Awa Rainforest and thirst for ressources

Awa Rainforest – An Amazing Diversity
Threatened by Thirst for Resources
Dr. Kathrin Böhling
Chair of Forest and Environmental Policy
Conflict Resolution for Sustainable Resource Management
2014/07/28
Authors:
Kaja Bauman StudentID: 013646592 kaja.maria.baumann@gmail.com
Daniel Kohlsdorf StudentID: 03635835 danielko22@gmail.com
Alejandro Pacheco Zapata StudentID: 03646575 apachec1@eafit.edu.co
Soleil Tshilomba StudentID: 03647370 charmelle_soleil@hotmail.de

Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the staff of Observatorio por la Autonomía y los Derechos de los
Pueblos Indígenas en Colombia (Observatorio ADAPI) for the support with information, photos
and documents. We also thank to the representative of the Binational Awa-Family, Francisco Javier
Cortes Guanga for making us aware of their problems and the enormous environmental threat in
their territories. Finally, we thank to the Professor Dr. Kathrin Böhling and our classmates of the
course in Conflict Resolution for Sustainable Resource Management for all the recommendations
you gave us in order to find a solution for this particular case study.
“… We are one human family and one Earth community with a common
destiny. We must join together to bring forth a sustainable global society founded on
respect for nature, universal human rights, economic justice, and culture of peace”.
Speth and Haas.

Table of Content
I.Introduction.......................................................................................................................4
II.Analysis of main actors....................................................................................................5
1.The Colombian Government........................................................................................5
2.The National Military of Colombia................................................................................6
3.The illegal armed forces (mainly FARC)......................................................................6
4.The Awa Tribe..............................................................................................................7
5.Corporations................................................................................................................7
III.Evolution of the conflict ..................................................................................................8
1.Timeline using Yasmi Concept....................................................................................8
2.Conflict escalation in 2009...........................................................................................9
3.Solution attempts ........................................................................................................9
IV.Conflict resolution proposal .........................................................................................10
V.Conclusion.....................................................................................................................12
VI.References ..................................................................................................................14

I. Introduction
At times of global warming, peak oil, peak water, and genetically modified organisms, the soil,
minerals, and biodiversity are becoming of greater strategic interest for international businesses, both
legal and illegal. Interestingly, the regions around the World where the mines and oil wells are located
are the poorest as shown by Neugebauer (2000). Some of the last places where humans can find
abundant resources are the rainforests inhabited by indigenous communities who are caught in the
middle of many different conflicts and hence are at risk of extinction. A clear example of this
problem is taking place in Colombia, South America, where more than 2,000 indigenous people were
killed between 1974 and 2004 (Villa and Houghton, 2004), the Awá ethnic being the most affected. It
is not only a problem of indigenous communities and their cultural heritage; the last reserves of
biodiversity on Earth are also at stake if this dispute about resources is not stopped or resolved in the
near future.
The Awá Rainforest is located in the Andes Region in Colombia, between Southern Colombia
and Northern Ecuador and is part of the Biogeographic Chocó, one of the last coastal tropical
rainforests on Earth. It provides resources such as: gold, oil, fertile soils, timber, biodiversity, big
sources of water, among others that offer substantial business opportunities; the official reports of
these communities, the reports in media and the graphic evidence collected for this research,
demonstrate the involvement of illegal groups such as guerrillas and paramilitary armies, but also of
the official army and police, allegedly as security forces for the people and companies exploiting the
natural resources. Additionally, the government, who has the responsibility to protect both the
communities and the environment, are not doing it and the NGOs are not able to develop their
activities in this region due to security problems and corruption.
Unexpectedly, the improvement in national security made the world discover Colombia as an
interesting, unexplored mining destination. The international prices were also very attractive to
increase the investments in mining and coal sectors. From 2002 to 2010, the government granted
nearly 9,000 titles without regard to moors (ecosystem that produces much of the Colombian water),
national parks, Indian reservations nor Afro collective territories. (Ronderos 2011). Furthermore,
inside the Awá territories or crossing some of them, some megaprojects are planned in the middle
term. For example, the Multimodal Corridor Construction between Tumaco (Colombia) and Belém
do Pará (Brazil), in the Amazon’s axis, which is a transnational highway that seeks to unite the
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Atlantic and Pacific; the Pasto-Tumaco highway, which is part of this mega project; and the
communication line which accompanies the project by the construction of a secondary road network
that directly affect pathways guards of the Awa members (Observatorio ADPI).
Solving conflicts within the natural resource management (NRM) is complex. Yasmi and
colleagues claim that two major aspects should be carefully examined: issues involved in conflict and
conflict escalation. Against this background they identified eight escalation stages as the typical
patterns of NRM conflicts (Yasmi et al., 2006). Based on this model our case study outlines the
development of the conflict in the Awá rainforest. Starting with a brief analysis of the main actors,
which are government military, illegal armed forces, the Awá tribe, and corporations. After the
evolution of the conflict is going to be outlined by stating the general timeline, the escalation point
and solution attempts. Afterwards we will propose a conflict resolution to conclude this paper.
II. Analysis of main actors
Table 1 shows a summary of the motivation of the main actors and their thirst for resources. The
following section is going to reveal the actors’ characteristics and their interactions with each other.
Table 1: Main actors and their motivation for getting the resources
Actors Motivation
Government Protection of cultural heritage, income source
Military Protection of cultural heritage
Illegal armed forces Income source, headquarter to their drug production, input supply
Awa Tribe Protection of cultural heritage, self - supply
Corporations Input supply
1. The Colombian Government
The Republic of Colombia is a unitary republic with a government that consists of an executive,
a judicial and a legislative branch. The president of the republic is elected by democratic vote of the
country’s nationals, and so are the governors, mayors, members of congress, municipal counsellors
and deputies. Similarly to the United States, the president of the nation doubles as commander in
chief of the country’s military.
The government plays a multifaceted role in the Awa rainforest conflict. On the one hand it sees
the need to protect the people and natural resources of the area, going as far as officially regarding
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the region human patrimony and sending the military to protect the region from illegal exploitation,
although the latter measure has backfired considerably. On the other hand, the government is also
concerned with the national economy and taking advantage of natural wealth. Hence, the Colombian
authorities have been found to grant permissions to international corporations to mine and extract
valuable resources from the area. This has not always occurred in a clean and regulated manner, but
rather through the accepting of bribes and other kinds of corruption. As a result, issues have arisen,
such as corporations paying guerrilla forces to act as guards during operations. This way they not
only pollute and deplete the natural resources, but also add strength to organizations widely regarded
as terrorists. Clearly, the government plays an integral part in this conflict, both in the solution and in
the problem, and it does so via three main channels: military deployment, legislation and corruption.
2. The National Military of Colombia
Colombia’s legitimate armed forces are 590,000 men strong and their mission according to the
Colombian constitution is to defend the sovereignty, the independence, the integrity of the national
territory, as well as the constitutional order.
The military was deployed on a larger scale to the Awa rainforest in the early 2000s, in order to
protect the land and its people from insurgent forces and illegal resource extraction. However, this
initially only heated the conflict: Uneducated soldiers abused indigenous forces, as well as pressured
them for information. This in turn caused the Awás to be repeatedly targeted by guerrilla forces as
informants, causing pain and violence for the people on the two fronts.
3. The illegal armed forces (mainly FARC)
The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) is a self-proclaimed Marxist-
Leninist guerrilla group that operates in Colombia and the border Zone with Venezuela. They are a
key driver of the Colombian armed conflict since their official inception in 1964, when they were
originally put in place as the Colombian Communist Party’s military. The formation of the military
group was a defence measure of the communist party against continuous attacks in rural areas from
the Colombian military in the aftermath of a long Civil War called La Violencia.
Today the guerrilla group has more than 10,000 members and is considered a terrorist
organization by many nations, including the United States and the European Union, as well as
Colombia and various neighbouring countries. However, countries like Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador
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and Venezuela, amongst others, refuse to give FARC the terrorist label so far. The militant group’s
activities include large scale drug trafficking, kidnapping for political and monetary ransom purposes,
warfare against the military and opposing guerrilla groups, dispersion of landmines in rural areas,
terrorist attacks using bombs and other weaponry, among many other criminal acts.
The FARC play a major role in the Awa rainforest conflict, as they see the forest as a refugee and
a fertile area fit for illicit plantations. Herewith they threaten both the environment, as well as the
Indigenous population. The Awás are either forced to cooperate in illicit activities, are abused and
discriminated against or are punished and killed due to suspicions of cooperation with the army.
4. The Awa Tribe
The Awás are a native tribe that resides in the Colombian rainforest and is named after them,
located at the border with Ecuador. The remaining Awá population counts approximately 21,000
people, 89% of which are on the Colombian side of the border. They were originally hunters and
gatherers who also cultivated maize in the 100,000 ha area of the south western of Colombia before
the colonization and creation of the republics of Colombia and Ecuador. Nowadays they are also
keeping farm animals such as chicken and pigs. They not only have a sacred view of the land and
nature. The tribe has conserved most of its traditions and beliefs over the centuries, which largely
revolve around peacefully coexisting with nature and each other. (Davis & Walis, 1994).
Since local farmers complained that the Awás practically had no land rights, the government
intervened by promising them with land titles. The only problem is that this land is rich in natural
resources and fertile soil which is increasing the ambiguity of the government which was handing the
Awa tribe the right of living and cultivating the land but also handing companies the right to exploit
the region. As result is the Awa tribe in a dangerous position since they have to deal with both the
governments military and the FARC (BBC News, 2009). According to the ONIC, more than 13% of
the indigenous population in Colombia still lacks of legal recognition of their land or their ethnicity
or recognition as indigenous people being a big problem when they face conflicts with companies as
Ecopetrol and other multinational firms.
5. Corporations
Large, often multinational, corporations see the Awá forest as a collection of valuable resources.
Companies like the Colombian oil magnate Ecopetrol, the palm oil producer Astorga and the gold
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miner AngloGold Ashanti are active in the area collecting their resources, often without regard to the
conservation of the local environment. One way in which they accomplish this is through the use of
“pirate” sub-companies that mine in the area illegally, pay off the guerrillas and paramilitary groups
to allow and protect them during their resource extraction and ultimately pass the gained resources
on to the larger corporations that to some extent keep their hands clean this way. Another way to
access to the resources is through special permissions granted by the Colombian government, often
suspected to be obtained via high-level bribery.
These large and wealthy companies have never been found to be involved in any of the
massacres that have plagued the region’s inhabitants; however their presence brings in large amounts
of funds that act as a catalyst for the conflict when they inevitably end up in the wrong hands.
Furthermore, the companies have failed to observe the “act of prior consultation” law that states
that indigenous cultures should be consulted with before engaging in activities within their territory
and with a multitude of environmental regulations.
III. Evolution of the conflict
The natural resource conflict is enabled by the government’s ambiguous position. This section is
going to show the conflict development and its peak in 2009. At the end the government’s inability
to take a clear position will also be reflected in the inconsistent solution attempts.
1. Timeline using Yasmi Concept
One characteristic of this conflict is its brutality, which can be observed by its continuous
presence of “feeling anxiety” and “intimidation and physical exchange” (See table 2). At the
beginning of the conflict in the early 1970s the FARC occupied the land and killed any Awá tribe
members who did not support the cultivation and trafficking of drugs. Because of the involvement
of NGOs and the media the government took first actions in late 1990s by sending the military. This
exacerbated the conflict for the Awá tribe since the military accused them to cooperate with the
FARC and hence fought against the unarmed Awá and at the end lead to a conflict escalation in
2009. In the last section, in 2012, company’s exploitation increased leading to massive land
deterioration. (America 21, 2009/ Earthlink, 2012/ Latinapress, 2013/WWF, 2014)
Table 2: Yasmi Escalation process
8

1970 1990 2000 2009 2012
1. Feeling Anxiety
2. Debate and Critique
3. Lobby and Persuasion
4. Protest and Campaigning
5. Access Restrictions
6. Court
7. Intimidation and Physical exchange
8. Nationalization and Internationalization
2. Conflict escalation in 2009
Due to predetermined factors stated above 2009 turned out to be the year of escalation. An open
war between the FARC and the government evolved. The government tried to hinder their
opponents by blocking transport routes of drug traffickers, while also attacking their bases. Parallel
NGOs were trying to increase pressure by creating internet campaigns which should raise the
awareness of the conflict. With increasing governmental involvement the tensions between those
two groups and the Awá tribe rose steadily. Both groups were suspecting the Awá tribe to support
their counterparty and hence killed them (Amnesty International, 2009). In February 2009 the
military entered into the Awá region and accommodated in the houses of Awá families. They
mistreated them in order to get information about the FARC. As they did not get the results they
wanted they arrested 120 members and murdered some of them. During the same month FARC
members kidnapped the children whose parents were arrested. The combat between the FARC and
the military increased which lead to the military to bomb the Awa land and the guerrilla groups to
place landmines, which hindered the Awá tribe members to displace into safer regions. Furthermore,
the guerrilla groups, suspecting Awás to be informants of the military, conducted the most gruesome
killings among the tribe members. To stop the drug transportation of the guerrillas the government
blocked their transport routes. (BBC, 2009) In April 2009 the military killed a leader of the Awá
tribe, who tried to improve the situation of the Awás by raising national awareness. The wife of the
victim who also was a witness reported it to the government. (Ask, 2009) In August the military
killed all witnesses of this murder which lead to a death of 12 adults and children including the wife
of the victim. In total 50 adults and children were killed in this year (Amerika 21, 2009).
3. Solution attempts
From an historical point of view, it is worth mentioning some important attempts to solve the
problem. First, in 1959 the Forest-Reserves Law was formulated in Colombia and in 1982 the
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Indigenous National Organization of Colombia (ONIC) was created, giving legal and political
representation to the indigenous communities, while around 1987 the Ecuadorian government
established the Awá-Ethnic Forest Reserve. After this, in 1991 the Colombian Constitution was
modified and the indigenous territories were legally recognized and established, however the titles of
those territories have not been handed over. Then, in 1993 the Colombian Ministry for Environment
was set up along with additional support authorities. Despite such efforts, in the year 2000 several
reports begin to appear about problems of aerial spraying against illicit crops but began taking place
over virgin territories (Oldham and Massey 2002; and Departamento Administrativo de Salud 2001).
For this reason in 2001 the European Parliament issued a resolution on Plan Colombia and
expressed support for the peace process in Colombia, which is against herbicide spraying and
militarization. After several accusations of crimes against the Awá communities, in 2004 the
Colombian Supreme Court of Justice issued a sentence that demanded the protection of territories
and communities. Unfortunately, six years later the incoming government defined as core sectors for
the economic growth the mining, gas and oil sectors. Because the low production in these sectors
new areas were needed to raise production. Finally, in 2014 the human rights violations have been
denounced directly in Europe and a suit was presented to the United Nations Permanent Forum on
Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) on February 2014 but the environmental impacts were not exposed
(personal interview with ONIC Staff and with the Awá-Binational-Family Francisco Javier Cortés
Guanga).
IV. Conflict resolution proposal
To fight against the presence of armed groups and the extermination of indigenous communities,
deforestation and mining, oils spills and other related problems, many different options were
analysed. For example, we examined raising national and international awareness of the situation to
increase pressure to address the issues; social rather than military investment in the region; granting
legal titles to the land to the indigenous communities; enforcing the Colombian Supreme Court
Sentence T024-2013 (with regard to regulations for entities and protection of communities and the
environment); compensation of victims under actual transitional justice; greater presence of NGOs
in the Awá region; among others. But those might be just palliatives for the root problem: the
international thirst for resources. For this reason, after analysing different alternatives of local and
international environmental policies (Pattberg 2012; Bäckstrand et al. 2012; and Speth and Haas
2006), the principal suggestion for solving this conflict is declaring the Awá-Rainforest a binational
10

“Biosphere Reserve” by the UNESCO. This program include until now, the Cinturón Andino
(declared in 1979), El Tuparro (1979), Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (1979), Ciénaga Grande de
Santa Marta (2000) and the Seaflower- San Andres y Providencia (2000) as Biosphere Reserves in
Colombia (UNESCO-WNBR, 2012). Furthermore in other to protect the communities, UNESCO
might also declare this ethnic group a human-cultural heritage. This way the governments’ dual
position is not able to influence resource conflict of the land and the first step in this way could be
requiring the Colombian government to sign the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007). The following define first the negative and then the
positive arguments to analyse this recommendation.
Declaring the Awá-Rainforest part of the Colombian Biosphere Reserve of the UNESCO and
protecting the communities as human-cultural heritage has some disadvantages depending on the
point of view of the actor. First, some politicians and economists could argue that indigenous
communities are not productive and, therefore, they do not pay taxes or contribute to the health and
insurance systems. Thus recognising the status of indigenous communities requires modifying laws
and economic institutions in order to subsidise them, since these communities are not part of the
capitalist model and live outside of the market rules; however, if the government works together
with these communities in the protection of the rainforests and maintaining the areas protected by
the UNESCO, it could represent some financial support and it could be possible to sell carbon
offsets to the industrialized countries. The second disadvantage is that there would not be control
over these territories in the event they do something considered illegal or they could be easily
convinced to grow illegal plants for example. This problem could be solved by implementing
monitoring activities under the leadership of the environmental authorities. The next negative point
is the lack of acceptance by the Awá communities of technologies to reduce mortality and improve
health and nutrition. In this context, the health authorities could design programs to deal with
illnesses and diseases with improved ancestral medicine and work together with the communities to
improve the water quality and nutritional habits, also improving the educational system. Another
point is related to the growth of the economy in the industrialized cities and countries. Today, the
world seems to be on a runaway train fuelled by consumption and production and the companies
need the resources from forest regions and they will do whatever is necessary to get such resources;
nevertheless, the resources are scarce and after 50 years more or less, there may be neither forests
nor resources. For this reason, killing the indigenous people, extracting their resources and damaging
the ecosystems is not a sustainable solution for business. Finally, the last disadvantage relates to
11

political decisions. The Colombian economy and many social programs are very dependent on
international resources from the countries where the resources-demanding companies are located.
The risk of losing this funding should be weighed cautiously by the Colombian policy makers.
Now, the following presents the positive points or advantages of the proposed solution. The
indigenous communities are called to be the defenders and warriors of the rainforests, its resources,
landscapes and biodiversity, since the land and resources are sacred for them. It has been shown that
indigenous people preserve the environment naturally (Davis and Wali 1993; Notzke 1995; and
Neugebauer 2000); therefore they could be the guardians of the rainforest as was proposed, for
example, by the programs of forest-guard families from UNODC and the Colombian office for
international cooperation Accion Social (Nowadays The Administrative Department for Social
Prosperity). Another advantage is that giving the rights to the territories and the protection of the
resources, should prevent corruption and third parties illegally exploiting the resources, especially in
mining and logging. A third positive point is that it would be that the army and police would protect
the communities and could work on social projects with them and that would improve the image of
these institutions and the country. Furthermore, there will be important opportunities for ecological
and social tourism, fair trade programs and others that will bring monetary support to the
communities. With these resources, the profits obtained by selling green bonuses and other
strategies, as well as reducing the costs of militarization, the government could implement social
programs and activities, especially in ethnic education. Additionally, the government would have a
positive point to be included in the agenda of the negotiations of the peace agreements with the
guerrillas. Finally, if these programs or strategies are implemented, the communities would have a
more secure place to live and to spread their cultures. Wade Davis mentions in his conferences the
risks of dead languages and cultures, which means the loss of arts, crafts, vocational skills, folklore,
and customs of many traditional and indigenous people, which Davis calls the "erosion of the
ethnosphere (Davis 2003)."
V. Conclusion
Along this work we are talking about environmental heritage and human-culture conservation,
what under a deeply analysis, it becomes a task for all of us. We are not under threats of change or
technology, but the threat of power and domination (Davis 2003). We can see it as a political
domination in order to control the resources. Therefore, and although the selected solution implies
asking the government to withdraw the titles granted to operate in the Awa rainforest, and represent
12

a hard work for all the actors implied in this conflict, the proposal offers many opportunities to save
both the environment and the indigenous cultures. One clear example of how a nation-state can seek
restitution with its people is the Canadian case, where the Canadian government gave back the
control of the land to the Inuit, an area larger than California and Texas together. Furthermore as we
found multiple cases where areas with mining titles overlapped in areas of forest reserves or ethnic
communities and where the law fails to prior consultation (Negrete Montes 2013), we also make a
very special recommendation for the ethnic communities to train their people in “Ley de Consulta
Previa”, environmental management and damages prevention.
More research is necessary, however, before the relevance of this law “Consulta Previa” can be
fully confirmed. We have found an important gap to advance in further research about land use in
ethnic territories, which might be conducted on the effect of mining and energy generation projects,
oil and gas wells on social, environmental and economic development indexes such as diseases,
mortality, poverty, education, nutrition, violence, GINI, GDP and others. The idea of such
researches might be the analysis of development patterns comparing the country as well and
different regions in Colombia and over the world, including the differences among projects without
and under the prior consultation law to know if this mechanism is offering the desired results.
To finish, we would like to recall both advantages and disadvantages in order to put forward the
idea of an “Indigenous Regime”, declaring these territories as human heritage and implementing a
governance mechanism to regulate all the actors involved in conflicts with indigenous communities
and forests areas based on international governance theories (Pattberg 2012; Bäckstrand et al. 2012;
and Speth and Haas 2006). An “Indigenous Regime” would ensure that the governments’ ambiguity
does not influence the resource availability in the rainforest and the first step in this way could be
requiring the Colombian government to sign the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples.
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VI. References
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http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/news/third-mass-killing-colombia-awa-indigenous-peoples-2009-
20090828, 12.06.2014.
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Other sources consulted between 04.05.2014 and 04.07.2014:
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- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Awa-Kwaiker_people
- http://latina-press.com/news/168055-kolumbien-indigener-fuehrer-der-awa-ermordet/
- http://www.earthlink.de/2012/07/awa-gebiet/
- https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08QUITO610_a.html (Oil palm problem)
- https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/05QUITO2288_a.html (Illegal logging problem)
- https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10BOGOTA349_a.html (see Point 7)
- https://amerika21.de/nachrichten/inhalt/2009/sep/awa_293847_colombia
- http://www.ted.com/talks/wade_davis_on_endangered_cultures/transcript#t-535895
- http://www.unesco.org/new/en/rio-20/conserving-biodiversity-is-life/
15

- http://www.dinero.com/edicion-impresa/caratula/articulo/locomotora-frenada/168886
16

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