This document summarizes and compares the communities of Duquesne, Pennsylvania and East Liberty, Pittsburgh from 2010 to present day. In 2010, both communities struggled with poverty, crime, and the negative effects of urban sprawl. However, since 2010 East Liberty has undergone significant revitalization due to large companies like Google moving in, attracting other businesses, and renovating housing. It has become a thriving urban neighborhood once again. In contrast, Duquesne has seen little new investment or development and remains impoverished. The document argues for faith-based community organizing around policies of regionalism to advocate for revitalization in neglected inner-ring suburbs like Duquesne.

1. Organizing Around Policies of Regionalization
Ben Rumbaugh
SCUPE: Agitation Theology
Dr. Paeth and Dr. Premawardhana

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In Doing Justice, Jacobsen characterizes the issue of urban poverty in terms of the
movement of a city core’s resources to the surrounding suburban regions:
Urban sprawl weakens the tax base of America’s troubled cities and deepens racial and
class division. It drains limited tax dollars for highway construction and infrastructure for
new housing developments, turns farmlands into subdivisions, wreaks environment havoc,
and erects endless shopping malls. It moves jobs and industry further and further away
from the urban underclass. The damage inflicted on our cities by urban sprawl is lasting
and considerable (Jacobsen 2001, 71).
Included in the “lasting and considerable” damage caused by urban sprawl are inner-ring suburbs,
which are smaller municipalities near the urban core consisting of mostly working-class citizens.
According to Jacobsen, these inner-ring suburbs “have much in common with the self-interests of
those trapped in the urban core when it comes to the impact of urban sprawl.” (72). The
implications of urban sprawl require a metropolitan approach to faith-based community organizing
which advocates for both the poor in the urban center as well as those in inner-ring suburbs.
While this is an adequate starting point to understand urban poverty, it does not take into
account current trends in urban development and population movement. Resources and people are
now moving back into city centers and reclaiming the areas once victim to urban sprawl.1
Neighborhoods that once housed the urban poor are being transformed into shopping and art
districts. Historic homes are being bought on the cheap and renovated into chic urban dwellings
that restore them to their former glory, but fail to reflect the period of plight when the same
constituency was moving out to the suburbs. The trend of urban sprawl is closing in on itself as
industry and assets are again being concentrated back to the city core.
This is especially true in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The city was once the industrial core of
the nation as it was home to major steel and electronics corporations. The fall of these industries
1 For an introduction to how city planners are conceiving the “new American city”, see (Birch 2009, 134-153). For a
specific example of Pittsburgh’s development, see (Belko 2015).

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in the 1980s left many of the city’s residents out of work and lead to an exodus out of the city
proper, feeding the suburbanization trend that had been occurring since the 1950s. The city center
Today, Pittsburgh has transformed itself into an epicenter for the technology, healthcare, and
financial industries. The age of Pittsburgh’s reinvention culminated to its being chosen to host the
G20 summit of world leaders in 2009.2 Neighborhoods which were once a hotbed for crime are
now home to some of the world’s leading tech companies.
The movement back into the city core does not mean that there is not a need for faith-based
organizing within the metropolitan region. In fact, this paper argues that the reversal of urban
sprawl calls for an even greater imperative for faith-based organizing of a city’s region. The just
renewal of blighted areas within the urban core is certainly a positive aspect for a city. However,
movement from the suburbs back into the city continues to ignore the inner-ring suburban areas.
These inner-ring suburbs are still experiencing the poverty which was enacted by the initial
movement of urban sprawl. Advocacy is needed within these communities as the reinvention of
American cities do not de-concentrate poverty or spur revitalization in inner-ring suburbs. The
type of advocacy needed is oriented towards policies of regionalism, which enact revitalization
through housing reform and tax-base sharing throughout the metropolitan region (Orfield 1997,
8). The full scope of faith-based metropolitan organizing reminds urbanites of the social justice
required for the entirety of a city’s region and pushes to enact policies of regionalism.
This paper explores the issue of inner-ring suburban poverty by highlighting its continued
inobservance within city regions. This is done through the example of Pittsburgh: the inner-ring
suburb of Duquesne is compared to the urban neighborhood of East Liberty during Pittsburgh’s
so-called age of reinvention. Then, the biblical story of the Song of Deborah in Judges 5 is offered
2 President Obama has visited Pittsburgh various times to highlight the city’s renewal. See (Mauriello, O’Toole, and
Todd 2014).

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as an interpretive framework for faith-based organizing around policies of regionalism. Lastly, a
framework for organizing around regionalism is developed through the example of Duquesne.
Case Study: Duquesne and East Liberty
Duquesne, Pennsylvania is a municipality located in the southern hills of the Monongahela
River Valley. It was once an important player in Pittsburgh’s steel industry as it housed its
Duquesne Works plant housed the largest blast furnace in the world. At its peak in the 1940s, the
city had upwards of 20,000 residents; the 2014 estimated population is 5,565.3 This decline
culminated with the closing of the city’s high school in 2007. According to the Pennsylvania
System of School Assessment’s 2014-2015 report, the remaining elementary school has tested
below basic competency levels. The school is a divisive issue in the city as many of the citizens
want to keep it open, while others would like it to follow the fate of the high school and merge
with the neighboring suburban school district. Twelve miles away in the East End section of
Pittsburgh is the neighborhood of East Liberty. At 5,869 residents, its population is comparable to
Duquesne. To counter the effects of suburbanization in the 1960s, Pittsburgh’s city planners
developed a pedestrian-only open-market square in the center of East Liberty as a way to keep
people in the city. However, this concept failed miserably and essentially cut the neighborhood off
from the rest of the city. Crime rates rose and real estate value plummeted. Both communities were
prime examples of the negative effects of urban sprawl.
The two communities’ 2010 Census results convey this story. Both were predominately
African-American (Duquesne 55.3%; East Liberty 67.7%4). Their median income per household
3 All demographic figures for Duquesne,PA come from the United States Census Bureau.
4 All demographic figures for East Liberty come from PghSNAP.

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was similar (Duquesne $20,152; East Liberty $23,6835). In terms of housing, Duquesne had 3,163
unites compared to East Liberty’s 3,519. The two communities diverged the most at this time when
it came to education, home ownership, real estate value. Duquesne was more educated in terms of
high school graduates (Duquesne 88.1%; East Liberty 49.0%). While Duquesne had an ownership
percentage of 43.5%, East Liberty had 21.5%. The median home value in Duquesne was $38,300
compared to East Liberty’s $64,650. Despite these variances, which are the result of myriad
factors, these two communities were very similar at the time of the 2010 Census.
2010 was the same year that Google, Inc. bought a dilapidated Nabisco factory in East
Liberty. The corporation’s presence in the neighborhood has had drastic effects for its residents
and the city as a whole as they created a vibrant tech industry and enticed other companies to
follow suite. As Carpenter and Todd recorded in their Post-Gazette article in 2014, a former
suburbanite bought a house in the area for $70,000, spent $150,000 to renovate it, and sold it to a
Google employee for the asking price of $450,000. At the time of this writing, the East Liberty
Chamber of Commerce boasts over 60 business, which include everything from independent
insurance agents and family-owned diners to high end retailers and major corporations such as
Whole Foods and Target. Despite criticisms of gentrification, the non-profit East Liberty
Development, Inc. has organized and initiated the new construction or renovation of over 838
mixed-income units in the neighborhood since 2008 (East Liberty Development, Inc. 2015). This
is compared to non-existent chamber of commerce in Duquesne. Moreover, the only new business
development occurring in Duquesne is a factory plant that is located along the river bank, which
is physically separated from the city’s core and residences. While East Liberty is the prototype for
the reversal of urban sprawl, Duquesne remains in the shadow from the city’s revitalization.
5 This value is the median income for 2009 given in 2011 dollars.

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Duquesne is jokingly referred to by its residents as the only place where you have too many
options to be baptized, married, and buried as it is home to numerous churches and funeral homes.
Indeed, hope is found despite the community’s struggles with poverty and crime in its resilient and
faithful citizens. There used to be a clergy cohort that met monthly, however they no longer meet
as many of the pastors either do not live in the community or are bi-vocational. Duquesne’s faith
communities are ripe for organizing. Many citizens speak to their hopes and issues they have found
in the city, but do not have a formal leadership or organization to plug into. Advocacy for policies
of regionalism have the potential to find its spark from the city’s diverse faith communities. As
many of the city’s faithful are Christians, the following section establishes an interpretative
framework through the Song of Deborah for thinking theologically about regionalism.
The Song of Deborah as Interpretative Framework for Faith-Based Organizing Around
Regionalization
The Song of Deborah in Judges 5 is one of the oldest pieces of literature in the Hebrew
Bible and provides an interpretive framework for organizing around the modern notion of
regionalism. The Song describes villagers in the hill country of Ephraim rallying together under
the strong leadership of the prophetess Deborah against the economic disparity of their Canaanite
oppressors. The historical and textual context of this epic poem leads to a theological
understanding of God’s overriding justice as the otherwise disparate tribes organize around the
social issue of Canaanite oppression. God’s justice and the organizing prowess of Deborah from
this account provides an ample biblical framework for community organizing around the issue of
urban poverty.

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The Song is a poetic account of a battle that occurred between select tribes of Israel and
their economically oppressive Canaanite neighbors. Compared with the rather mundane prose
description given in chapter 4 of the same battle, the Song provides an artistic rendition of the
careful interplay between the warrior qualities of YHWH and the organizing potential of the tribes
as they successfully defeated the armies of Jabin and Sisera. YHWH’s involvement in the ordeal
is immediately made known and is the source of the Song’s praise. The opening verses paint a
picture of human initiative ordering themselves according to God’s sovereignty (vv. 2-3).
This ordering is followed by the tumultuous theophany of the great warrior god YHWH:
Lord, when you went out from Seir,
when you marched from the region of Edom,
the earth trembled
and the heavens dropped,
yes, the clouds dropped water.
The mountains quaked before the Lord,
even Sinai before the Lord, the God of Israel. (vv. 4-5).
The theophany in these verses stand in contrast to 4:6-7 as God’s involvement is only relayed
through Deborah. God is still shown to be the omnipotent warrior in 4:6-7 as God controls the
Canaanites and sets them up for defeat. However, the emotive account given in the Song provides
a powerful picture of the villagers’ source of strength. There is no doubt to God’s presence, and
God’s hand does not have to be conveyed through Deborah’s words. The Israelite villagers
involved humbly recognize the reign of God and trust in God’s ability to provide justice for them.
It is only through this recognition and trust that the Song then interprets their oppression and
retaliation.
The Song’s interpretation of Canaanite oppression appears in verses 6-11. It is in this block
where the time frame and the economic conditions are given. The Song is set in the days of
Shamgar, who was a successful warrior against the Philistines, but has nonetheless led the tribes

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into apostasy (3:31–4:1). As a result, God sold the Israelites “into the hand of Jabin king of Canaan
(4:2). This setting is important for an understanding of the Israelites oppression. In his impressive
sociological study of the tribes of Israel, Gottwald (1979) renders the ‫חדל‬ root in verses 6 and 7 as
“to grow fat or plump” instead of “to cease, stop; to hold back” (504-7). Gottwald uses this
translation to point to the growing prosperity of the Israelites during this time as they successfully
revolted against cosmopolitan oppression:
When the long-misconceived vss. 6-7 of the Song of Deborah are read as above, they
reinforce the entirety of the composition as an eloquent testimony to the growing strength
of Israel, newly emboldened to interrupt the flow of inter-city trade and to drive the city-
state armies from their most advantaged terrain in the great plains, which they once
commanded (506).
In other words, the Song speaks to the success of Israelite peasantry as they grew fat on the booty
from their raids of the Canaanite trade routes. The oppression of the villagers was countered by
their ruthless blockade of Canaanite commerce. However, Gottwald’s translation seems to fit too
neatly with his theory of the liberated and egalitarian nature of the Israelite tribes (389-584). The
‫חדל‬ root does not have to be translated as “to grow fat or plumb” in order to place the Song within
a context of liberation from oppression. The Song does speak to such a liberation and revolt, but
not according to the tidy egalitarian model of Gottwald.
Verses 6-7 are not speaking to the spoils of the villagers growing regional power, but are
speaking to the state of the villager’s oppression under Jabin’s reign. The villagers have been cut
off from the caravan route and are limited to the “twisting paths” (‫ע‬ ְַ‫ַק‬‫לל‬‫קַק‬ ‫תל‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ר‬ָ ‫ר‬‫ל‬‫)ת‬ of less-supple
byways. The main source of economic flow has ceased to exist (‫)חדל‬ through the outlying villages.
Thus, verse 7 describes the state of the peasants as they lived in economic isolation: “The villagers
ceased [to exist] in Israel; they ceased [to be] until you arose, O Deborah, you arose as mother in

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Israel.”6 The Israelite peasants are an oppressed people cut off from economic stability. It is here
where Deborah steps in as the strong mother of Israel. With this translation, it is still possible to
accept Gottwald’s theory for the Israelite peasantry revolt occurring during this time frame, but
with better reverence for the flow of the poem.
Verses 8-11continue to tell the state of the tribes’ oppression. Verse 8 alludes to apostasy
committed by the villagers. This connects well with 4:1 and the “cycle” formula of Judges in
general: Shamgar has lead initial victory, but has ultimately led the Israelites into another spiral
away from God. Their state is not of prosperity, but of disconnection from divine fortune.
Moreover, verse 10 contains further imagery of oppression. The lavishness of those “who ride on
white donkeys” and “sit on rich carpets” is juxtaposed against those who “walk by the way”.
Common translations often water down this verse. ‫דִמ‬ ִ‫י‬ ִ‫ן‬ is usually rendered as “rich carpets” but is
the same word for the geographical location of Midian (Tappy 2016).7 This is a play-on-words by
the author to name their oppressors as well as expose their pomp. What’s more, the author is
challenging both the privileged and the poor to acknowledge the ensuing “righteous triumphs” of
God through the imperative form of ‫.דהשׂ‬ Thus, verse 10 is translated as “Declare it, you who ride
on white donkeys, you who sit on rich carpets [you, who are the rulers of Midian] and you who
walk on the way.” All members of these warring groups are led to declare the righteous triumphs
of the oppressed. Their oppression has come to a breaking point under the righteous justice of God
and the strong leadership of Deborah, mother of Israel.
Deborah’s organizing prowess comes to full realization in verses 12-18. These verses serve
as a roll call for the tribes who participated in the battle. Deborah and Barak are summoned in
6 Cf. the use of ‫חדל‬ in Deut. 15:11: “For there will never cease (‫)חדל‬ to be poor in the land. Therefore, I command
you, ‘You shall open wide your hand to your brother, to the needy and to the poor, in yourland.” The translation of
verse 7 is my own with influence from (Tappy 2016).
7 See Judges 6-7 for an account of hostility towards the Midianites.

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verses 12-13: “Awake, awake, Deborah! Arise Barak, lead away your captives, O son of
Abinoam.” Then we gain a beautiful image of an organized people marching “down into the
valley” (v. 14). It is important to note, however, that Israel was not a united front before or after
this battle. In fact, not every tribe participated in the battle. This is evident from the roll call. Of
the twelve tribes, Ephraim, Benjamin, Machir (Manasseh), Zebulun, Isaachar, and Naphtali
participated in the battle. Reuben, Gilead, Dan, and Asher did not participate. The two most
southern tribes, Judah and Simeon, are not even mentioned. It is clear from the catalogue in verses
12-18 that the tribes were not a united front, but the six that did participate were nonetheless
organized according to the present issue of Canaanite oppression at hand.
That only these six tribes participated suggests that they were organized according to a
geopolitical issue that was affecting those involved. This becomes especially clear once the
geographical locations of the tribes are considered. The six tribes that were involved in the battle
are located in the hill country region of Ephraim, in the northwest of the Levant. If the translation
of verse 7 above is correct, and the imagery of descending into the valleys is considered (vv. 11,13-
14), these tribes are described as villagers living in the hills who do not have regular access to the
major trade access points during this time: the Mediterranean coastline, the Via Maris, and the
King’s Highway.8 Conversely, the four tribes that are said not to have joined are situated in
proximity to these highly trafficked areas: Reuben and Gilead were near the King’s Highway;
Asher and Dan were near the Mediterranean coast and the Via Maris. The geographical locations
of Reuben, Gilead, Asher, and Dan intertwined them with Canaanite neighbors. Therefore, they
were reluctant to join because their sustenance was dependent on positive relations with the
8 For more detail, see (Avi-Yonah 1970, 3).

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surrounding region (Stager 1989, 62-3).9 However, the six tribes that were involved were looking
to expand beyond their economic isolation in the hills to the valleys and plains where they would
be better connected with commerce (62).10 The villagers saw their independence and “righteous
triumphs” tied to their access to economic viability – a tie that did not embrace Canaanite rule.
Thus, the six tribes organized under the leadership of Deborah and Barak because their geopolitical
situation made them concerned for their economic independence.
The situation from which the Song arose, then, has a fascinating parallel to the modern
issue of regionalism and serves as an interpretative framework. Like the six tribes of Israel,
communities like Duquesne that are on the urban fringe, although not physically distant from the
economic flow of the city, are geographically severed and politically distant from the prosperous
core and suburban areas. Like the six tribes of Israel, the Christian faithful in Duquesne must be
reverent towards God’s warrior nature and righteous justice. The church must provide the strong
leadership of Deborah and organize these communities under the issue of regionalism in order to
be brought out from under the oppression of economic inequity. Thus, the theological import from
the Song to regionalism today is the concept of God as divine warrior as well as the need for human
initiative in organizing disparate communities under a single issue.
God as divine warrior is an image that is not summoned regularly in contemporary society.
This is especially true within mainline Protestant congregations. We are more likely to draw upon
God’s benevolence and love than we are to draw upon God’s vengeance. Olson provides a helpful
framing when understanding the prevailing violence throughout Scripture:
9 In fact, members of these tribes may not have been easily distinguished from the Canaanites. See (Coogan 2011,
219-228).
10 Stager does not give much detail regarding the oppressed status ofthe villagers in the hill country. Instead,he
views them as “independent” and “self-reliant”. The Song of Deborah, then, describes an offensive that was meant
to expand the tribe’s territory because of a growing population. This view fails to considerthe reign of Jabin and the
liberation tone of the poem. See (Stager 1989, 51-64).

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God as divine warrior fights on behalf of the weak and the powerless against arrogant
forces of oppression, death, and rebellion against God. When Jesus sent out seventy of his
followers to preach and to heal and they returned to him, Jesus proclaimed that underlying
the apparently mundane character of their ministry was an ongoing cosmic battle against
the power of evil: ‘I watched Satan fall from heaven like a flash of lighting’ (Luke 10:18
NRSV).” (Olsen 1998, 790).
Indeed, the author of the Song provides a vivid image of the cosmic implications of the tribes’
retaliation against Canaanite oppression. Its very place behind the mundane account in chapter 4
draws the reader into a richer interpretation of righteousness of God’s justice: “From heaven the
stars fought, from their courses they fought against Sisera.” (5:20). Those suffering under the
effects of regionalism are challenged by the Song to “take up the prosaic and mundane realities of
their lives and the events of our world and explore the deeper and divine realities, truths, and
mysteries that lie embedded within them.” (Olsen 1998, 789). We must be open to the thunderous
theophany of God as we fight the cosmic battle for justice on the very real turf of life today.
The awareness and integration of God’s theophany into contemporary struggles in
regionalism are the responsibility of church leaders. The Song forces us to awake and arise like
Deborah to heed God’s plan for justice as the physical isolated and economically spare urban fringe
are connected with commercial viability. The Song forces us to be catalysts, just as Deborah was
for the six tribes, between the different communities in the urban fringe. The Song opens the door
for the cosmic battle led by the Divine Warrior into the hilltops of the Mon Valley as economic
inequities are weakened.
However, the full scope of Scripture moves us beyond parallels to class warfare. As
Christian leaders, we must declare the salvation of all and create an organizing initiative that has
room for both the rich and the poor (Jacobsen 2001, 77). The Song motivates the disenfranchised
to act according to their self-interests. The Gospel motivates all, no matter their economic status,
to discern God’s Kingdom together. Any organizing around regionalism must bring together the

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inner-ring suburbanites and the major players of the urban core so that their self-interests are
communicated and understood in order to find overlap. The universal church heralds a move
beyond the political, economic, and geographical barriers that we construct. As faith leaders, we
must lead the charge to bring these walls down.
A Framework for Regionalism
The specific policies and structures needed to enact regionalization is a highly debated and
tricky question. There are various theories for regional urban politics, ranging from competition-
based (Boyne 1996) to cooperation-based (Orfield 1997). The arena of regional politics is complex
because there are many different local actors with many different interests, but all of whom are
contingent upon the higher authorities of county, state, and national actors. What D. Imbroscio
(2006) terms as “liberal expansionism” has been the favorite framework for faith-based
community organizers such as D. Jacobsen. The herald of this framework is M. Ornfield who
approaches regionalization through housing reform and tax-base sharing (Orfield 1997, 8).
Imbroscio is skeptical of this framework because it is more about ideology than empirical evidence
(228). The result is that inner-ring suburbs only look at their isolation from the region’s resources
instead of looking inward at what may be inefficient governance and failed development projects.
“Liberal ideology blinds expansionists from even considering the plausibility of any competing
explanation.” (234). Constantly comparing a community to its neighbors may stifle creative
solutions and impose policies that are not specific enough to be successful in the given community.
This is especially true in inner-suburbs where there is often a weak government, no community
organization, or, most importantly, no ear to hear what the citizens envision or hope for their

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community. Any advocacy for specific policies of regionalization must begin by first being
observant to the citizens and the city government to learn what is needed and what methods have
failed in absolving those needs.
Faith communities are posed to stand between the citizens and government as they listen
to both and advocate for the most effective policies. Any organizing effort that arises in a
community such as Duquesne must first put ideology on the back burner, listen, and then act
according to the collected data from the ensuing networks. The first step with Duquesne, which
has no formal faith-based community organizing, is to connect with the local pastors and listen to
their perceived role in the city, and the city’s position in the greater Pittsburgh area. A listening
campaign is then needed to collect data concerning the citizens’ perception of the city and the
region. Once specific initiatives and policies are generally known, regular participation and
observation is needed at the city council meetings to make sure such initiatives and policies are
enacted. Finally, after an extensive inward examination is completed and an organizing movement
has begun to gain momentum, it is imperative for the community to look outward and connect with
the advocacy networks and major players in the wider region. In the example of Duquesne, the
Pennsylvania Interfaith Impact Network is a powerful faith-based organizing entity that currently
does not have any member churches in Duquesne. A potential connection with that powerful
advocacy network is needed to enact the specific policies that will bring the revitalization so
desperately needed in Duquesne.

15. Rumbaugh 15
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