation and retrenchment. Eriksen (p 137) points out that
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9. these are not necessarily problematic but involve a wide range of identity processes,
operating at the boundaries. It is this particular arena of identity that I have chosen to
explore, focusing on women who belong to either second or third generation British
Yemenis.
Throughout this study I have used a practical definition of identity advocated by Jenkins
(2008a). In his words identity is:
the human capacity - rooted in language – to know who’s who (and hence
what is what). This involves knowing who we are, knowing who others are,
them knowing who we are, us knowing who they think we are, and so on; a
multidimensional classification or mapping of the human world and our
places in it, as individuals and as members of collectives (Jenkins, 2008a: 5).
This places emphasis on the interactional element of identity and its constructed and
negotiated nature. It includes both active and passive processes of assertion and ascription;
we define ourselves in relation to others which requires us to consider what makes ‘us’ the
same, and what makes ‘them’ different.
Using semi-structured interviews, the opinions, beliefs and aspirations of a small group of
British Yemeni women have been investigated, frequently in terms of events in their lives, to
develop an understanding of how they see themselves in relation to others in different
situations. My research focuses on the interplay between different identities,
acknowledging that these cannot be seen in isolation from each other and must be studied
together. Thus gendered and religious identities are included in this particular case study,
with content and boundaries closely studied. The dynamics of identification processes are
also examined by considering some of the changes that have taken place over time,
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10. comparing the views of past generations with previous ones, albeit through the narratives
of participants. Variation in identity claims and positions within the group are also
examined in order to understand what factors might impinge on individual identifications.
My research aim is outlined in the question:
How do second and third generation British Yemeni women negotiate between the
different ethnic, national and religious aspects of their identity?
Within this study interviewees are defined as second or third generation according to their
relationship to first generation migrants, although most were born in Yemen (even those
belonging to the third generation) and spent their childhood in both Yemen and Britain.
In Chapter Two, I review a selection of literature relevant to the study of identity and
ethnicity, using this material to illuminate the rationale for this research. In Chapter Three I
describe the methodology used and ethical issues arising during the research process. In
Chapter Four findings are presented with discussion and analysis covered in Chapter Five.
Chapter Six deals with conclusions and policy implications.
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11. Chapter Two: Rationale for the Research
The purpose of this chapter is to set the context and provide a rationale for my research.
Beginning with general theories and conceptualisations of identity, groupness and ethnicity,
I review the main arguments and establish the theoretical basis underpinning this study.
The second part focuses on empirical studies of ethnic identities in Britain and current
knowledge about Yemenis in Sheffield in order to identify issues and themes relevant to
British Yemenis and define the field of interest.
General theories of identity, groupness and ethnicity
Although there is general agreement among most writers on the importance of identity in
contemporary life (e.g. Gilroy, 1997; Hall, 1996; Woodward, 1997), there are many different
definitions of the concept and uses of the term. These illustrate a variety of theoretical
approaches, ranging between essentialist and poststructuralist extremes (Moya, 2000).
Essentialist or ‘primordialist’ understandings (Cornell and Hartmann, 2007) are premised on
the notion of identity as a set of fixed and immutable attributes over which individuals have
no choice. They are presented as ‘natural’ and enduring, deeply embedded and often based
on history or biology. Although seldom embraced in academic studies of identity (with a
few exceptions such as Issacs (1975) cited in Cornell and Hartmann, 2007), they often
pervade political and popular concepts of national, ethnic and racial identities. At the other
end of the spectrum, identity is described by some postmodern theorists (e.g. Butler, 1990,
cited in Jenkins, 2008a) as vague and indeterminate and therefore illusory. Consequently
Brubaker and Cooper (2000: 5) have proposed that the concept should be discarded. They
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12. regard it as too ambiguous and paradoxical in its meanings to provide a tool for social
analysis. In between these extremes authors such as Jenkins (2008a) recognise identity as a
real phenomenon which cannot be abandoned. Adopting a constructivist approach, he
proposes that while caution is needed to recognise the limitations of terminology, the
concept is still meaningful and offers a valid theoretical framework to explain the complexity
and variability of human experience.
Throughout this study I have adopted the constructivist model of identity advocated by
Jenkins (2008a: 5), outlined in the introduction. He defines identity not as a ‘thing’ that is
held by individuals or groups but as a process, involving social interaction, something which
‘isn’t just there...(but) must always be established’ through contact with others (ibid: 17).
Language is central to this process (Joseph, 2004). Using this concept, identification is what
matters, and identities are fluid, multiple and contextual, able to change in relation to time,
place and circumstances and based on the interplay of sameness and difference.
Ethnicity is regarded as a form of collective identification, premised on the notion of
‘groupness’ as part of the reality of the human world which can be studied. Echoing
debates on identity, Brubaker (2002) disputes the existence of groups, viewing them as an
imaginary concept. He argues against ‘ethnic common sense’ which treats ‘groupness’ as
unproblematic and therefore assumed to be real. Others have rejected his definition of
groups and posited that they do not need to meet the rigid criteria he imposed upon them
in order to be real. One such view is expressed by Jenkins (2008a: 9). Arguing that
analytical concepts must be ‘grounded in the observable realities of the human world’, he
provides a more flexible definition that permits recognition of groups as more than simply
cognitive: ‘the minimal reality of a group is that its members know it exists and that they
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13. belong to it.’ (ibid: 12) This dispenses with requirements of fixed boundaries and in-group
similarity.
Accepting that groups exist, social scientists recognise that ethnicity provides a fundamental
basis for identity construction. Although overlapping with and similar to race, it is regarded
as having a stronger component of assertion whilst race is produced more by assignment
(Cornell and Hartmann, 2007). Ethnic identities can also be confused with nationality (as
observed in this study) however, unlike the latter, they do not imply the sharing of political
and cultural boundaries (Eriksen, 2002: 7).
Developing from earlier (often essentialist) anthropological notions of ‘tribe’, ethnicity
became a popular subject of study in the 1960’s. Barth (1969) presented an influential
examination of the concept and rejected conventional views of ethnicity as biologically
determined and unchanging. He stated that ethnic groups were fluid and variable,
produced through social interaction and involving negotiation at their boundaries. He
redirected attention from the cultural attributes of groups to processes of boundary
creation and maintenance and emphasised the active element of self description by group
members as a defining feature of ethnicity. He also recognised that culture was a product of
group processes.
Building on Barth’s model, many other authors have made further contributions to a
theoretical understanding of ethnicity and explored some of its characteristics. Cohen
(1982) applies it to an ethnographic study of culture within rural communities at the
margins of Britain and uses it to argue for an appreciation of diversity. Baumann (1999: 25)
proposes that essentialist ‘photocopy’ conceptions of culture are often woven through
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14. dominant views of national, ethnic and religious identities. Eriksen (2002), examines
ethnicity in relation to nationalism and demonstrates that ethnicity is ‘a dynamic and
shifting aspect of social relations’.
An issue which has provoked much debate is the persistence of ethnicity over time.
Reflecting on this ‘puzzle’, Cornell and Hartmann (2007) review the historical development
of ideas on the subject. They examine theories of ethnic and racial change over time and
place, including Park’s (1926/1950) model of assimilation. This predicted the declining
importance of ethnicity for a variety of social and economic reasons. Gans (1952, cited in
Staub, 1989: 34) shared this view and dismissed ethnic behaviour in third generation
migrants as purely symbolic and nostalgic, but having no real meaning to those performing
them, suggesting assimilation was inevitable. A common sense version of this idea has
persisted in the media and popular forms of writing; Alibhai Brown (2001: 84) describes it as
a ‘fable’ that many ‘wishful and naive people’ subscribe to. She outlines the general process
of adaptation that is supposed to occur: ‘by the third generation, acceptance is complete,
the problems are over.’ However, as evidence of the increasing salience of ethnic identities
has accumulated, other theorists have attempted to explain its continuing relevance in
contemporary societies. Some hypothesise that ethnicity is a product of structural
inequalities and continuing racial discrimination, often involving migration (e.g. Mason,
2000). Others view ethnicity as more actively asserted and used as a resource by groups to
claim power, or express cultural difference. Addressing issues of structure and agency,
Cornell and Hartmann (2007) view ethnic identities as outcomes of both external
circumstances – the ‘construction sites’ of ethnicity - and the active (internal) processes
which members engage in to ‘make’ ethnic groups. They distinguish between ‘thick’ and
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15. ‘thin’ ethnicities (p. 79), defining the former as ‘being’ - identities which tend to
comprehensively organise the daily routines and experiences of those who practice them,
and the latter as ‘feeling’ – identities which are shaped more by other aspects of the world
they live in, such as class, gender and occupation. They acknowledge that over time, ethnic
identities usually change from thicker to thinner, although this is not the only direction they
can take. Like Eriksen (1993), they observe that ethnic groups are not homogenous entities;
within any ethnic group, the degree to which an ethnic identity is asserted may vary, with
some individuals seeing it as important and others regarding it as less significant.
In debates over changes between generations, the discourse of age cohorts (e.g. Hareven,
1978) is often employed. This is based on the idea of historical and social changes marking
each generation as different from preceding ones, producing a distinctive collective identity.
Eriksen (1993: 63) describes the children of first generation migrants as ‘ethnic anomalies’, a
term borrowed from Douglas (1966, cited in Eriksen, 1993) and shows how they may resist
pressure to define themselves in unitary ways and instead claim affiliation to more than one
group. This ‘fuzzy’ ethnicity is the subject of further contestation; writers such as Anwar
(1998: 148) propose that younger generations of British Asians born in the host country
experience divided loyalties, leading to tension and conflict within families and ethnic
communities. Others such as Archer (2001) and Dwyer (2000) talk more optimistically of
‘new’ and ‘hybrid’ identities, constructed in ways which enable individuals to negotiate
between multiple identities and respond to context. They define identity as fluid and
situational but also able to combine and intermingle to produce new hybrid forms.
Although relying on a biological metaphor which has essentialist overtones, hybridity does
not imply that the ‘stock’ on which new identities are crafted is necessarily ‘pure’ - the
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16. identities of earlier generations can also be seen as outcomes of continuous change over
time and having ‘fuzzy’ boundaries themselves. Nor does it necessarily imply that hybridity
is a recent phenomenon produced by globalisation and modernity. Concerns over these
possible implications lead some authors (e.g. Jenkins, personal communication) to reject the
concept of hybridity. However this account of ethnicity does have value in providing new
insights into what it means to belong to an ethnic minority in a particular place and time.
Focusing upon the ways that individuals reinterpret old identities to create new identities,
hybridity offers a useful metaphor for analysing change.
My research is thus premised on a theoretical understanding of ethnic identity as
constructed and situational, variable across generations and founded on multiple identities
mixing together in complex ways to produce hybrids. Although often presented as
immutable1
, ethnic identities can be contested and reshaped both by external forces and
the actions of groups and individuals. These characteristics are emphasised in the definition
of ethnic identity proposed by Jenkins (2008b: 10) and applied in this study. Ethnicity is
based on ‘a shared belief in common descent’, produced when individuals act as a collective
and employing cultural ‘stuff’ to form perceptions of similarity and difference which in turn
define group boundaries. These can be changed through processes of self-assertion and
categorisation by others. Consequently ethnic identities are never completed but must be
viewed as unfinished and continuously responding to internal and external forces.
Within this study Yemeni-ness and Britishness are treated as ethnic identities, although I
acknowledge that Britishness, in the UK context, is a category of national identity. However,
1
Jenkins (2008a) distinguishes between certain types of identity such as gender and self which are formed in
the early stages of a child’s life, and therefore more resistant to change later on. Ethnicity can also, in certain
circumstances, be regarded as a primary identity although this does not deny the possibility of change.
16

17. since interviewees talked about both in the same way and made direct comparisions
between them, I have given them an equal status. Other authors have also adopted this
position (Hussain and Bagguley, 2005; Saeed et al, 1999).
Empirical studies of ethnicity
Recent research in Britain has explored many different dimensions of ethnicity and the ways
in which they are interrelated or overlap with race and nationality. They focus mainly on
asserted definitions of identity and include features such as religion, gender, class and
culture. Although concentrating mainly on British Pakistanis, they have provided useful
material to inform both the methodology and content of this investigation. The literature
also includes the impact of the researcher’s own ethnicity in studies of ethnic minorities
(Archer, 2001, Dwyer, 2006).
Various writers have investigated identity construction at the national and supra-national
level. Saeed et al (1999) point to the salience of dual nationality and also religious
definitions among Scottish Pakistanis, emphasising their complexity. Hussain and Bagguley
(2005) examine how the concept of citizenship allowed individuals to overcome racism and
exclusion, noting that Britishness offers a broader, more multicultural understanding of
belonging whereas English identities are viewed as more exclusionary. They also observed a
distinctive difference between first and second generation interviewees with the second
generation asserting their British identity more strongly whilst the first generation still
regarded themselves as ‘being in a foreign country’ (ibid: 419). Nagel and Staeheli (2007)
explore supranational Arabic and religious identities among community activists involved
with ‘Arab-oriented organisations’ (ibid: 8). They noted that Arabness was seen as a more
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18. politically neutral identity that avoids some of the connotations of religious extremism
associated with religious identities, with interviewees choosing to present themselves as
British Arabs rather than British Muslims. However other writers report that religion plays a
significant role in identity construction. Jacobson (1997) and Archer (2001) present findings
from case studies which illustrate the centrality of Islam to British Pakistani identities and its
importance in defining roles for individuals. Jacobson notes that religion is often prioritised
above ethnic identities and seen as having more clearly defined borders. Philips (2006)
argues for the need to appreciate diversity within ethnic groups, reflecting differences in
origins, class, education, age, gender and other factors.
Culture is another important arena for identity construction. Burdsey (2006) illustrates how
conflicting racial and national identities are expressed through sporting affiliations.
Employing the notion of hybridity, Dwyer (1999a, 1999b, 2000) explores linkages between
gender, religious and ethnic identities in young British Pakistani women, expressed through
dress and behaviour. She notes the assertion of new religious identities based on the
informed, conscious adoption of Islamic values. She also argues that gendered roles are
often reinforced by cultural practices (2000), with notions of family honour employed
strategically to reproduce parental concepts of culture.
Collectively these studies emphasise the constructed and complex nature of ethnic
identities, with overlapping and different factors combining to produce new and on-going
forms of identification. They illustrate negotiation and contestation processes as well as
highlighting boundaries. They also make a strong case for the recognition of heterogeneity
within ethnic and religious categories (Kahani-Hopkins and Hopkins, 2002; Nagel and
Staeheli, 2007) and for more inclusive definitions of Britishness (Philips, 2006). However,
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19. whilst they provide ideas to inform my own research, they do not deal with the
particularities of being Yemeni in Sheffield.
Yemenis in Sheffield and elsewhere
Information about Yemenis as an ethnic minority in Britain is extremely limited. Halliday
(1992) provides a historical overview of how Yemeni men first came to Britain and settled in
several industrial cities during the twentieth century. He asserts that Yemenis remained a
distinctive group, largely because they chose to remain ‘invisible’ to, and separate from, the
host society. Focusing on Yemeni men in Sheffield, Searle (2007) argues that the ‘myth of
return’ persisted amongst them for considerably longer than for migrants from other
countries. This ‘sojourner’ mentality meant that there was little incentive for men to bring
their families to join them in Britain. Consequently Yemeni women and children did not
begin arriving in Britain until the 1980’s and 90’s, once it became clear that Yemenis were
‘here to stay’. Searle and Shaif (1991) note changes in identities over time, with young
second generation Yemenis becoming more conscious of their ethnicity and using it
strategically to create collective organisations. They describe them as no longer ‘obedient’
to the white majority and willing to claim rights that they had previously been denied.
Outside the British context, Staub (1989) presents an ethnographic study of Yemenis in New
York and explores a variety of identity positions. Ranging from the more exclusive - family,
village and tribe - to more inclusive ones such as regional, national and religious, he notes
the impact of continued migration on ethnic identities, suggesting that contact with what he
terms ‘Old World’ identities renews a sense of difference and contributes to the
maintenance of ethnic boundaries.
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20. Within Sheffield there is a small amount of ‘grey’ literature on the Yemeni community. This
states that the population was under 2,000 in 2001 (Sheffield City Council, 2006) but local
Yemeni organisations suggest a figure of around 5,000 (personal communication: Abtisam
Mohammed). Other documents (Assinani, 2002; Mohammed and Makmahi, 2001)
demonstrate that as a group Yemenis experience high levels of deprivation and are still
marginalised and excluded from mainstream society. They point to evidence of poor
educational attainment and higher than average rates of unemployment as symptoms of
disadvantage experienced by young people. Written by local Yemeni activists, many of
them young themselves, these reports provide insight into the feelings of frustration and
‘otherness’ expressed by many individuals.
Radio programmes (Dein and Burman, 2004) and oral histories (Wilson, 2007) have also
been useful sources of information. These have provided historical and social context for
this study and indicated themes to pursue in interviews. However they mostly focus on the
experiences of men and there is almost no information about Yemeni women, particularly
those from second and third generation families. I have therefore chosen to focus my
research on identity processes within this group. My aim is to provide a contextual
understanding of the construction processes shaping identity amongst a small group of
British Yemeni women in Sheffield. Justification for this is rooted in the need to understand
the dynamics of ethnic identification processes within the collective and to appreciate
diversity in order to contribute to current policy debates on multiculturalism and pluralism.
These do not make sense if conducted in an environment in which groups are seen as
homogenous and unchanged by either context or collective action.
My research aim is to answer the question:
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21. - How do second and third generation British Yemeni women negotiate between the
different ethnic, national and religious categories of Yemeni, British and Muslim?
Research questions are:
- How do individuals construct their identities and what do they consist of?
- What aspects are asserted and what are ascribed?
- How do ethnic, religious and gendered identities interact and how do individuals
negotiate between them?
- How are identities shaped by contextual factors?
- How do the identities of later generations differ from those of their parents?
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22. Chapter Three: Methodology
Throughout this study I have adopted a constructivist approach to identity. Consistent with
this position, I recognise that knowledge is situated and constructed in the context of
interaction between the researcher and her subjects, and therefore a ‘co-production’
(Mason, 2002: 63). This implies an understanding of identity as something which, although
variable and contingent, can be understood through the meanings given to it by human
subjects, and thus investigated by in-depth methods in which the behaviour, attitudes and
values of individual can be interpreted by the researcher. My chosen methodology was
therefore based on interviewing as a way of investigating the self-representations of my
research subjects. The focus was on individual understandings of identity; how they saw
themselves in relation to others and how they thought those others positioned them.
Interviews were used as a way of gaining access to self-perceptions, providing a means of
exploring some aspects of identity not accessible by other methods. A semi-structured
approach offered the potential to investigate issues flexibly and in depth; although a broad
range of question headings were drawn up in advance, interviewees were given the
opportunity to talk about things that mattered to them and in a sequence which varied
individually. An additional advantage of interviewing was that it offered a means of
gathering other forms of information – visual and verbal clues such as appearance and
intonation of speech - on how individuals positioned and represented themselves.
One disadvantage of interviewing in comparison with participant observation is that it
prioritises attitudes and opinions over actions, in other words ‘saying’ over ‘doing’. This can
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23. problematic when subjects are invited to speak about ‘being’ and ‘feeling’ rather than
researching how their values and attitudes are enacted. In order to find a balance between
the two, my research included (reported) practical actions as well as opinions. Questions
were therefore designed to focus on personal experience as a means of finding out how
participants viewed themselves and the world they inhabit. Interviewees were encouraged
to describe past events and actions as well as their subjective readings of such occasions in
order to access expressions of their identity.
In a study of Yemenis in New York, Staub (1989) defines ethnic identities as situational and
performed products of social interaction. Therefore identities are never fixed but
determined in relation to whom individuals are interacting with, influenced by the context
in which they are located. My research follows a similar approach and attempts to explore
participants’ own understandings of their ethnic identities within a particular geographical
location and timeframe, shaped by the broader circumstances in which they are produced.
My findings are therefore specific to their context and cannot be treated as a general
statement of what British-Yemeni identities ‘look’ like. Additionally, my enquiry was limited
to certain elements of identity that I felt most relevant to the experiences of second and
third generation interviewees in an urban British context. I did not include questions about
tribal or regional identities, nor, at a more detailed level, those around ‘usra’ (patrilineal
descent group) and village. Instead my study focused on broader ethnic and national
identities of Yemeni-ness, Britishness, and, to a limited extent, Arabness. It also covered
religious identity, seeking to explore how this related to other identities within the complex
web of other factors such as gender, age and individual histories.
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24. The issue of class and its influence on identity is also absent from this study. Most
interviewees come from working class backgrounds with fathers and grandfathers employed
in the steel industry as labourers. However, because of their own anomalous position
within both British and Yemeni society, it is difficult to define exactly which class they now
belong to. I have therefore not included it in this study but acknowledge it is another factor
shaping identities.
Overall this study is my own interpretation of how individuals perceive themselves to be
located in the social world and can therefore be criticised as partial and subjective. Taking a
pragmatic approach to this problem, I accept that the representations participants made to
me during interviews cannot be treated as ‘the truth’ but can be used to construct a
‘positioned’ objectivity (Sen, 1993) which is fallible and open to revision, and which can
contribute to objective knowledge, strengthened by the positioned views of others.
Access and sampling
In order to conduct an in-depth study of identity in my chosen group, my aim was to
interview between 10 and 12 women who fitted the following broad criteria: they should be
second or third generation British Yemenis, aged between 20 and 30, and able to speak
English. Age was important as I wanted to locate individuals who had made the transition to
adulthood (defined as either working or married) and who had lived in Britain both before
and after September 11th
2001. I did not define my sampling needs more precisely because
I felt it was necessary to remain flexible when attempting to contact what are considered to
be a ‘hard to reach’ group.
24

25. Although I had previously had contact with some of my interviewees (whilst working in
community development projects in Sheffield), this did not mean that access to my
intended group was guaranteed and it required careful negotiation. As mentioned by Searle
(2007), first generation Yemenis in Sheffield had a reputation of seeking to remain ‘invisible’
and my own experiences of working with Yemeni women suggested that many were keen to
avoid situations which might put them in a public domain outside those they normally
operate in. Early discussions with gate keepers also indicated that it might be extremely
difficult to find individuals who would be willing to participate. However I was able to
overcome this through personal contact, in particular with one interviewee who assisted me
greatly in finding all others. This could be described as a variant of a snowballing technique:
my lead contact approached other women she knew and asked them on my behalf. Trust
and word of mouth were thus important issues, with personal recommendation seen as the
only way to find recruits (as noted by Devine and Heath, 1999: 72). Whilst I was able to
specify criteria for the sort of person I wanted to engage with, this meant that I did not
choose who to interview. However, having interviewees selected by someone else
ultimately proved to be an advantage, and introduced me to a group of women with a
particular subset of shared characteristics. All ten participants worked for the same
organisation which, for the purpose of this study, I will refer to as the Arabic Support
Association (ASA). They were thus distinctive from most other Yemeni women in terms of
their levels of education, abilities to express themselves in English and the roles they
performed in public. These similarities gave me a stronger basis in which to explore within-
group diversity.
25

26. Altogether eleven interviews were conducted with participants, ranging between 35
minutes and two hours. Most lasted for approximately an hour and a half. This created a
large volume of material to transcribe, an issue factored into my decision to interview only
ten women. All interviews took place in the Arabic Support Association, in a room provided
by staff there to ensure privacy during our conversations. Participants appeared relaxed
and at ease during interviews. Several talked for much longer than anticipated and seemed
willing to express their views on a wide range of subjects. One woman was interviewed
twice; by virtue of her position within the organisation, she was able to give an overview of
some of the recent changes happening within the Yemeni community in Sheffield and thus
played the roles of both interviewee and key informant.
Interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed before being analysed. Transcripts were
manually coded under a set of themed headings which were broadly related to my research
questions and refined further on subsequent readings of transcripts. This enabled me to be
responsive in my analysis to issues raised by interviewees, allowing material beyond the
original scope of the study to be included rather than excluded. Analysis of this data then
focused upon the different ways in which ethnicity was expressed, the perceived boundaries
of these and links with other identities such as gender and religion. For each dimension of
ethnic identity, I examined the range of opinions expressed by interviewees and searched
for patterns and consistency in their answers. Broad notions of collective identities were
then determined from individual positions, building up a picture of what Yemeni-ness and
Britishness were thought to consist. During this stage I constantly referred to original
interview scripts to check the context of what interviewees said and to ensure that my
interpretations were based on clear evidence. What emerged is a description of both
26

27. individual and collective identity, based on my own understandings of what was expressed
and enacted in the interview situation.
Ethical issues and the position of the researcher
Preparations were made to deal with ethical issues in advance of starting field work;
consent forms were designed and I agreed to conduct all interviews in the participants’
place of work. This offered a greater degree of privacy than their homes, where the
presence of other family members might inhibit conversation on certain topics. At the start
of each interview I explained the process and their rights in some detail. I did not treat this
as a mere formality but as something that participants needed to understand in order to
give them a sense of control over what they told me and allay any fears of exploitation –
several women were anxious that the recordings of their voices were not kept after the
research was completed. I therefore emphasised the contractual nature of their consent;
that I would treat all the information they provided with respect. This was essential to build
a relationship of trust and to ensure that data generated from interviews would be both
valid and of a high quality. However, as interviews progressed it became apparent that
anonymity and confidentiality were even more important than initially expected. Within the
small and discrete community of Yemenis in Sheffield, it might be possible to identify
individuals from comments they made and therefore, in writing this dissertation, risk
putting them in an unfavourable position. To avoid this I have changed interviewees’ names
and also written my findings and conclusions in a way that disguises their identities. An
early draft of findings was also checked by my key informant to ensure anonymity and make
sure that sensitive issues were treated in a way that did not provoke offense.
27

28. I also needed to exercise confidentiality in the way I treated certain issues. All participants
talked about sensitive and personal subjects such as religious beliefs, marriage and what
might be regarded as ‘deviant’ behaviour which broke with norms of acceptability among
Sheffield Yemenis . I have therefore had to make choices, often guided by participants
themselves, about what information to include and what to exclude. This was done on the
basis of what possible consequences might follow if individuals were identified and linked to
certain opinions or actions. In order to respect my interviewees’ trust in me, I have given
this utmost priority, although balanced against presenting what I consider to be a fair
interpretation of what they told me.
As a white, middle aged and middle class woman from a completely different background to
the women I interviewed, I acknowledge that my position and my own ethnicity as the
researcher in this study will have had an effect on the research process, notably in how
participants respond to me and what they tell me (discussed by authors such as Archer,
2001 and Dwyer, 2006). Cornell and Hartmann (2007: 88) refer to ‘the invisibility of racial
dominance’ as an issue which needs to be made explicit when studying race and ethnicity.
Marcus (2001: 109) similarly points out the dangers of creating ‘deformed identities’ as a
consequence of bringing an ‘orientalist’ perspective (first defined by Edward Said) to the
study of ‘the other’, and that this can lead to them being seen as alien and exotic, notably
when dealing with issues that have been constructed as such in public discourses. In this
study apparent cultural differences were areas which required some sensitivity and
awareness. Although participants spoke willingly about themselves and their lives, they did
so in the context of negative stereotypes expressed by the majority (non-Muslim)
population about Islam and the treatment of women, particularly around issues such as
28

29. arranged marriage and submission to patriarchal authority. They were clearly conscious of
this generally hostility, as indicated by the way in which they talked about terrorism and
Islamic fundamentalism during interviews. Whilst my religious identity remained hidden
from them, they must have attempted to guess my position - whether sympathetic or
critical of Islam - and this will have influenced what they said. In spite of my obvious
racial/ethnic identity as white and therefore different from them, several interviewees
openly related experiences of forced marriage and personal struggles against collective
definitions of their ethnicity. This suggests that I was trusted and treated as someone who
would not sensationalise information confided in them. During interviews I made efforts to
engage with them as equals and as professional women, and to find a balance between
sympathy and distance. McDowell (2005: 199) describes this as “tread(ing) the line
between scholarly observer and empathetic listener,” likening her task to that of being “a
cross between a detective, a translator, an inquisitive stranger and a sympathetic friend.”
This is the approach I have tried to follow in my field work.
Whilst it is impossible to avoid completely the dynamics of a situation in which power and
racial stereotyping are likely to be present, there was evidence to suggest that I was
successful in my efforts to avoid being seen as ‘typically’ white. All the women interviewed
talked about sensitive and personal experiences, regardless of whether they knew me in
advance or not. My connection with a recent public exhibition which portrayed Yemenis in
a positive light may also have helped me to establish trust. Experience of living in an Arabic
speaking country has also given me some familiarity with certain cultural practices seen as
Arab; this has also helped me to view my subjects not as ‘alien’ but rather as individuals that
I could engage with on an equal basis.
29

30. Reflecting more broadly on the issue of the researcher’s ethnicity, I acknowledge that my
own personal background has shaped my interests; questions asked in interviews and my
interpretations of answers are likely to be formed as a result of my own ethnocentric
perspective. However this does not invalidate findings if they are approached as contextual.
Whilst recognising that the differences between myself and my interviewees in terms of
class, power relations, age and religion will affect my relationship with them, and therefore
what they tell me, I argue that an ‘outsider’ perspective can generate a different and (if care
is taken) legitimate set of knowledge about the group under investigation.
My position as a woman researching other women also impacted on the interview situation.
It enabled me to gain access to a group who might not respond to male researchers in a
one-to-one situation and assisted me in asking questions on sensitive issues. Although not
employing feminist theory in this study, my position throughout has been feminist, in aiming
to give a voice to an underrepresented group from an ethnic minority. Previous experience
of interviewing first generation Yemenis in Sheffield (Wilson, 2007) has also given me an
awareness of their collective history and a strong sense of empathy with my subjects.
Adding to this, a brief trip to Yemen in 2007, specifically to visit the region which most of my
interviewees originate from, has given me an advantage in understanding the significance of
some of the issues they raised in interviews.
30

31. Chapter Four: Findings
Altogether ten women were interviewed for this study. Ranging in age from 20 to 31, most
were born in Yemen and arrived in Britain as children between the ages of two and twelve.
Only two individuals were born in Sheffield. Half the group were second generation and the
other half were third generation. Almost all had fathers or grandfathers who had worked in
the steel industry.
Within the group there was some variation in terms of marital and family status. Six women
were married and five of them had children. Of the remaining four, two were single and
two were divorced. All those who were married, or had been married, had experienced
arranged marriages, although with different degrees of ‘arrangement’, ranging from mutual
acceptance to forced.
Whilst there was some diversity in terms of educational attainment, all interviewees had
attended secondary school in Britain and nine had studied at further education colleges. In
spite of breaks to get married or have children, five had completed part time degrees at
university as mature students. Several women had obtained vocational qualifications in
subjects related to their work.
Asserted identities
Within the group, dual ethnic identities of Yemeni and British were asserted by all
participants. Although there was variation in the meanings attached to these and the ways
31

32. in which they expressed them, interviewees claimed both simultaneously and with
confidence.
Being Yemeni
Yemeni identity was generally expressed through aspects such as physical and emotional
ties to Yemen, language and cultural practices, often closely linked to religion. Although all
ten interviewees accepted this as their inherited identity, based on a sense of shared roots,
opinions diverged as to how willingly they embraced this category. Most women expressed
strong feelings of being Yemeni. For Aisha, being Yemeni was ‘just who I am,’ an almost
unquestionable acknowledgement of something natural and immutable deriving from
where she was born. In contrast Yasmin accepted it reluctantly: ‘I call myself Yemeni
because other people want me to.’ She spoke openly of being pressurised to conform to
the expectations of other Yemenis but pointed out that she was ‘a different Yemeni girl,’
who wished to be respected for ‘being herself’. Zeinab felt her Yemeni-ness was of little
significance to her: ‘It’s not really (important)...it’s just where I come from, the country.’
She described herself as having ‘little bits of culture that keep me Yemeni,’ and was keen to
emphasise that she felt more strongly British. These women felt that they did not fit into
the category of being ‘typically’ Yemeni but instead were reformulating their own meanings
of this identity.
Language was seen as a vital component of ethnic identity, particularly amongst
interviewees with children. Although some women acknowledged their own linguistic
limitations, they recognised the importance of language in perpetuating ethnic identity.
They were keen to ensure their children could speak Arabic and articulated strategies to
32

33. make this happen. These included taking children to ‘madrassas’ after school and to Yemen
to visit family there. Wafa described how she felt a personal sense of responsibility in this
task: ‘...if my daughter reached 18 and she didn’t know how to read or speak Arabic, I’d be
so ashamed of myself.’ Even those who were less enthusiastically Yemeni regarded Arabic as
an important signifier of their ethnic identity.
An appreciation of family origins was also seen as an essential part of Yemeni identity. Aisha
spoke about how she talked with her children from an early age: ‘I try to grow this thing in
them, who they are and what they should be.’ Lubna felt this was important for future
generations also: ‘I want them to know...who they are and where they’re from and make
sure that when they have kids, they don’t forget where they come from, even though we
live in a Westernised country.’
Being British
Alongside claims to be Yemeni, all participants asserted a British identity as well. However
opinions varied on how meaningful it was to them. Wafa described herself as ‘just a Yemeni
person from Yemen living in Britain, like somebody British living in Spain.’ For her being
British was simply about having a passport. In opposition to this, Zeinab stated that ‘the
only thing that keeps us different from an English British person is that we have our religion.
So I really do see myself as British, I work, I drive, I can go out shopping...I think I’m more
British and I just have a little Yemeni in me.’ In between these extremes, Aisha identified
herself as firmly British but also ‘not living in our home country.’
Britishness was generally expressed in terms of behaviour and values. Behaviour that was
referred to as British included working, studying, driving, and having the freedom to visit
33

34. friends or go shopping. Expressing opinions and a sense of independence were also seen as
British. Huda states ‘I speak my mind, that’s very British. Opinionated is British, very strong
willed is British...I’m not a timid person.’ For Mariam being British was about ‘the freedom
to choose what you want to do’. A sense of equality between the sexes and understanding
their rights were also seen as British. Samira described her relationship with her husband as
‘50-50. The way we’re brought up [in Britain], we like to be fair. Some girls [from Yemen]
go, “I’m going to twist my husband round my little finger.” But not us. Have to be fair,
that’s the English side.’ For Yasmin British laws offered protection against threats of being
sent back to Yemen to be married.
Working and studying were both viewed as important British characteristics, often placed in
direct opposition to the behaviour of women in Yemen. Although most interviewees stated
that having a career and qualifications had not been major goals in their teenage years, they
recognised that these had become more important to them as adults. In particular working
was seen as offering independence and gave individuals a sense of self worth. For Mariam,
it was a ‘passion’ in her life and a source of identity and confidence. For others it held less
significance but brought financial benefits, friendships and freedom to go outside the home.
Being Muslim
Religion was deeply embedded in individual articulations of ethnic identity, with religious
identity prioritised by some as more important than Yemeni. Most women referred to Islam
as providing a guide to all aspects of their lives and it permeated much of the discussion on
their actions and attitudes. Fatima defined it as ‘the way I live.’ Another spoke of Islam as
her identity, something that gave her security. Like others, they asserted a self conscious
34

35. and voluntary religious identity, defined as different from their parents’ understanding of
Islam which they saw as based more on tradition and culture. They made a clear distinction
between the two, presenting their faith as incontrovertible whilst viewing the cultural
practices of their parents as something that could be questioned and even rejected, based
more on ignorance and tradition – termed a ‘village’ mentality by some. In this respect
they are adopting what Dwyer (2000: 482) describes as a ‘new Muslim’ identity, using their
superior knowledge of the Koran to win arguments with their parents, gain rights and
exercise greater control in their lives whilst at the same time maintaining an image of
respectability and conformity. Islamic authority was invoked to justify working and
studying, resist parental pressure to contribute money for certain family projects (e.g.
building a house in Yemen) and challenge decisions around marriage.
Although most women presented themselves as practicing Muslims, this was not universal.
One woman stated she was not Muslim although she felt that she had to display some signs
of religious observance in order to be ‘acceptable’ to other Yemenis. Another described how
she was ‘growing into’ her faith and gradually accepting more of the rules: ‘I know my roles
as a woman, I know the duties...I’m still learning bit by bit...(but) I’ll do things in the future,
from my heart, not when you’re forcing me.’ 2
Both women recognised that they were
challenging what were seen by others as absolute boundaries of religious and ethnic
identities.
Aspects of culture were often woven into religious identities. Being able to read and speak
Arabic was considered vital to understanding the Koran as well as performing a
communicative function. Dress was also used to express a religious identity, with most
2
The ‘forcing’ she mentioned referred to pressure from parents to conform to traditional religious values.
35

36. interviewees adopting a headscarf. However some participants also displayed a degree of
‘hybridity’ (Dwyer (1999b), with Western and Arab fashions combined to produce a
distinctive style of clothing that challenged traditional standards yet at the same time met
requirements of female modesty and propriety. Dress was thus a marker of individuality
but also an issue which reinforced ethnic, religious and gendered identities.
Whilst many interviewees emphasised that wearing a headscarf was voluntary, the only
woman who did not wear one suggested that women were being pressurised to conform to
cultural norms and that it was not simply a matter of personal choice. She described an
environment in which a strong collective sense of appropriate dress for Yemeni women
created conditions in which dissent was difficult. She related situations in which her attire
was interpreted as challenging conventional views of respectable feminine and Muslim
behaviour, provoking disapproval and unwanted attention from men. As a result she
expresses a strong desire to move to another city or even another country to escape such
restrictions and construct a new identity, free from religious and ethnic impositions.
Being Arab...or not
Whilst clearly linked to religious and ethnic identities, opinions on Arab identity were
extremely variable. Although many spoke about themselves as Arabs, they defined this in
diverse ways. For some it was purely a linguistic feature, something they held in common
with other Arabic speakers and for others it had a geographical meaning. Several described
it as unimportant and one woman spoke of it as the equivalent of ’European’ in relation to
British rather than a unifying concept with shared attributes. It was never expressed as a
political concept. This is contrary to the findings of Nagel & Staeheli (2007) who propose
36

37. that Arab identities are employed by individuals as more politically neutral than Muslim
ones, thus offering a way to avoid negative stereotypes associated with essentialist readings
of Islam as ‘backwards’ and in opposition to British secular culture. Although many women
expressed concerns at the way in which Islam was portrayed in the media, this did not seem
to influence their own definitions of themselves as Muslims.
Ascribed identities
Participants recognised that, in certain situations, their own sense of who they were was
challenged by those around them, forcing them to reassess and redefine their position. This
was true for both British and Yemeni identities.
Even those women who felt strongly Yemeni acknowledged that when they were in Yemen,
they were often seen as different. Lubna described having a higher status and being
treated more favourably because of her Britishness. However Suha expressed it as a burden
based on false perceptions of wealth: ‘when you’re living here [Britain], Yemenis expect,
that’s it, you’re living in heaven and you can send money [back]. But it’s not easy like that,
that’s what I used to get when I lived in Yemen.’ Not being able to speak ‘village’ Arabic was
considered a sign of inauthenticity (Cornell and Hartmann, 2007; 95) whilst the reputations
of British Yemeni women as assertive and independent labelled them as ‘bad’ and immoral
in the eyes of relatives in Yemen.
All participants related experiences of not being seen as British in Britain. Many of them felt
this was the result of their decisions to wear a headscarf and were acutely aware that their
appearance marked them out as ‘different’ and threatening to some non-Muslims. They
described a variety of situations in which they felt hostility from others, received negative
37

38. comments or were treated differently. Following September 11th
2001, they all felt what
Cornell and Hartmann (2007: 200) termed ‘the warped logic of collective responsibility’
which pervaded their everyday lives and affected their sense of being part of British society.
Many expressed frustration at being unfairly categorised as fanatics and even terrorists
because of their appearance. Lubna stated ‘they look at me and they say, “Oh, she’s
wearing the hejab, she’s one of them. She thinks like them.” They read the book by its
cover but they don’t actually try to open it and see the person there.’ Yasmin said ‘Just
because a white guy kills someone, does that mean you’re going to kill someone? Just
because they kill someone and they’re Muslim...I’m not like them!’ Amongst some
interviewees this provoked feelings of anxiety and uncertainty for their future in Britain.
Several interviewees distinguished between English (as white) and British (as multicultural)
although for others these were interchangeable terms. However all participants were clear
that they were different from white British women. Reflecting on what it meant to be
British, Mariam recognised there were different types of Britishness: ‘The concept of
Britishness is really obscure. I don’t see myself as part of the British culture which, I think, is
going to pubs and clubs. I’m not part of that culture. But I still see it as going to the park
when it’s sunny, having chips, that’s British, just chilling out.’
38

39. Interaction between identities
Yemeni and British
Participants acknowledged that they switched between their ethnic identities in different
situations, often depending on the interplay between how they saw themselves and how
others perceived them. Many women described the paradoxical experience of feeling more
Yemeni in Britain and more British in Yemen, largely as a result of being viewed as ‘different’
by the majority population in both locations. These attitudes did not stop some
interviewees from feeling a sense of belonging whilst in Yemen. Others felt like tourists and
were desperate to get back to their homes in Sheffield. Some reacted by defining Yemeni
women as ‘too feminine’, manipulative and lacking in independence. In response to
disapproval from female relatives in Yemen, Zeinab dismissed them as ‘just basically
housewives who cook, clean and produce babies for their husbands.’ However participants
were very aware of differences between ‘village’ Yemenis and urban ones, regarding
themselves as similar in some ways to urban Yemeni women. They related how women
living in cities like Aden were often able to work, unlike their village counterparts who were
described as having more traditional lifestyles and fewer freedoms. Several talked about
these differences as products of class and education. They suggested that urban society in
Yemen has changed and women now have a higher status there. One woman pointed out
that if some women in Yemen are allowed to work, then this refutes her parents’ arguments
against her working – their position is seen as ‘backward’ and old fashioned. Thus
knowledge of changes ‘back home’ was employed, alongside their rights as British citizens,
to gain greater autonomy and freedom in their lives in Britain. A similar situation of
39

40. hybridity was observed around marriage, with participants asserting identities as both
Yemeni and British to challenge cultural boundaries.
The ways in which interviewees defined their ethnic identities suggested that, although both
can be employed at different times, a persistent feeling of being strongly Yemeni was often
matched to feeling less British and vice versa. Context and individual responses to
situations played a role in shaping such identities. Contextual factors such as discrimination
and racism were described by most interviewees as influencing how they saw themselves,
with negative reactions from the mainstream society appearing to strengthen ethnic
identifications as Yemeni. This pattern could also operate in the opposite direction; those
women expressing a firm British identity were most resistant to the traditional norms of
behaviour and sought to redefine their identities as not ‘typically’ Yemeni.
Contrary to models predicting changes in identity across generations (e.g. Piore ,1979, cited
in Cornell and Hartmann, 2007: 245), there was no obvious difference between second and
third generation participants in the ways in which they expressed their British and Yemeni
identities, or the degree to which they felt one or the other. These did not even seem to
relate to the age at which individuals arrived in Britain; despite spending most of her
childhood in Yemen, Yasmin – a second generation migrant - firmly claims her British
identity as the stronger one whilst Wafa, also second generation, regards her Yemeni
identity as more deeply embedded, although she came to Britain at the age of six. All
participants had spent their teenage years in Britain and it might be assumed that the
shared experience of adapting to life here would result in similar forms of ethnic identity.
Instead opinions seemed to vary more in relation to personal experiences with event s and
family circumstances playing a significant role in how individuals positioned themselves.
40

41. British but Muslim
Although most interviewees described themselves as British Muslims, they recognised that
their religious identity was often seen as challenging mainstream ideas of what it means to
be British, especially in the context of global events such as the September 11th
attack on
the World Trade Centre and the 2005 bombings in London. In spite of hostile reactions from
some non-Muslims, they continued to retain a strong allegiance to Muslim dress codes.
Rather than being a political act of resistance to oppression from the dominant majority,
this was presented as a conscious and private decision to commit to their faith and prioritise
it over other issues. They therefore emphasised the voluntary adoption of the headscarf as
purely religious, symbolic of their determination to commit to their faith whilst at the same
time positioning themselves in opposition to fundamentalist interpretations of Islam.
Several were also concerned to express their religious identity against stereotypes of
Muslim women as oppressed and coerced into assuming a dress code enforced by others,
usually male. However Yasmin’s account of resistance and subsequent harassment by
Yemeni men suggests that enforcement is practiced and that there is limited scope to
publicly define herself as ‘British but not Muslim’ within a Yemeni context. In order to
escape from this pressure, she was prepared to reject her ethnic identity as Yemeni and set
herself apart from the collective. This made her distinctively different from others in the
group.
Gender
Accounts of ethnic and religious identities in this group are clearly entwined with issues of
gender. Participants talked about themselves as Muslim, Yemeni and British women with
41

42. conversations often centred on issues around marriage and appropriate female behaviour.
In spite of evidence of controls operating to reinforce ideals of gendered ethnic identity,
both issues emerged as sites of resistance and renegotiation of what it means to be Yemeni,
British, Muslim and female. These are discussed in more detail below.
Contextual factors in identity construction
A variety of contextual factors, both internal and external, were identified as influences on
identities. They often operated together and sometimes in contradictory ways to shape the
identities of individual women in diverse ways.
Internal forces: history and social institutions
Yemeni identity was frequently defined in relation to the historical context of migration,
with the collective experiences of first generation migrants to Sheffield forming a backdrop
to individual identities. There was a high level of awareness amongst most interviewees of
the conditions endured by parents and grandparents, building a sense of who they were and
also of how much better off they were from the previous generation. Anisa reflected on her
father’s life: ‘My dad worked so hard...all his life he lived struggling, working, earning money
to send abroad. And it wasn’t just for my mum and us, it was for his brother, his sisters, his
parents.’ This had motivated her to help others like her father through her work.
Social institutions were also important ‘construction sites’ ( Cornell and Hartmann, 2007:
187) of ethnic identity in this study, with marriage described as a way of maintaining intra-
group integrity and therefore perpetuating the ethnicity of the group. Surveillance was
42

43. observed to perform a similar task, by enforcing parental and collective expectations of
feminine respectability.
Evidence from individual accounts of marriage suggests that traditional practices are used to
prevent ethnic ‘dilution’ and keep group boundaries firmly in place – my key informant
confirmed this in a general discussion of arranged marriage within the Yemeni community in
Sheffield. By bringing in husbands from Yemen, rather than marrying daughters to British
Yemenis, the group overcomes a problem associated with the small size of the Yemeni
community in both Sheffield and Britain more generally, that of the risk of intermarriage
across group boundaries. This practice also ensures the persistence of language skills and
cultural values, based on the assumption that women will accede to the more conservative
values of their new husbands and that ties to Yemen will be renewed. Mariam expressed
this view: ‘I think if a woman marries a man from Yemen, he’ll be able to keep the tradition
with the children, they’ll grow up speaking Arabic, there will always be that link with Yemen.
Cos they see us as not being bothered with Yemen and moving away from it, whereas if they
got someone from the Yemen, that person will always have the link from Yemen with this
next generation because they’ll still want to see their family.’
Honour – shereff – is also bound up in parental strategies to marry daughters; by marrying
her off young, a woman’s sexual respectability and the family’s reputation are preserved.
Marriage is also viewed as a mechanism to ‘tame’ young women who are perceived as
acting in ways which damage their respectability. Yasmin expressed bitterness at the way
she was treated by other Yemenis because she refused to wear a headscarf; ‘They think I’m
bad. They don’t like the way I am. They think I’m too loud and I have to be sent back to
Yemen to get married.’
43

44. Surveillance is also noted by many interviewees as a way of regulating their behaviour and
ensuring that cultural and religious values are upheld. Although this phenomenon also
occurs in white communities (e.g. France, 2007: 54) it appeared similar to that described by
Dwyer (2000) where it is used strategically to maintain gendered ideals of ethnic identities.
Huda described how, as a teenager at school she had been drilled by her parents to avoid
friendships with boys as part of an ‘honour thing’ which would embarrass her family: ‘I knew
it was a shame if a boy comes and says, ’I love you.’ I used to get that at school....I used to
think, ‘Oh my God! Who are you to look at me in that way?...Why are you giving me a bad
name? If my Dad finds out, he’ll think I’m a slut!’ Others related everyday occasions of
attending college or social events such as weddings when they had to be careful to abide by
rules. Even as married women, the fear of malicious gossip and rumour mongering
continued to play a role in their lives. Samira commented, ‘If we go out too much, they’ll
just say, ‘Oh, she’s disrespectful, what’s she doing out ‘til night?’’
Dress was often the subject of attention, with the reputations of male relatives at stake as
well as individual women (also noted by Dwyer, 2000 and Archer, 2001). Huda described
the reaction of her husband when she wore western clothes in public: ‘[he said], “You need
to wear a scarf, you need to be a good role model for your new baby. You’re representing
me. I don’t want people to talk about you when you’re walking out on the street, and think,
‘Oh, look at her! How does her husband let her walk out like this?’ We’re Muslim and it’s
against our religion.”’
Although most women appeared to submit to surveillance, several developed their own
strategies to quietly subvert it in order to have a ‘normal’ life. Yasmin suggested that the
system was breaking down because younger girls were more willing to risk the
44

45. consequences of transgression: ‘Nowadays we’ve got the right to say if we want to talk to
guys, do whatever they (girls) want. No one can say anything to them. And it feels like
they’re improving, Yemeni people are changing! I think the kids born and brought up here,
now they see everything in front of them!’
External factors
External factors influencing identities included both the media and British law. Almost all
interviewees described the media as responsible for creating a negative stereotype of
Muslim identity which incited hostility towards Muslims and made them feel less at home in
Britain. September 11th
was cited as a major catalyst for this change in their lives and many
women expressed anger and frustration at the way in the media represented Muslims as ‘all
the same’ and holding extremist positions.
British law also played an indirect but important role in shaping individual identities. It
created both responsibilities and rights for married women, requiring them to work and at
the same time offering protection against domestic violence and forced marriage. In
situations where British women marry Yemeni men, immigration policy requires that the
British partner should have a job. Although initially viewed as a burden – something
imposed upon them by parents in order to find a husband for them – most interviewees
described how working had given them a sense of independence and self worth. Thus
participation in the labour market, a consequence of marriage, becomes a way in which new
identities are forged as independent and financially self supporting. This works against what
might be seen as the controlling role of in-group marriage to produce greater conformity,
regulate freedoms and sustain prevailing cultural attitudes.
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46. Marriage as an example of hybridity and change between generations
Marriage was an issue which all interviewees spoke about. Eight of the ten women in this
study had been married according to the traditional system where husbands are selected
and approved of by parents. Seven were married to men from Yemen and only one woman
had married a British Yemeni man. Five described their marriages as arranged, whilst three
described circumstances in which they were forced or blackmailed into marriage. One
woman had resisted parental efforts to ‘marry her off’. The remaining single woman
mentioned marriage as a threat issued by an older relative, as a way to control her
resistance to cultural norms of behaviour.
Interviewees often spoke of marriage as a religious duty, a role they were expected to
assume and therefore had little choice in, but also something they wanted to do voluntarily.
All Muslims in the group accepted the arranged marriage system as a legitimate way of
finding a husband, even if they did not agree with some of the ways it was implemented,
and most spoke of dating and boyfriends as haram - forbidden. However the non-Muslim
completely rejected such lack of freedom and expressed frustration at not being able to
choose a partner for herself. She talked about going out with boyfriends as a ‘red line’ that
could not be crossed without risking her personal safety and as something that severely
constrained her behaviour. She was the only person who rejected marriage as a way to live
her life.
In spite of the apparent acceptance of the arranged system, participants had firm and
shared expectations of what marriage should be about and how partners should behave.
These include a perception that marriage should happen at a later age, once formal
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47. education is completed (and for some that included university), that individuals should have
the right to refuse a suitor, unlike their village-based counterparts in Yemen, and that the
relationship with their husbands should be based on equality and companionship, with
shared responsibilities. Mariam expressed a desire for a partner whom she could
communicate with on an equal basis rather than someone to have ‘an existence in parallel
with’. This was in strong contrast to the expectations of her parents. She and several others
described how they had negotiated with husbands to retain freedoms or assert rights,
expecting compromise from men as well as from themselves. In situations where this was
not possible, they sought divorce. In this way they challenged expectations of others –
parents and the Yemeni community in Sheffield as well as those of husbands and relatives in
Yemen - to conform to customary practices of marriage, in which patriarchal authority
prevails and women play a subservient role. In doing so they invoked British values of
equality but also their Islamic rights to be treated fairly within marriage, combining them to
strengthen their position.
Whilst most interviewees did not complain about their own husbands, they were often
critical of marriages to Yemeni men, saying this practice caused great unhappiness.
Differences in culture were usually cited as the source of problems, with Yemeni men
disapproving of their working wives and expecting to exert authority over them, even when
husbands did not work. Zeinab summed this up: ‘For a girl to get married to a guy in Yemen,
it’s really hard...it’s not just the fact that you have to work to get them in, you have to put a
house in your name. And then when they’re in the country, they start complaining! They
say, “Why are you working?” I’ve seen it happen to so many people and 90% of the girls are
really unhappy. And I don’t want to be like them.’ She remained adamant that she would
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48. not marry a ‘typical’ Yemeni man. For Mariam her dual role as breadwinner and housewife
created a deep sense of resentment towards her husband, and led to conflict between
them. This ultimately led to divorce. For others such as Huda, differences were resolved
through negotiation but several women expressed the view that marrying a man from
Yemen was extremely difficult and not something they accepted willingly. These examples
illustrated how interviewees did not conform to stereotypes of Muslim women as meek and
submissive. Thus, within this group, new ways of thinking and behaving in relation to
marriage were articulated which retain some elements of Yemeni tradition but combine
them with both Western values and Islamic rights. My key informant also said that fewer
women were now marrying men from Yemen and that this represented a change in
attitudes more generally, with ‘parents learning from earlier mistakes’.
Interviewees also set their own criteria for husbands, with religion prioritised; husbands did
not have to be Yemeni but must be Muslim. There is circumstantial evidence that such
intergroup marriages are happening in Sheffield, with a small number of Yemeni women
marrying men from other Muslim backgrounds. Parental acceptance of this suggests that
ethnic dilution is now regarded as less important than religious continuity by some families.
Changes between generations
Like marriage, many other issues illustrated changes in attitudes between generations.
Participants appeared to be more consciously Yemeni and Muslim than their parents,
making efforts to retain language skills and learn more about their religion3
. At the same
time they regarded themselves as more British, being able to speak English competently and
engage with the mainstream society in ways their parents could not; Fatima and Suha still
3
Seven interviewees regularly attend classes to study the Koran.
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49. performed roles as translators for their mothers during doctor’s appointments or hospital
visits. Attitudes to education were also very different, with interviewees describing
themselves as more educated and aspirational than their parents, conscious of the benefits
of education and prioritising this for their children as a major goal in their lives.
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50. Chapter Five: Discussion
From these findings a pattern of multiple and overlapping identities emerged, with ethnicity
and religious identifications strongly shaped by gender and context as well as individual and
collective actions. Several issues require further reflection in the light of theoretical
material.
Thick and thin identities
As noted in Chapter 2, Cornell and Hartmann (2007: 76) theorise changes over time in
ethnic identity construction, distinguishing between ‘thick’ and ‘thin’ identities. They
describe how ethnic identities tend to change from thicker to thinner over time, with groups
progressing more from ‘being’ to ‘feeling’. However they illustrate situations in which
ethnic identity has instead become more important over time, particularly when groups are
subject to discrimination or other external factors which position them unfavourably.
Assertion processes also affect the importance attached to ethnic identities, with some
groups taking actions which revitalise their ethnicity. Thus it is the combination of external
and internal factors in particular circumstances that determine how thick or thin identities
are in each group. At the same time they recognise that diversity within groups is possible,
with individuals choosing how strongly they manifest their ethnic identity.
Applying this model to my case study, Yemeni identity within this group can be seen as
thick. Ethnicity plays a significant role in organising the lives of interviewees, influencing
who they marry, socialise and work with and how they see themselves in relation to other
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51. groups. The persistence of their Yemeni ethnicity may be due to several factors. Staub
(1989) suggests that ethnic identity is renewed by continued migration, with new arrivals
strengthening cultural and religious aspects of identity. For some women in this study, the
experience of marrying a man from Yemen brought changes in their lives which served to
reinforce their sense of being Yemenis – having to think about bringing up children as
Yemeni was one aspect of this. Thus the impact of this particular type of in-group marriage
has been to reinvigorate their ethnic identity and make it more strongly asserted. However
this is not true for all interviewees; for one woman the experience of a forced marriage has
resulted in her distancing herself from traditional cultural practices and positioning herself
closer to the boundaries of her ethnicity.
Religion is also involved and closely woven into ethnic identity, with Islam often ranked as
equal to claims of Yemeni-ness. Many of the women in this study have taken steps to
renew and strengthen their religious identity as Muslims, making efforts to learn more
about their faith and practice it in a more conscious way than their parents. This may also
have reinvigorated their asserted identity as Yemenis. At the same time global events of
‘Islamic’ terrorism have impacted strongly on individual identifications, with interviewees
describing how they have been categorised as different from mainstream British society.
This has produced a sense of exclusion among some and may also have contributed to a
stronger sense of being Yemeni.
These factors contribute to an overall picture of a thick ethnic identity, strongly reinforced
by religious identification as Muslims. Together ethnicity and religion remain dominant in
participants’ lives, with Yemeni identity very much a matter of ‘being’ (experienced) rather
than ‘feeling’ (a more emotional and distant attachment). Boundaries remain clearly
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52. defined, especially around marriage and behaviour, and are enforced in traditional ways
while visible markers of conformity - dress – are still maintained. However, it is clear from
interviews that change has taken place between generations with the young women in this
group simultaneously claiming a strong British identity and exerting their own influence on
many characteristics of their original ethnicity. Some of these changes are subtle and not
easily perceived (such as expectations of marriage) but have played an important role in the
remaking of Yemeni identity for this group. Thus individuals perceive themselves as more
confident than their parents’ generation and capable of negotiating between their multiple
identities. Their religious identity as Muslims has, however, dominated identification
processes by outsiders in the wider society and made it more difficult for them to assert
their British identity. Thus British identity might be considered as ‘thinner’ – more strongly
felt than lived (although definitely not absent from daily life) and subservient to a Yemeni
one.
The generational model of identity
Attempts to understand variations in individual identities in relation to generational change
have been difficult. This case study indicates that the conventional model of ethnic
assimilation, based on change taking place gradually over different generations, does not
entirely apply. Although individuals defined themselves as more British in certain ways than
their parents4
, there were no obvious differences in attitudes and values between second
and third generation interviewees. Overall they appeared similar in the ways they
4
Although different from their children, several older Yemeni men interviewed in 2007 also described
themselves as Yemeni and British. All retired ex-steel workers, they had chosen to live in Britain rather than
retire back in Yemen. They indicate that dual identity is not something exclusive to second and third
generation Yemenis but may depend on how long they have lived in Britain and their own experiences of living
here.
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53. expressed their identities, with third generation Yemeni identities just as ‘thick’ as those of
second generations. A possible reason for this lies in the definition of ‘generation’ in
relation to migration. Conventional use of the term suggests a pattern of regularity and
predictability, with cohorts of first generation migrants arriving together at the same time
and settling permanently in the host country rather than migration happening over
prolonged periods and with migrants moving between both countries in unpredictable
ways. There is also the expectation that second and third generations will be born in the
host country and therefore determine their identities based on the experience of living in
Britain alongside second-hand accounts of the ‘home’ country. However the evidence from
this case study suggests a different, less ordered process.
Yemeni men first started to come to Sheffield in the 1950’s and first generation migrants
continued to arrive during the 1960’s and 70’s. Their persistence in the belief of the ‘myth of
return’ (Searle, 2007) meant that families remained in Yemen – there was little incentive to
move them from there - and the men continued to travel back and forth between Yemen
and Britain for many years. Thus many second and even third generation children were
born in Yemen and spent much of their childhood there before coming to Britain. Eight of
the ten women interviewed were born in Yemen and movingly described ‘first generation’
experiences of disorientation and adaptation to their new lives in Britain. It is therefore
difficult to categorise them as conventionally second generation; their lived experiences of
village and family routines in Yemen during their childhood will have had some effect on
how they perceive their own identity.
Piore (1979, cited in Cornell and Hartmann, 2007) attempts to define generation not in
terms of where individuals were born but instead by where they grow up: if they spent most
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54. of their childhood and adolescence in their country of origin, then they are more likely to
behave as first generation migrants whereas those who migrate as children are ‘more likely
to adopt the culture of their destination,’. Whilst this idea ‘fits’ with second generation
interviewees in this study (who might be defined as the ‘1.5 generation’, according to Portes
and Rumbaud, 2001, cited in Cornell and Hartmann, 2007), it does not apply to third
generation women whose grandfathers and fathers worked in Sheffield but who were born
in Yemen and spent their childhood there. Their descriptions of coming to Sheffield match
those of second generation interviewees and they should probably be treated as the same;
in other words the ‘thickness’ of their ethnicity had not declined.
Another factor affecting ethnic identity in this case study, and confusing any attempt to
understand findings in relation to generational change, is that of individual lived experience.
Although she left Yemen at the same age (12) as several other women in this study, Yasmin
identifies herself as strongly British whilst they describe themselves as more Yemeni. Her
life story and the rejection of her Yemeni identity suggests that personal experiences play a
much stronger role in her identity, particularly relationships with family members, than her
place of birth or the age at which she arrived in Britain.
Unanticipated consequences
Examination of contextual factors contributing to Yemeni identity suggest that the situation
in which women have to work in order to bring husbands from Yemen into Britain has had
consequences contrary to those intended by the Yemeni community. The combination of
British law and within-group marriage practices described earlier result in women being
required to get jobs and earn a salary. Whilst several interviewees described how they were
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55. not keen to work initially, they now enjoy the freedom and sense of independence it brings,
and have continued to work after having children. This is against the original intentions of
parents who, by marrying their daughters to Yemeni men, wished to preserve existing
cultural practices and gendered norms of behaviour. Such a situation fits the model of
unanticipated consequences described by Merton (1957) where one action can produce
different effects than those intended. The experience of going to work has also has
contributed to raising the aspirations of most women in this group, with several aiming to
go to university as mature students. One participant also pointed to the way in which
working women acted as role models for younger siblings and how families began to realise
the economic benefits of having salaried daughters. As an unmarried woman, she found
that working gave her greater freedoms and enabled her to circumvent surveillance.
Therefore it can be argued that circumstances, in this case British law and the requirement
to work that it imposes upon women, have changed individual identities. Many women now
regard working as a strategic way of gaining greater control over their lives and more
freedom to move outside their homes. This is very different from their mothers’ gendered
identities as housewives, occupying a private sphere and dependent on husbands to provide
for them. Islamic concepts of equality for women are also involved in this situation, with
women using religious arguments to justify working to husbands and family members. This
is another example of hybridity in which both British and Yemeni institutions, customs and
values are combined to empower women.
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56. Similarity and difference within the group
Despite limitations of relying on one person to find interviewees, I was able to gain access to
a small group of individuals who shared some basic similarities (ethnicity, gender, age,
religion and place of work) but who also displayed considerable diversity in their behaviour,
attitudes and values.
A key feature of this group was the fact that all women interviewed were working for the
same organisation. Although I was aware that their status as employed made them
distinctive from many other Yemeni women in Sheffield, the importance of this ‘sameness’
became more apparent as interviews progressed. It is likely to have had a considerable
effect on findings, with participants’ identities strongly influenced by their experiences of
working and gaining independence, shaping aspirations for themselves and their children. It
is also possible that, working together in an organisation where women employees are now
more numerous than men, their individual and collective identifications as women who are
‘breaking with tradition’ will have been reinforced. They can therefore be seen as
individuals who are actively engaged in remaking their identities, operating at the extremes
of cultural boundaries (but not religious ones) to redefine themselves as Yemeni and British
in very distinctive ways. However they are unlikely to be typical of most other Yemeni
women in Sheffield.
In spite of their similar backgrounds, there were clear differences within the group in
attitudes to many different aspects of their ethnic and religious identities. A pattern
emerged of opposites, with three loose groupings apparent. Those with a firm sense of
Yemeni identity all felt strong ties to Yemen, regarded their faith as important and had
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57. accepted arranged marriages. They adopted Muslim dress codes and appeared to co-
operate with the system of surveillance imposed upon them. Their general manner during
interviews suggested they were contented and did not feel constrained by the expectations
of others, with several stating that they could happily live in Yemen as well as Britain. In
contrast the most rebellious individual refused a Muslim identity, did not want to get
married, resisted surveillance and dressed as she wished. Family ties were an impediment
to her freedom and she aspired to move away from the collective and live a life of her own
choosing. Unlike the others, her ethnic identity was a serious constraint to her
independence and she wanted to abandon it in order to claim a different identity. The third
group consisted of those who were located between these extremes. They shared religious
convictions but in spite of this did not feel strongly Yemeni and held less conformist views
on marriage, although conceding to the arranged system.
Such patterns of diversity reflect the complexity of the circumstances in which ethnic
identities are produced and the individuality of responses from participants. They also
challenge popular conceptions of ethnic minorities as ‘all the same’ and Muslim women as
meek and submissive. Explanations of these patterns are likely to be complicated, with
individual positions on any one aspect of ethnic identity affected by a huge variety of
factors. These include personality, experiences of migration and life in Britain, relationships
within families and friendships with others, collective identity processes as well as
contextual factors involved in the making of identities. Acting together in different ways,
they constantly shape and redefine individual identities over time and space, thus making
each unique but also similar.
57