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Table of Content:
No: Content: Page Number:
1.0 An Overview of Islamic Market 1-2
2.0 Muslim Consumer Behaviour 2-3
3.0 Halal and Haram Perceptions 3-12
3.1 Cosmetics and Personal Care Product
3.2 Branding and Halal Challenges
3.3 Supply Chain Management
3.4 Food and Beverages
4.0 Muslim Fashion 13-15
4.1 Bikini versus Burqini
4.2 Muslim Women and Olympic Games
5.0 Social, Entertainment and Media 15-21
5.1 Shopping Preferences
5.2 Islam Comics
5.3 Danish Muhammad Cartoons
5.4 Censorship
6.0 Conclusion 21
7.0 References 21-25
8.0 Appendix Please refer to the CD
1.0 An Overview of Islamic Market
The Muslim market is composed of approximately 21.01% or 1.43 billion of theentire world
population (CIA, 2009). Muslims represent a majority in more than50 countries in Asia,
Africa, and Europe and their religion-Islam, is considered thefastest growing among all
religions on Earth (Saeed et al., 2001). Those 1.43 billionMuslims live in economically
feasible numbers in most countries in the world. In USD,the global Muslim consumer market
is estimated at US$2.7 trillion today, and is forecastto reach a staggering $30 trillion by 2050
(JWT, 2007).The largest Islamic body, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC),
iscomposed of the economies of 57 member states, 50 of which are majority Muslim.
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Theremaining members have large Muslim populations, although Muslims are not amajority
in them. The percentage of Muslims in Russia for example approximatelystands at 15%, yet
Russia is a member state. India on the other hand, has aMuslimpopulation of 150 million but
its membership into the OIC is blocked by some countriesdue to geopolitical reasons.Those
57 countries have a combined gross domestic product (GDP) of nearlyUS$8 trillion before the
booming price of oil in 2008. The richest country on the basis of GDP percapita is United
Arab Emirates. On the basis of per capita GDP, among all the Muslim states, Qatar is the
richestcountrywith incomes that exceedingUS$62,299.The recent booming oil prices has
significantlyincreased these number figures in all oil producing Muslim countries. In the year
2008, Abu Dhabi, amember emirate in the United ArabEmirates has a per capita income
ofUS$75, 000, which is double that of most European countries, and almost double the United
States figure.The Halal market, their products that are Shariah-compliant represents a
significantportion of these countries‟ economies. Moreover, other country that is not members
ofthe OIC but have feasibleMuslim minorities also contribute to the global size of the
Halalmarket, which is currently estimated at approximately US$670 billion (Nestorovic,2010).
This market is estimated to grow at 15% annually making it the fastestgrowing market in the
world.
(Sources: Please refer to Appendix 11)
2.0 Muslim consumer behaviour
Religion is always believed to affect Muslim consumerbehaviour according to religious:
affiliation, commitment, knowledge, orientation andcommitment (Muhamad and Mizerski,
2010). (Ogilvy Noor, 2010) presents an alternative perspective which suggests
thattraditionally Muslim consumers have been classified according to a scale of
religiousobservance. However, they conclude that their findings point towards other
factorsbeing of more significance. In support of Ogilvy Noor‟s position, the authors suggest
thatculture remains the rate-determining step. Islam is a divine standard, which is
interpretedby Muslims and therefore subject to the “fingerprints” of mortals – which imbibes
it with culture. (Herskovits, 1948, 1955, p. 305) is of the view that culture “is the man-made
part ofthe environment”. This includes both material objectsand social institutions and then
suggests that it does not help withdeciding what conceptual units allow for cross-cultural
comparisons (Smith and Bond 1998).
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Above all this, we can conclude that the Muslim consumer behaviour is largely a
culturalconstruct, which necessitates that marketers should understand Islam through the
variedlenses of Muslim consumers, imperfections and all. In doing so, it will inevitably
pointtowards the grouping of Muslims into smaller homogenous segments. This also
separatessocial sciences marketing insight from Islamic scholastic Sharia‟-based postulations.
For instance, it is suggested that the two positions, like wheels of a cart, needto work in
tandem – lest each is sub-optimised. Statement on “theobjectives of Islamic Marketing cannot
be separated from the objectives of the Sharia” (Arham, 2010, p. 154).
(Sources: Please refer to Appendix 1)
3.0 Halal and Haram perceptions
In the pure technicalsense, a Halal product is a product fit to consume for Muslims. This can
be food,cosmetics for example tooth paste or even relate to pharmaceuticals like cough syrup.
A trustmark which is Halal logo can be placed on the Halal products for Muslims to know that
theproduct is Halal (Cheng, 2008). Recently, Halal status products also have extended to
lifestyle like fashion, dress code and services like Islamic banking, hospitality, logistics, and
so on (Alserhan, 2010b). Halal as a concept cannot be fully encapsulated within the construct
of product, Halal reaches much further into the disciplines of management of
thecompany,organisational behavior, culture anthropology and sociology (Wilson and
Liu,2010; Zakaria and Abdul-Talib, 2010). As argued by Lada et al. (2009), Alserhan
(2010a),Ibrahim and Mokhtarudin (2010) and Wilson and Liu (2010), Halal needs a supply
chainapproach. Halal should also take into consideration the spiritual needs of the
Muslimconsumers (Alserhan, 2010b) and Islamic values (Zakaria and Abdul-Talib,
2010).Zakaria and Abdul-Talib (2010) argue for a cultural perspective of market
orientationand created an Islamic market-oriented cultural model. Hofstede‟s (1991) onion
diagramprovides a useful framework to identify the different aspects of Islamic culture.
Hofstedeand McCrae (2004) describe culture as the collective programming of the mind.He
stresses that culture is a collective attribute, not distinctly visible, but manifested inbehaviors
and common to some but not all people. The onion diagram from Hofstede(1991) describes
culture as an onion with different layers consisting of: values, rituals, heroes and symbols.
(Sources: Please refer to Appendix 2)
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3.1 Cosmetics and Personal Care Product
At a time when many markets are reaching saturation point, Muslims are becoming much
more concerned consumers, creating some of the fastest growing consumer segments in the
world. This represents a major growth opportunity for cosmetic and personal care companies.
Halal products are very quickly entering the mainstream markets within Europe and the
United States. In addition the „Halal‟ concept is becoming much more sophisticated in the
Middle East and some Asian countries. Muslim consumer Halal awareness has widened from
being concerned with meat-based products a decade ago to a wide range of products today.
Muslim consumers are seeking Halal integrity of processed foods, beverages, pharmaceuticals,
insurance, travel, leather products, and even entertainment. This has also spread to a growing
awareness about cosmetics andpersonal care products, where recentresearch has cited that
more than 20%of Muslim consumers are concernedabout Halal issues with the products they
are using.
Halal personal care products in the market today include hair shampoos, conditioners, bath
and shower gels, cleansers, creams, lotions, talc and baby powders, toners, make up, perfumes,
eau de colognes and oral care products. In contrast to personal care, cosmetic market growth
is not uniform and slightly slower than personal care segments, as modesty has an important
influence on Muslim female consumers. However this varies according to the country and
upbringing where some women wear a full length style robe and veil while others do not.
Forbidden ingredients
There are a number of ingredients which Muslims cannot consume in any form, which
include:
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. Pork or pork by-products.
. Animals those are dead or dying prior to slaughter.
. Blood and blood by-products.
. Carnivorous animals.
. Birds of prey.
. Land animals without external ears.
. Alcohol.
. Animals killed in the name of anything other than Allah (God).
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 10)
Muslims living as a minority in a non- Islamic society have a number of problems identifying
what items are Halal and Haram (forbidden in Islam), without product certification. For
example, gelatine, lardand tallow can be either Halal or non-Halal, depending upon the source
and method of processing. Cross contamination is a major problem instores and particularly
restaurants where pork is also served. Therefore from the Muslim consumer standpoint:
Products must be produced without any forbidden ingredients.
Products must be proved to be in the interests of the consumers‟ health and wellbeing.
Products must be clean and hygienic, have supply chain integrity.
Products must benefit those who produced them.
Products must benefit the communitythey came from.
Products and the materials that make up these products must be traceable from the
origin, to have total confidence
Some raw materials of cosmetic products that are of concern to Muslim consumers
Albumen
Sometimes used as a coagulating agent and protein in productsand usually derived from egg
whites
Allantoin
Sometimes used in creams and lotions as a wound treating agentand derived from uric acid
from cows and other mammals.
Ambergris
Used as warm fresh sea-like notes and fixative in some finefragrances and derived from the
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intestines of whales
Amino acids
Used as ascetic ingredients (protein builders in nature) in shampoosand sometimes derived
from animal sources.
Arachidonic acid
An unsaturated fatty acid used in some skin creams and lotions as aneczema and rash soother
and derived from animal livers.
Cholesterol
A steroid alcohol found in all animal fats and egg yolks sometimesused in eye creams and
shampoos.
Cystine
A sulphur containing amino acid used as a nutritional supplement,in emollients, hair
treatment, and anti-aging products, derived fromanimal sources.
Ethanol Alcohol
which is forbidden to be consumed in Islam. It is widelydebated whether alcohol should be
allowed in personal care andcosmetic formulations.
In a world that is becoming morespiritually conscious, awareness of Halalcosmetics is still
low within the Muslimcommunity. Muslim consumers areincreasing in affluence and
beginning tofocus upon their religious obligations thatdemand for Halal cosmetics is set to
increase exponentially. Muslimconsumers would be expected to exhibitstrong loyalty to
trusted Halal andToyyibaan certified products over noncompliantproducts based
onbehaviourin other Muslim markets. In addition toSyar‟iah compliance, Halal products will
require brand building. However, how thiswill be done within an industry dependingon
glamour as a brand attribute to anoverly modest set of consumers, stillremains to be
seen.Halal issues involved with cosmeticsand personal care products are far frombeing totally
agreed upon and withoutskeptical criticisms. For example, thereare different schools of
thought aboutwhether Islamic teachings prohibitalcohol use on the body outside
oralconsumption. Not all Muslims are inagreement over this as many of theblogsand
comments at the end ofonline articles show.Advertising andmarketing methods are also
leadingto criticisms as the billboard shown is ambiguous in what it isactually promoting to the
consumer.
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 10)
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The rise and rise ofnon-alcoholic perfumes
Fine fragrances have a long history withthe Arabs since ancient times and thisconnection can
still be seen with theagarwood trade and „attar‟ traders inEgypt, Tunisia, Syria, Jordan, Gulf
States,and Lebanon. This „attar‟ trade hasbecome modernised in Indonesia,Malaysia, and
Singapore with companiesoffering non-alcoholic „knock offs‟ of thebig name fine fragrances.
Conventionalfine perfumes usually contain 70%-80%of high pharmaceutical grade ethanol as
acarrier, with parfum de toilette or eau deparfum up to 90% ethanol. Ethanol actsas a carrier
for fine fragrances, has acooling effect on the skin, and assists theodour radiate from the skin
throughevapouration. However Muslim consumersfrown upon using alcohol on their skin
inline with their beliefs, and seekalternatives. Instead of using ethanol,non-alcoholic perfumes
are water-based.Some even utilise apricot kernel, andjojoba oils to bring a more
naturalopulence to the fragrance.The non-alcoholic fine fragrance
industry has grown from a smallspecialised market where a few tradersimported concentrates
from France, whichthey diluted and bottled, for sale at nightmarkets and shopping centres to
over aUS$800 million industry at retail leveltoday. It is still growing tremendously.Originally
the industry „copied‟ andimitated the popular fine fragrances ofthe world, but today
companies aredeveloping their own localised scents, ownbrandings and developing loyal
customerfollowings. Non-alcoholic fine fragrancefits well with the colourful flowery
fashionof Malaysia and persona of the modernMalay woman. Fragrance is seen as
animportant accessory where creativemarketing companies develop personalitybased lines
matched to the colours oftheir fashions through direct marketingchannels. This lucrative
market niche hasnot been left to the locals. Astute Frenchcompanies have been seen entering
thismarket bringing with it a European flare.
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3.2 Brandingand Halal Challenges
Figure 1: The Islamic brand paradigm
In conclusion, there are two positions: namely, any brand has the potential toengage with
Muslim consumers and second, if a brand craves treatment and considerationas a living entity,
in what has been termed the Pinocchio effect (Wilson and Liu, 2009) should it not instead be
classified conceptually as a Muslim within Islamic brand theory?The reason being that within
current literature descriptions of brandsthey are rendered as emotional complex organisms.
Furthermore, a brand has no free will –like animals that are also considered Muslims as
Figure 1.
(Alserhan, 2010) defines an Islamic brand according to three constructs: country oforigin,
target audience and whether it is halal. (Ogilvy Noor, 2010) states that Islamicbranding is a
branding approach which is friendly or compliant with Sharia‟ principles.
From within these, the authors observe that perceptions will always be subject tointerpretation
and are likely to be contentious, when on the fringes. Furthermore, (Wilson and Liu, 2010, p.
108) suggest that halal will always be an enigma: “What is deemed halalis ultimately
governed by the heavens and subsequently therefore can never remain inits entirety within
materialist branding frameworks”. As a synthesis of these positions,the authors argue that
halal and friendliness cannot remain constant – and soestablishing a ceteris paribus position,
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which allows for a literal and prescriptivedefinition of an Islamic brand, will remain elusive.
Therefore, what exists is phenomenological Islamic brand paradigm, shown in Figure 1.
Following the definitions of Alserhan (2010) and Ogilvy Noor (2010), it does not
transpirenecessarily that all Islamic brands are halal, or completely halal. The following
Figure 2 illustrates this point:
3.3 Supply ChainManagement
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The core fundament of Halal supply chains is to avoid contact between Halaland Haram, the
Muslim consumer requires a higher assurance of his Halal foodwhichis based on reducing the
risk of contamination and the factor of perception of theMuslim consumer. Therefore, Halal
supply chains can be characterised as robustsupply chains that strive for a lower vulnerability
for Halal contamination.From the in-depth interviews it followed that the product
characteristics (bulk orunitised shipments; ambient or chilled/frozen) have major implication
on the design ofHalal food supply chains. From the in-depth interviews it also followed that
theperception of the Muslim consumer is an important parameter for Halal supply chains.This
is a complex matter due to the variety of Islamic cultures, Islamic schools ofthought, local
Fatwas and local customs.
For Halal certified companies it is important to look beyond their production andingredients,
and extend Halal to the entire supply chain in ensuring that theirtransportation, storage and
handling are in compliance with Shariah and meet therequirements of their target Muslim
market.
Further market research is needed to better understand and measure theperception of the
Muslim consumer, as perception is a key success factor in an effectivesupply chain
management of Halal products. More market analysis research is also needed inorder to better
understand the principles in organising Halal supply chains for differentmarkets. Are there
differences between the supply chain management requirement, forexample,between Muslim
and non-Muslim countries. Finally, there is a need for aHalal supply chain model that is able
to describe and optimise Halal supply chains.This would help the Halal certified food industry
to move towards a supply chainapproach to Halal.
3.4 Food and Beverages
The halal paradigm on pre-consumption decision making
Muslim consumer behaviour and corporate practices point towards perspectives whichreframe
the halal. The authors present the halal paradigm as demonstrating an areawhere cognitive,
affective and conative decision-making patterns are affected by riskminimisation. These are
related to the Muslim consumer cultural lens and Islam. Thehalal paradigm is a nub where the
perceived importance of halal is brought into theMuslim consciousness. This is a dynamic and
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cyclical process, whose final verdict is definite and perishable – due to hyper-sensitivity and
environmental factors influencingMuslim perceptions of what is halal (Figure 3).
At-Talazum is the halal heuristic hybrid-deconstruction approach. Collectiveindividualism
drives value-based judgements, derived from a ladderingprocess – as a result of a synthesised
hierarchy, and reflective of a self-defineddecision tree. At-Talazum is Arabic for joining
together, with inferences towardsfusing and moulding. It is used in an Islamic context to
describe the correctapproach for a Muslim to adopt.
Think-feel-do is the halal value-chain approach. Every stage and component isscrutinised
rationally, according to their functional and materialistic elements,which necessitate textual
justification.
Feel-think-do is the halal cultural artefact approach. The resulting feelings, emotionsand
behavioural traits of collective consumerism ratify the validity of anapproach.The heuristic
deconstruction stage is the rate-determining step, which is difficult toachieve over the short
term, as it necessitates stakeholder engagement.
Figure 3: Halal decision-making paradigm for Muslim consumer consumption
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 2)
In conclusion, Halal, Islam and Muslims will always cause brand academics and
practitionersproblems. But these problems are no different to those posed by other
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consumersegments. However, what is acute to the relationship between marketers and
Muslims isthe fact that many brand theories have been developed in isolation from, or at their
worstas part of, a foreign hegemony – which all parties are seeking to overturn (Wilson
andLiu, 2010). Furthermore, the number of Muslims is growing and growing in proportion
toother segments (Alserhan, 2010; Ogilvy Noor, 2010).
Whilst conceptually and culturally, brands and branding have always existed, brandtheory as
defined in business academic writing has largely hailed from the west, untilrecently. Just as
the Ancient Greeks and Romans, Arabs, Indians and Chinese havecollectively laid down
many of the fundamentals of mathematics; the authors argue thatmarketers are in a middle
passage of learning – which necessitates the samecross-fertilisation of concepts. Branding in
particular, due to its ethereal qualities, willpose even bigger problems when trying to
understand what brands can do and how theymanage to do it.
If Islamic brands are to take centre stage as a global force across segments andbeyond to non-
Muslims, they cannot be neutered and sanitised when considering theiremotional brand
anatomy and physiology. Therefore, thesetraits could be preserved when rendering a brand
analogous to a Muslim, rather thanIslam, aligns thinking with current schools of mainstream
brand thought, whichframe brands as being like humans. Muslim consumer behaviour and
corporate practices point towards perspectiveswhich reframe the halal. The challenge faced by
marketers from an academic, Islamicand ethical perspective is to identify, understand and
respond to this phenomenon. The halal paradigm is presented as demonstrating an area where
cognitive,affective and conative decision-making patterns are affected by risk minimisation.
These are related to the Muslim consumer cultural lens and Islam. The halal paradigm isa nub
where the perceived importance of halal is brought into the Muslim consciousness. This is a
dynamic and cyclical process, whose final verdict is finite and perishable which is dueto
hyper-sensitivity, hyper-interactivity and environmental factors influencing
Muslimperceptions of what is halal.
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 2 and 24 – Halal Food Law and Regulations)
4.0 Muslim Fashion
4.1 Bikini versus Burqini
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Since the late 1990s, high-profile terrorism associated with militant Islamic movements and
eventsin the Middle East has turned international attention to Arab and Muslim cultures. This
scrutiny hasbeen most intense for Muslims living in predominantly non-Muslim countries,
like Australia.There, and especially after 11 September 2001, Muslims suffered a heightened
degree of suspicionand interrogation. This surfaced, for example, in the treatment of some
Muslim women who choseto wear the hijab, or variations thereof: the chador, niqab or burqa
a visible markers of Muslimidentity. These women became walking targets for a range of
largely negative encounters, fromexpressions of pity to outright violence and aggression. This
article considers a highly provocativeand deeply ironic response to such sentiments:
theBurqiniTM, a swimsuit manufactured in Australiaand designed by a Lebanese-Muslim
woman, Aheda Zanetti.The name is a portmanteau of burqaand bikini. Unlike a regular bikini
though, this one does not compromise the modesty of its targetmarket: conservative Muslim
women. It tests conventional representations of Australian beachculture, and suggests that,
contrary to populist misconceptions, there is a place for Islamic culturalpractices within
Australian beach culture. Importantly, its provenance in Sydney‟s southwest countersa
widespread perception that some locales – specifically, those with a large Muslim population
–are less open to popular Australian pursuits. In this way, the BurqiniTMhas helped to re-
brand thetypical Australian beach (K. Suzie, 2010).
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 3)
4.2 Muslim Women and Olympic Games
The participation of women in the Olympic Games mirrors the development ofwomen‟s
sports and women‟s roles in societyin general. The first athlete from an Islamic country
participated at the Olympic Games asearly as 1900, when the Iranian prince Freydoun Khan
Malkom took part in thefencing competitions. In 1908 one Turk competed in gymnastics; in
1912 twomen from Turkey and one from Egypt attended the games. The number ofathletes
from Islamic countries attending the games increased gradually to 565 which is 11% of the
5,263 male athletes in the year 1984.However, the chances that sportsmen from Islamic
countries had of competing inthe Olympics depended, at least to some degree, on the location
of the event. Therates of their participation decreased in the games in Melbourne, Tokyo,
Mexico andMontreal, cities which required long and expensive travel.
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There are various reasons for the relatively low numbers of athletes from an
Islamicbackground competing at the Olympics, among them the roots of modern sport
inWestern cultures, the lack of sporting traditions and the dearth of sportinginfrastructure in
Islamic countries, which is partly due to the economic situation. Inareas of the world where
the majority of the population struggles to survive, there isno surplus of resources to be
„invested‟ in sport.Whereas male athletes were more or less socially accepted in most
Islamiccountries, women participating in sports competitions were a contradiction in termsfor
most of their rulers and religious leaders, as well as for the largest part of thepopulation. Up to
1980, only women from secular countries like Turkey, Indonesiaand pre-revolutionary Iran,
were given the opportunity to compete in elite sports andthe Olympics. The first female
Olympians from an Islamic country were two fencersfrom Turkey who participated in Berlin
in 1936. The Turkish NOC also sent awoman to the next games in 1948. Uner Teoman, a
100m runner, was the onlywoman in the Turkish Olympic team and the only woman from an
Islamic country atthese games. She was already eliminated in the heats. In the following
decades Muslim women were tiny minorities at the Olympics – ifthey were present at all. In
1952 and in 1968 no female athlete from an Islamiccountry participated in Olympic events. In
1956 there were two, in 1960 five andin 1964 four female Olympians from Turkey and
Indonesia. In addition, three femaletrack-and-field athletes and one gymnast from pre-
revolutionaryIran competed atthe 1964 games.
Period (Year) Muslim Women Participants in Olympic Sports
1972 Besides,1 Turkish and 3 Indonesian athletes, two Moroccan womenattended
the games for the first time. One of them was Fatima El Faquir, who
gainedmany African and Arab records in running of 100m, 200m, 400m and
hurdles andsubsequently made a career as a coach, administrator, manager
and activist forwomen‟s sport. In addition, Syria sent a female 800m runner,
but she did notfinish her race.
1976 Two Indonesian and one Turkish women and four female fencersfrom Iran
1980s The number of female Muslim Olympians increased only slowly at the
followinggames: five competed in Moscow in 1980, including for the first
time athletes fromAlgeria and Libya; and 13 participated in the 1984games,
for the first time withwomen from Jordan (1) and Egypt (6).Three Egyptian
women had already qualified for the Olympic Games as early as1960, but
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for unclear reasons they did not participate. In 1984, six female
athletesrepresented Egypt in diving, swimming and synchronized
swimming.The number of male athletes reached approximately 400 in the
1980s and hasstagnated since then; the number of female athletes was under
5% until 1988.
1992-1996 The number or Islamic women participants increased continuously from 8%
in 1992, to 11% in 1996
2000s 17% in 2000, 19 % in 2004 and 25 per cent which is 125 female athletes in
2008.
In recent decades, an increasing number of NOCs have included women in
theirOlympic teams. Whereas in 1988, 26% of the 160 NOCs, half of them
NOCsfrom Islamic countriessent only male athletes to the Seoul Olympics,
the number ofall-male teams dropped to 33 in Barcelona (1992), 28 in
Atlanta (1996) and 9 inSydney (2000).
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 5)
Islamic feminism has been helpful in showing ways in which space can be createdand
negotiated for positive change. This knowledge, and the opportunity it createdfor women‟s
participation in physical activity, was important in understanding thepositions of those
Muslim women whose most essential layer of identity wasreligion and for whom the display
of this identity through adherence to modestdress codes was integral to sustaining that.
However, choice should also be possible for those women who re-interpret Islam,adapt its
rules to modern life and combine their religion with Western attire and elitesports. This is an
option in most Islamic countries, as the case of female athletes fromcountries such as
Indonesia, Morocco, Algeria, Jordan, the UAE and Turkey in the2008 Olympics has
demonstrated.
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 5)
5.0 Social, Entertainment and Media
The Muslim market, which has been treated as a minor niche market until recent times,
has emerged as a new major market as a result of the growingMuslim purchasing power
and their integration into globalizing consumerism. Thenew market attracts non-Muslim
western producers as well as Muslim consumerswho constitute approximately 20 percent
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of the world population (1.6 billion).Now aware of the significance of the new emerging
market, multinationalcompanies in Europe and the USA have launched various marketing
studiestargeting Muslim consumers ranging in fields from food to fashion to finance, and
encroached the new emerging market. For example, Coca-Cola has produced anew
advertisement with the concept of benevolence and tolerance during theIslamic holy
month of Ramadan for Muslim consumers. Another internationalpowerhouse,
McDonald‟s, has started to serve a new menu item (halal chickennugget) that fits into
Islamic culinary regulations. In the area of technology, the„Ilkon‟ phone designed by
Nokia has taken over the Muslim mobile phone marketas soon as it was released due to its
Islam-oriented functions, such as guidingIslamic praying direction and time, Islamic
calendar and an English version of theQuran. In addition, in the fashion industry, an
Australian company produced aconservatively designed swimsuit that covers the whole
body targeting Muslimwomen, while an American company produced an Islamic version
of „Barbie‟ dollthat dons Muslim women‟s veiling, hijab.As presented in these various
cases, new marketing strategies, generated bymultinational companies allure
Muslimconsumers who want to consumeglobalized goods within their own religious
values. One statistic shows that thecurrent Muslim market has already grown to a sizeable
scale and it will be one ofthe fastest growing markets in the world, taking into
consideration the annualMuslim population growth (2.9 percent) and their increasing
purchasing power.Currently, the global annual halal food market is worth $580 billion.
Islamicfinancial assets are worth $500-750 billion in total, and are expected to reach
$1trillion by 2010. The global market for female Islamic clothing is estimated at$250
million.
Bearing the significance of a new emerging Muslim market in mind, thepurpose of this
study is to explore the impact of Muslim identity on the growingIslamic consumerism and
its future. The target group of this study will be mainlyrestricted to Muslim youth, who are
more conscious of global consumerism,including those who live in the Middle Eastern
and the Western part of the world.The span of Muslim youth is wide, starting from those
in their teens up to theirthirties, as the unmarried are still regarded as the youth from the
Islamic culturalperspective. However, this study will focus more on those who are married
in their 30s as they are the main consumers who have purchasing power due to work.
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 8)
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5.1 Shopping Preferences
One of the noticeable facts in the recent Muslim market is the emergence of women and
children as empowered consumers. Unlike the past when womensolely depended on their
husbands‟ income, an increasing number of Muslimwomen currently work outside home
and manage their own income. In addition,the transformation of the family structure from
extended to nuclear also hasenhanced young women‟s consumption power. Liberating
themselves from thesenior patriarchal figure, as well as the mother-in-law in the case of
marriedwomen, young women are able to exert more power in the decision-
makingprocess in what to consume both for themselves and their family.The structure of
shopping malls and the ratio of gender inside of the shoppingmalls reflect the growing
purchasing power among the women in the Middle East.For example, as Table 1
(Appendix 8) shows, more than four-fifths of the stores inside of theshopping malls are
women-related.It includes cosmetics, clothes, shoes, bags,and jewelry stores. Before the
emergence of the modernized shopping mall, it wascommon to see men shop on behalf of
their wife throughout the Middle East. It isespecially true in the case of the conservative
family. If the husband and his familyadhere to Islamic value with regard to men-women
separation in the public space,he has to share the burden of the daily shopping with his
wife.It is also evident that with the emergence of the shopping mall as an importanthub for
social activities, women consumers have become more visible in thepublic places. It is
mainly because shopping malls have emerged as an alternativeplace for women who have
been more restricted in outdoor activities such assports and leisure. Therefore, women
consumers visit shopping malls morefrequently than men and consequently global and
modern consumerism draw outMuslim women who have stayed behind the wall. Women
tend to socialize inpublic spaces such as cafeterias and restaurants in the shopping mall
instead of athome, which is traditionally regarded as women‟s private spaces.In addition,
women‟s increasing purchasing power has made a great influenceon children‟s
consumption items. According to a newspaper, the children‟s markethas increased as a
result of the growing purchasing power among Muslimwomen. (Please refer to Table 1 of
Appendix 8)
5.2 Islam Comics
Even though Muslim parents consume various globalised items as theircounterparts do,
interestingly, however, the educated young Muslim parents aretrying to raise their
children in Islamic atmosphere. In order to teach children‟religious identity in a globalized
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18. Chan Chee Mang TP021569
multi-cultural environment, Muslim parents buyfor their children Islamic children‟s books,
Islamic story books, board games,puzzles, Islamic version of Barbie doll, and various
story books based on theQuran.One example of the Islamic comic book series is titled
„The 99‟.Created by aKuwaiti entrepreneur, it challenges Judeo-Christianarchetypes
promoted by suchwestern comic books as Spider-Man, Batman and X-Man. Symbolizing
the 99 characters of Allah including generosity, strength, wisdom, foresight, andmercy,
The 99 blends fiction with historical events in Islamic history anduniversally applicable
Muslim values in order to target various Muslims in theworld. Based on the superhero
adventure story layout, the comic book The 99ranks second to Superman and Spiderman
in the Arab world.
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 8)
5.3Danish Mohammad Cartoons
The Danish cartoon furor of early 2006 was only the most recent episode cited asevidence of
a “clash of civilizations.” Although the subject was extensively reportedby the global media,
the media‟s framing of the debate as being between free speechand religious sensitivities was
inherently flawed and contributed to further confusionrather than clarification. Moreover, the
framework established and perpetuated bythe media, that of a debate between freedom of
speech and religious sensitivities,obscured the root cause of this conflict: the fact that both the
Muslim world andthe Western world suffer from gross misconceptions of the other.
Although themisconceptions held by the Muslim world are phenomena that are, in relative
terms,both more recent and more easily resolved, their counterparts in the Westernworld have
been deeply embedded in the consciousness of Western society formore than a thousand years.
Although in the West the Danish cartoon episode resulted in an instinctiverush to defend free
speech and in Muslim communities it resulted in an instinctiverush to defend the Muslim
view of Muhammad as a peaceful “holy man,”both groups reacted without an awareness of
the fact that they were drivenunconsciously by a lack of understanding of the essence of the
problem. Thiswas exacerbated by the international media, both in the East and West,
whichframed the debate as one between free speech and religious sensitivity. Fanningthe
flames on both sides were religious fundamentalists and politicians. In theEast, governments
interested in ostracizing Denmark before it assumed therotating presidency of the U.N.
Security Council as well as Muslim fundamentalistseager to paint Western civilization as the
enemy of Islamic values weremore than happy to instigate the masses. In the West, politicians
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19. Chan Chee Mang TP021569
aiming to bringto the fore the issue of integration of Muslim immigrant populations, as wellas
Christian fundamentalists eager to paint Islam as the enemy of Western civilization,were
equally thrilled at the opportunity.Throughout the confrontation,the true issue was obscured
by the global media‟s framing of the ensuing debateas being between zealous defenders of
free speech and more violent, but equallyzealous, calls for religious sensitivity. Criticisms on
both sides often becameunreasonable and lost sight of the central issues. The notion that the
very actof depicting Muhammad was what instigated the violent protests has been
clearlydisproven.
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 21)
5.4Censorship
A censorship chronicle incorporating information from the AmericanAssociation for the
Advancementof Science Human Rights Action Network (AAASHRAN),Amnesty
International (AI),Article 19 (A19), the BBCMonitoring Service Summary ofWorld
Broadcasts (SWB), theCommittee to Protect Journalists(CPJ), the Canadian Committeeto
Protect Journalists (CCPJ), theInter-American Press Association(IAPA), the International
Federation of Journalists(IFJ/FIP), the International PressInstitute (IPI), Human RightsWatch
(HRW), the MediaInstitute of Southern Africa(MISA), Network for the Defenceof
Independent Media in Africa(NDIMA), International PEN(PEN), Open Media
ResearchInstitute (OMRI), ReportersSans Frontihes (RSF), theWorld Association of
CommunityBroadcasters (AMARC) andother sources.
Examples of Censorship Cases from Muslim State
In Iran
A court sentenced 28teenagers to punishment rangingfrom lashes to imprisonmentfor
throwing a party andpossessing illegal compact discsand video cassettes on 28August. The
daily Kayhanreported that the teenagerswere arrested by anti-vicesquad police who broke
upthe party in response to complaintsby neighbours. Kayhanreported that, as well as illegal
tapes and discs, 41 'vulgar'videotapes were found at thehouse. (Reuters)Security forces
entered thehome of the German culturalattached on 28 August, during adinner at which
several prominentIranian writers were present,among them HushangGolshiri,
MohammadaliSepanloo, Reza Baraheniand Simin Behbahani. Thesecurity men forced the
gueststo stay at the dinner table for anumber of hours, duringwhich time they were filmed.The
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20. Chan Chee Mang TP021569
cultural attached was lateroffered an official apology butthe film was not surrendered.It is
thought that the filmmight be used as footage forthe television programs.
In Iraq
Around 30 journalists wereprevented from entering Erbilin Iraqi Kurdistan on 15September
by officials fromthe Democratic Party ofKurdistan (PDK), which issupported by Iraq. The
officialstold the reporters: 'Wehave no instructions to let youthrough.' The journalists
wereaccompanied throughout theirtrip to the region by officialsfrom the Iraqi
InformationMinistry. (RSF)
In Jordan
Usamah al-Rantisi of thedaily al-Ahali was arrested on22 August and held for 15days. He is
charged with'inciting sedition' under thePress and Publications Law asa result of a 21 August
articleheadlined 'These Events arenot from Outside', which disputedgovernment claims that
August's bread riots werefomented by Iraq. If convictedhe faces a prison sentence of
between six months and threeyears. (CPJ)The well-known writer Ahmed Awaidi al-Abaddi
and Jihad al-Mo'mani, editorof the weekly Shihan, werecharged with 'harming national
unity' on 8 October. Thecharge arises from an interviewwhich appeared in thepaper in June, in
which al-Abaddi said that Palestinianrefugees in Jordan should berelocated to areas under
thecontrol of the PalestinianNational Authority. AnotherShihan journalist, NahedHattar, was
also charged inearly October with 'harmingnational unity', 'inciting thepublic' and 'insulting
the king'in connection with articles hewrote arguing for unificationbetween Jordan and
Syria.(CPJ)
(Source: Please refer to Appendix 18)
6.0 Conclusion
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21. Chan Chee Mang TP021569
The increased awareness among the Muslims toward their ownreligious identity has been
influential in redefining consumption patterns amongMuslims. Instead of following
theglobalised consumption patterns as it is,Muslims, especially the youth, are creating a new
way of consumption in anIslamic way while embracing western culture.Various examples are
presented in the main text, including the emergence ofIslamic swimsuits, Barbie dolls, and
Ilkon phones. By consuming productswhich are reinterpreted and represented in Islamic way,
Muslims feelshared identity among themselves at the same time demarcating their
distinguishedidentity toward others. Unlike the former generation who followed the
westernstyle of consumerism, the currentMuslims, especially among the educatedand affluent
feel proud of being Muslim and reinvent Islam as stylish and chic asfashion. These new
consumption patterns which have emerged among the Muslims suggests a future marketing
direction for international marketers. If global marketer is aware of the significance of the
newly emergingMuslim market trend and able to read the Muslim‟s needs, it wouldguarantee
a more profitable success.
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8.0 Appendixes
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