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Hannah-Catherine Smith
October 12, 2016
Dr. R. Letteri
Exam 1; Question 2
The Transformation of the Literary Public Sphere into the Political Public Sphere in Seventeenth
and Eighteenth Century England and France
Karl Marx theorized that the economic base of a nation falling apart drives history. As
Europe shifted from manoralism to mercantilism in the Middle Ages, the trafficking of ideas,
commodities, and news increased (Habermas 13). Infrastructure to support this communication
evolved over time with the development of the post office, newspapers, and journalism, made
possible by the printing press.
The prominence of families like the Medicis and Fuggers during these early capitalist
systems set the stage for a new social order where the means and relations of production became
the basis for economics (Habermas 14). The exchange of commodities replaced the household
economy and capitalism and democracy became bourgeois institutions (Habermas 14). These
new commercial relationships developed the public sphere and slowly began to replace the old
feudal power system.
Relations between the monarchy and the state also developed as a result of mercantilism
(Habermas 18). Hannah Arendt explains that the “private sphere of society becomes relevant
publicly,” and develops into a civil society (19). With the emergence of a commercial economy,
political control by kings was no longer possible (Habermas 20). In place of a noble hierarchy,
the bourgeoisie exercised control because of their newly received private property rights
(Habermas 20).

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The private sphere was also redefined, placing the family as the intimate sphere and
grounding ordinary life, economic activity, and participation in the public sphere (Habermas 24).
This triggered the emergence of the public sphere from the private sphere. The bourgeois
conjugal family gained control over society because the private man owned both his own
commodities and family. This status exemplified the polarization of state and society (Habermas
24).
These shifts in economy and life in the public and private sphere demonstrated a public
use of reason, grown out of audience-oriented subjectivity of the conjugal family’s intimate
domain. This use of reason and rational critical debate transformed the bourgeoisie into
audiences of new literature as they began to interact with other bourgeoisie, and take elements
from noble culture and the humanist tradition to develop their own culture. The bourgeoisie were
able to develop an understanding of who they were psychologically, culturally, and critically
through the use of letters, journals, newspapers, novels, and art that sparked critical debate
during the Enlightenment period. The public in both France and England used these mediums as
vehicles of discussion, change, and revolution over the 17th
and 18th
centuries to shift the public
sphere from the literary to the political. Merriman wrote, “It is to the Enlightenment that we trace
the origins of the belief that people should be ruled by law, not rulers” (401).
ENGLAND
As England shifted from a literary to a political public sphere, economic ideas and
interests were rooted in the conjugal family. The sphere of intimate family was the site of
humanity rather than the public of the Greek Polis or Roman Republic (Habermas 3). With the
father as the head of the household, men were free to seek out a public life stemming from their
private lives (Habermas 28). The connection between private and public realms created a desire

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for men to participate in a civil society (Melton 15). This created discourse based on private
individuals who were informed by their private needs and experiences (Melton 15). These
identities contrasted with past ideals of the Polis where the enslavement of others gave males
political freedom (Habermas 3). The Bourgeois public sphere rested on the illusion of freedom
and human intimacy (Habermas 28).
Under this illusion of autonomous intimate family relation, the sentimental letter
developed as a literary form (Habermas 48). The 17th
century letter contained both personal
reports and news reports while the 18th
century letter expressed individual subjectivity
(Habermas 49). Diaries also surged in popularity because the author was able to express himself
in a series of “letters” written to himself (Habermas 49). These exchanges of stories and ideas in
an audience-oriented style led to the creation of the domestic novel, a “psychological description
in autobiographical form” (Habermas 49).
Unlike the classical forms of novels, such as Greek mythology, the domestic novel
uniquely represented the bourgeoisie and their intimate style of writing (Habermas 49). In 1740,
Samuel Richardson wrote Pamela or Virtue Rewarded, a book that was supposed to be a manual
on how to write personal letters, but became a novel compiled of a series of letters (Habermas
49). These letters featured the protagonist, Pamela, a hand maiden that desires to maintain her
virtue during a courtship with a member of the gentry. Pamela is celebrated for maintaining her
virtue and becoming a dutiful wife despite the initial demands of her suitor. The novel became so
popular that paintings and paraphernalia were done of her and other authors recreated works that
featured the ideal domestic female (Habermas 50). The work was groundbreaking because it
questioned social hierarchies and the established order, exploited the idea of the present,
reinforced bourgeois values and identity, and rejected aristocratic values of love (Habermas 50,

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51). Merely two years after Pamela was published, the first public libraries were founded and
book clubs, reading circles, and subscription libraries flourished (Melton 127). Journal sales also
doubled (127). Simply summarized, people learned to read because of Pamela.
The public sphere developed with respect to modern enlightened political thought and the
intimate private sphere where subjectivity emerged (Habermas 49). From 1680 to 1730, coffee
houses facilitated this development of the public sphere and critical political debate (Habermas
32). As a commodity that stimulates the mind, consuming coffee and engaging in conversation
centered around telling and receiving the latest news, debating about politics, and critiquing
popular literary works became a popular activity among the bourgeois and lower nobility (Speier
101). Habermas claims these coffee houses were the first public sphere, merging the bourgeoisie
and nobility to discuss a variety of subjects freely (Habermas 36). Coffee houses did eventually
diminish because home grown tea rose in popularity and many of the men left to form political
parties and enter government or more exclusive civic clubs (Habermas 59).
Joseph Addison and Richard Steele felt the conversations that men had in these coffee
houses were so important, they developed moral weeklies like “Tatler,” and “Spectator”
(Habermas 42). These publications featured the critique of literary works and the discussion of
politics and public affairs that men conversed about in the coffee houses (42). This mixing of
literature and politics opened the door to rational and open debate (42). They eventually became
so popular that Habermas describes moral weeklies as, “integral parts of the conversation.” (42).
The political public sphere in England held on to the medium of literary works to
communicate political discussion and ideals. British journals began mixing literature with
politics to be discussed in coffee houses. Many of these publications were critiques of the
government or flavored in favor of the Tories or Whigs (Habermas 43). Bolingbroke made

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public opposition and critical commentary against government a normal affair through creating
political journalism (Habermas 60). From 1726 to 1735, Bolingbroke’s “Craftsmen” informed
the public of Parliamentary controversies (Habermas 60). These events established the Press as a
critical component of the public against the state and later would be named the “Fourth Estate”
(Melton 31). Other literature, like Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels was an example of a Tory
publication that used satire to stir a political debate and impact state government (Melton 28).
During the 17th
century, the press was limited through tight regulations and censorship.
States even published newspapers with information they wanted to advertise to the public in
favor of The Crown (Melton 33). Although these newspapers were informative, they were used
as instruments of the government and could not be fully trusted. Counter newspapers emerged
that represented bourgeois ideals and were often critical of government (Melton 33). These
attacks on the king and government officials catalyzed the Stamp Tax of 1712 and Libel Laws in
an attempt to prevent the distribution of newspapers and pamphlets defaming the king and
anyone associated with him (Melton 32). Constraints only caused more backlash and
revolutionary papers continued to be published anonymously or under pseudonyms (Melton 154,
155). The Licensing Act of 1695 eventually eliminated censorship, recognizing the critical press
as a necessary system of checks and balances on the state (Habermas 59).
Art facilitated another realm for the public to critique and discuss. When power shifted
from the King to Parliament, art transformed into a commodity that was bought and sold by the
public rather than just employed for the enjoyment of the king, nobles, and the Church
(Habermas 33, 39). Art, theater and music all became consumed by the middle class, often
sparking critical debate (Speier 101).

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The late 17th
to early 18th
century shifted powers from the hands of the king into the
hands of a bourgeoisie Parliament, a violation of the previous ideology of the divine rights of
kings (Habermas 63). Equal rights, the same laws governing the same people, and “truth not
authority makes law” guided the men of the political public sphere (Habermas 53). This provided
a level playing field for political debate where public opinion was supposed to do justice to
underlying truth (Habermas 64). By 1779, public meetings and political and country
associations emerged to debate government issues (Habermas 65-66). This allowed for the public
to be included in Parliament and their deliberations. Additionally, the acceptance of public
opinion and episteme, or refined truth, was achieved through public discussion and debate. Over
time, the King’s power dwindled in favor of the middle class and their public rational and critical
debate.
FRANCE
Salons, literature, and Enlightenment-rooted encyclopedias facilitated the spread of the
fight against monarchy absolutism in France during the 17th
and 18th
centuries. In the years
leading up to the French Revolution, the bourgeoisie struggled to receive public representation.
However, although the institutionalized public sphere developed slower in France than it did in
England, the Revolution provided precedents for a political public sphere until Napoleon’s
regime at the turn of the century.
Cafes were the primary place where news circulated and where satires were composed.
They replaced taverns and cabarets until around 1721 when the café business dwindled as men of
letters and wits abandoned them and entered into salons. Although French salons began to form
in 1625, their peak influence existed from the 1750s to the 1770s in private homes where people
gathered to exchange ideas (Habermas 33). They were run by a “saloniere,” or a woman who

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was usually the wife of a government leader or a wealthy bourgeoisie, that invited other wealthy
bourgeoisie men and nobles into her home (Habermas 36). This intermixing of people allowed
for a melting pot of intellectual bourgeoisie and nobles to share their refinement of culture
(Habermas 33). French salons became centers of literary, artistic, political, and economic
criticism (Habermas 33). Conversation initially focused on wit, literature, science, and politics.
However, as the Revolution approached, politics and government became the main topics. These
salons also allowed both men and women social mobility and the opportunity to rise in status
through marriage (Habermas 33). These gatherings ultimately caused a loss and reversal of social
distinction just as the English coffee houses did. French salons began to dwindle when state
academies that were initially threatened by private salons created their own Salons as art
exhibitions for the general public (Habermas 34). This was a concern to the state because salons
fulfilled the function of offering a place where the enlightened could flourish and become the
basis for the French Revolution. Additionally, as the women that ran the salons became more
educated and involved in society, the backlash against them increased (Habermas 38). Although
these women sponsored these men of letters, their writings either ignored their contributions or
upheld the more traditional view of a patriarchal society (Habermas 38).
Montesquieu’s The Spirit of Laws began the Enlightenment in 1748 and ended with
Voltaire’s and Rousseau’s deaths in 1778 (Merriman 400). The work provided a harsh critique of
the inequality under the law and led to French Parlement’s questioning of the King’s authority
(Merriman 400). Despite harsh censorship under an absolute monarch, authors still continued to
spread revolutionary ideas through literature. French writers spread the ideals of the
Enlightenment like wildfire. Merriman even remarks, “The increasing prevalence of the
language of the Enlightenment, stressing equality before the law and differentiating between

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absolute and despotic rule, placed the monarchy and its government under the closer scrutiny of
public opinion” (Merriman 497).
The Enlightenment focused on reason and truth, causing the people of this time period to
believe that using reason would help them understand life and how to make it better. Diderot’s
Encyclopédie, written from 1751 to 1772, produced a systematic collection of all knowledge
(Merriman 408). The 17 volumes of text and 11 volumes of images combined a variety of topics
(Merriman 409). These included the secularization of learning where articles were intended to
use reason in the affairs of man (Merriman 409). Furthermore, they included ethical goals to
improve mankind through education, believing that they would raise conduct, be happier, and
increase productivity (Merriman 410). Previous beliefs of the theological basis of sin was
replaced with an outlook on enjoying life, or “jouissance” (Merriman 410). The men who wrote
these encyclopedias were called “Philosophes.” These public critics with eloquent writing styles
include figures like Voltaire and Diderot.
Philosophes who turned into economists were called Physiocrats (Habermas 69). They
were the first to establish economics as a system with rules and laws about expenditure, work,
and consumption (Habermas 69). Because they believed they could understand how everything
worked, they created the possibility of increasing production and prosperity (Habermas 69). This
science of wealth and social justice with direct consequences was so important that Physiocrats
played a prominent role in the French Government and the public sphere (Habermas 69).
Unfortunately, these methods were not perfected until later.
Censorship over publications at the price of death stifled the newspaper business in the
mid 1700s (Habermas 64). Available newspapers were commissioned by the king and only
expressed his absolute power (Habermas 65). However, illegal pamphlets were still spread

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throughout the country because they were easier to distribute and only required a one-time
publication (Habermas 68).
Art, music, and theater also came under fire as the public demanded performances about
everyday people rather than just kings and queens (Merriman 418). Like England, French art
began to attract the middle class (Merriman 418). Although many theaters were under the control
of the King and only able to portray him in a positive light, others sought to critique his
absolutism and feature the public (Melton 160). The King’s monopoly diminished as more and
more non-royals began to engage in leisurely activities.
The mid-18th
century in France was characterized by a critically debating public.
However, there were exceptions before the Revolution because of censorship and
underdeveloped political journalism. Additionally, there was no form of public representation in
the Estate General (Melton 60). The Bourgeoisie had economic power through commerce and
trade but no political power (Melton 60). They were also angry about the “taile” or paying taxes
when the church and nobles were excluded (Melton 60). This caused some nobles and
bourgeoisie to purchase “sinecures” or titles of nobility to move through society and avoid
taxation (Melton 60). These frustrations, among others, led to the brewing of the Revolution.
The French Revolution had an enormous effect on the transformation of the public sphere
in France. From January to April of 1789 the unrest in the country boiled as the people rioted due
to food shortages and pamphlets criticizing the King’s competency circulated (Melton 61).
Seiyes’ What is the Third Estate? was published, arguing for equal voting rights for the Third
Estate with the first two estates. He claimed that without the Third Estate, the nation could not
survive and called for more representation in the Estate General.

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By May of 1789, the Estate General met for the first time since 1614 because the nation
of France suffered from financial collapse, a ruinous mercantilist economic policy, famine, and
rioting (Merriman 497). The King sent an invitation to every village in France to write down
their grievances, marking the first time the state took into consideration public opinion
(Merriman 497). The list was compiled into the “Cahiers de Doleance,” or the List of Grievances
with over 60,000 complaints against the state.
In June of 1789, the Third Estate created the National Assembly to assure their
representation in the other two estates and secure a role in political debate (Melton 65).
Suspicious of a plot against them, the National Assembly met at the King’s tennis courts to take
the “Tennis Court Oath,” agreeing not to disband until the reforms to the constitution were made
(Melton 65).
In July, Necker’s removal stirred more controversy among the National Assembly
(Merriman 498). Two days later, the fear of high food prices and the King’s growing military
caused a storming of the Bastille by workers, craftsmen, deserters of the French Guard, and some
members of the Third Estate (Merriman 506). Fear swept the nation in the late summer of 1789
and the National Constituent Assembly was called upon the fall of the monarchy (Merriman
507). The Assembly’s clergy abolished tithes and the seigneurial system, getting rid of the
remaining feudal villages that still existed from the ancient regime (Merriman 509).
On the 26th
of August, 1789, the Declaration of the Rights of Man was written, abolishing
the special rights of the first two estates and giving rights of free assembly, free press, ownership
of property, equality before the law, representative government and voting rights to all French
citizens (Merriman 510). In 1790, The Civil Constitution of the Clergy reformed the church,
making priests employees of the state and controlling the budget (Merriman 510). This act

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established a national church of France and pledged its allegiance to the pope. The Revolutionary
Constitution was written in 1791 and included all rights mentioned in the Rights of Man in
addition to the freedom of assembly and freedom of the press (Merriman 510). It created the
First French Republic, establishing a constitutional monarchy (Habermas 87). By 1792,
Habermas claimed that for the first time, public opinion was introduced into Parliament (65).
In conclusion, the medium of literature, social spheres, and art all facilitated the
significant changes seen over the 17th
and 18th
centuries in both England and France. The Coffee
Houses and Salons ultimately preserved social intercourse based on the force of the better
argument rather than the social status of the person making the argument. They also allowed for
subjects to be discussed and critiques for the first time. Culture became a commodity and
developed a public that reads and consumes culture. Art and literature sparked rational and
critical debate, catalyzing movements like the development of Parliament and the French
Revolution. Although each nation developed on a different timeline and against different odds,
each was able to achieve a representation of public political representation in government.

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Works Cited
Habermas, Jurgen. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere; An Inquiry into a
Category of Bourgeois Society. Translated by Thomas Burger and Frederick Lawrence,
MIT Press, 1989.
Melton, James Van Horn. The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe. Cambridge, 2001.
Merriman, John. A History of Modern Europe; From the Renaissance to the Present. New York,
W. W. Norton & Company, 1996.
Speier, Hans. "Historical Development of Public Opinion." American Journal of Sociology, vol.
55, no. 4, 1950, pp. 94-111.