The Transformation of Traditional Rural Settlements

The Transformation of Rural Settlements
and Dwellings in Egypt

The Transformation of Traditional Rural Settlements and Dwellings in Egypt

1

The Transformation of Rural Settlements and Dwellings in Egypt
Author
Dr. Yasser Mahgoub
Abstract
Traditional rural settlements in the Egyptian countryside, the peasants' villages,
have been undergoing dramatic physical changes since the beginning of the 20th
century. This paper will focus on the process of transformation and change taking
place in Egyptian villages and its impact on the health and life of its inhabitants
and the surrounding environment. It concludes that this transformation is similar
to transformations occurring in other parts of the developing countries due to
pressures of modernization and globalization. There are lessons to be learned
from this phenomena. These attempts should not only be regard negative impact
on the environment, but also as manifestations of people's will and determination.
The collective acts of individuals is not coordinated to sustain the natural
environment. This should be the role of the government and the professionals who
should benefit from the participation of people in improving their living
conditions. Special building codes and regulations should be developed to support
these activities instead of applying building codes suitable only for urban
environments.
‫ﻤﻠﺨص‬
‫ﺘﺘﻌرض اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤ اﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘرﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺼرﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴ ات ﺴرﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﺘﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘطور اﻟﺴرﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠف‬
‫ر‬
‫ر‬

‫اﻟﻨواﺤﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻛﻨوﻟوﺠﻴﺔ واﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻨذ ﺒداﻴﺔ اﻟﻘرن اﻟﻌﺸرﻴن. ﻴرﻛز ﻫذا اﻟﺒﺤث ﻋﻠﻰ د اﺴﺔ ﻨﺴق‬
‫ر‬
‫ﺘﻐﻴر اﻟﻘرﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺼرﻴﺔ وﺘﺄﺜﻴ ﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻛﺎن واﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻴطﺔ. اﻋﺘﻤد اﻟﺒﺤث ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟد اﺴﺔ ﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺤﺎور‬
‫ر اﻟﻤر‬
‫ر‬

‫اﻟﺒﺤث ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ د اﺴﺔ ﻤﻴداﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺒﻌض ى اﻟﻤﺼرﻴﺔ. اﺴﺘﺨﻠص اﻟﺒﺤث أن ﻫذا اﻟﺘﻐﻴر ﻴﺤدث أﻴﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻘر‬
‫ر‬

‫دوﻝ ى ﻤن اﻟﻌﺎﻟم اﻟﺜﺎﻟث ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻀﻐوط اﻟﺘطور واﻟﻌوﻟﻤﺔ. ﻴﺠب اﻟﺘرﻛﻴز ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟدروس اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻔﺎدة ﻤن ﻫذﻩ‬
‫أﺨر‬
‫اﻟظﺎﻫ ة وﻋدم اﻟﺘرﻛﻴز ﻓﻘط ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠواﻨﺒﻬﺎ اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟواﻀﺢ. واﻫم اﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺎت ﻫو إ ادة و إﺼ ار اﻟﻨﺎس ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ر‬
‫ر‬
‫ر‬
‫ﺤﻝ ﻤﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬم. وﺘﺘﺄﺜر اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟطﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻌدم ﺘﻨﺴﻴق ﺘﻠك اﻟﺠﻬود وﻫو ﻤﺎ ﻴؤﻛد ﻋﻠﻰ دور اﻟدوﻟﺔ‬

‫واﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴﻴن ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻔﺎدة ﻤن اﻟﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻛﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴن أﺤواﻟﻬم اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ. ﻫﻨﺎك اﺤﺘﻴﺎج إﻟﻰ إدا ة اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ر‬

‫اﻟﻌﻤ اﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘرﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺼرﻴﺔ ﻤن ﺨﻼﻝ ﻗواﻨﻴن ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﺴب ﻤﻊ اﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎت اﻟﺴﻛﺎن واﻤﻛﺎﻨﺎﺘﻬم وﻟﻴس‬
‫ر‬
ٕ
.‫ﺒﺘطﺒﻴق اﻟﻘواﻨﻴن اﻟﺘﻲ وﻀﻌت ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺤﻀرﻴﺔ‬


2

Introduction
Traditional rural settlements in the Egyptian countryside, the peasants' villages,
have been undergoing dramatic physical changes since the beginning of the 20th
century. The formation of traditional settlements in the Egyptian countryside was
influenced by the natural environment that surrounded them. The Nile had a great
influence on shaping the traditional Egyptian settlements. The yearly summer
flooding forced the villages away from its banks to higher elevations away from
the Nile, occupying the tips of the hills. This condition lasted for thousands of
years, until the beginning of the 19th century when Mohamed Ali started the first
efforts to control the Nile and its waters. Subsequently more efforts were made to
control the Nile ending with the construction of the Aswan High Dam in 1961,
which ended the yearly summer floodings and freed the village from the control
of the Nile. It also allowed for drastic transformations in the traditional
settlements morphology to take place.
This paper will focus on the process of transformation and change taking place in
Egyptian villages and its impact on the health and life of its inhabitants and the
surrounding environment. The village of El-Baraguil, located N-W of Cairo is
used as a case study to illustrate the dramatic changes taking place in many
Egyptian villages. The maps of the village since 1900 were studied along with site
visits and anthropological documentation of environmental pollution taking place
in the village. Other villages were also visited and the same pattern of change was
evident in all of them.
This paper attempts to raise questions of theoretical implications: Should the
transformation of the Egyptian village be considered a "normal" evolution of a
traditional settlement? Are other traditional settlements in other parts of the world
evolving in a similar way? Is it appropriate to apply building codes and
regulations on traditional settlements to control their growth and development? Is
this transformation the result of an impact of local-regional trends and global
change?
The paper concludes that this transformation is occurring in other parts of the
developing countries due to pressures of modernization and globalization. There
are lessons to be learned from this experience including the will and
determination of low income individuals to solve their housing problems. We
should not only regard these attempts as having negative impact on the
environment, but also as manifestations of people's will and determination. The
collective acts of individuals is not coordinated to sustain the natural environment.
This should be the role of the government and the professionals who should
benefit from the spontaneous participation of people in improving their living
conditions. We should develop building codes and regulations that support these
activities instead of applying building codes suitable only for urban environments.
The Egyptian Village Until the Beginning of the 19th Century
There are manifold reasons why villages have formed, and security is
undoubtedly one. Isolated homesteads are vulnerable to marauders, and

3

the need for protection and to ensure the family line into future
generations was a powerful imperative for joining others.1

Fig. 1. Map of Egypt.

The Egyptian village is the oldest form of human settlement in Egypt's history.
It’s the basic unit that adheres to a social system with all its customs, traditions,
and institutions that are inherited from ancient time. Unlike the built environment
in urban settlements, where the factory requires larger area to house the workers,
the agriculture land requires a much smaller area to house the peasants and their
families. The form of the traditional Egyptian village was tightly linked to the
surrounding economic and political circumstances.
For thousands of years, the Egyptian villager was denied the right of ownership of
his agricultural land. Land ownership was designated for the governors during the
Pharaohs, the Ptolemaists and the Romans ruling of Egypt. The Pharaohs owned
all the land as representatives of God on earth. This situation continued
throughout the Ottomans' and the Mamluks' periods who ruled Egypt until
Muhammad Ali and his agricultural revolution. Throughout history, the
agricultural land, and not the house, was the center of life and socio-cultural
interactions in the Egyptian village.
Irrigation of cultivated land depended on the Nile River, which required a high
level of control, systemization, and other means of economic control. The
Pharaoh, as the sole representative of God on earth, controlled all sources of water
and manpower.2 The Arabs, who ruled Egypt since the 6th century, established
their new rules which placed the land under the supervision of a ruler who pays
kharaj or ashouria - one tenth of the income - to the central government. By the
end of the 18th century the land was owned by the Sultan but controlled by the

4

Mamluks who distributed the land among the peasants and collected taxes from
them. This system was known as the almultazim system. The peasant was not an
owner of the land; he only "rented" it from the Sultan through his representative,
the Mamluk.3
Early Settlements on the Nile banks
The variety of factors which influence man's settlements are, in
indigenous contexts, unique to their specific circumstances.4
Early settlement efforts on the Nile banks required a huge collaborative effort to
build and maintain the bridges and irrigation dams above the yearly flood levels.
The summer flooding of the Nile used to cover large areas and create lakes and
swamps. This need for collaborative work was one of the most important reasons
for the early development of the Ancient Egyptian civilization.
The term "al-koum" or "al-tal" - meaning hill or highland - is one of the best
terms used to describe the location of the village above the flood levels.5 Many
Egyptian villages still retain this term as part of their name, i.e., Koum Hamada,
Koum Al Shukafa, and Meet Abu El Koum. On the other hand, the term "nazlet" meaning downhill - describes the settlements of the Bedouins by the hilly sides
away from the Nile valley and delta. The well known Nazlet Al Siman by the
Pyramids of Giza is a famous example.

Fig. 2. The traditional Egyptian village until 1900 AD

The settlement or the village starts by selecting an appropriate hill and
safeguarding it from the flooding of the Nile. The village starts from the top of the


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2.

3.

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

hill where the land value is high. The planning of alkoum village contains three
main elements:
The religious building on the top of the hill occupies the most significant
and expensive land. The Christian church replaced the Ancient Egyptian
temple, and was later replaced by the Islamic mosque. The religious building
is surrounded by shops, a guest house and houses of the head of the village
"alomda" and the religious man "sheik albalad", the rulers of the village.
A ring road, Dayer Al Nahya street, was the critical flood level encircling
the village from all sides. It was covered with water during the flooding
season. A street called Dayer Al Nahya was found in every village as a public
area used for public markets and other temporary activities. It was the
gathering area for the village during festivities and celebrations and served as
the entrance to the whole village.
Street networks had two types; the first were radial streets coming down
from the center of the village, and the second were streets originating from
Dayer Al Nahya street indicating the appropriate places for houses away from
the dangers of flooding. The two types of narrow, bending and dead-end
streets rarely meet. Unlike the need for narrow shaded streets in hot arid areas
to provide shade and protection from the sun, the narrow streets in the
Egyptian village were the result of space economics; space was very limited
above the protected hill. Each family in the village occupied one or more of
the streets and had their shared facilities and attached houses hosting members
of the extended family.
Several activities occupied the peripherals of the village. The cemeteries were
located at the edge of the residential area and were moved from one place to
another in order to avoid having them in the middle of the village. The grain silos
were also located on the peripherals of the village between the farms and the
residential area. The weekly markets were held outside the residential area
because of their need for large areas not available inside the residential area.
As the need for houses grows, the only options to provide more houses were:
The extension within one house with what is called the "extended family"
resulting in higher crowdednss levels.
The replacement of house blocks with new blocks at the expense of open
public spaces and narrower streets.
The construction of temporary and poor houses outside the safe flood level
or dayer el nahia.
A very limited effort to enlarge al koum by adding new soil to the existing
hill because of the large effort required for this operation.
The migration of some families from one koum to another where they find
suitable areas to build houses or to construct a new village.
The division of housing lots into smaller units due to inheritance.


6

7.
8.

Fig. 3. Picture of Egyptian villages at the end of 19th century

9.
10.

Fig. 4. Image of traditional Egyptian villages in paintings and weavings.

The transformation of the Egyptian villages during the 19th century
The ownership of the agricultural land in Egypt remained in the hands
of the ruler of the country. He was to assign and distribute it to those
who could cultivate it. This situation remained until the beginning of
the Nineteenth century when drastic changes took place in the
ownership of the arable lands. Individual ownership started to appear
for the first time in the history of Egypt.6
At the beginning of the 19th century, most of the population of Egypt lived in the
countryside while less than one tenth of the population lived in urban areas. The
number of villages reached 2325 before the general development plans of
Mohamad Ali at the beginning of the Nineteenth century.7


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The efforts to control the Nile, which Muhamad Ali started in the beginning of the
Nineteenth century, had a great impact on the morphology of the Egyptian
village. The irrigation system entered a new phase after constructing a number of
irrigation dams such as al kanater al-khairyah, water streams such as al tawfiki, al
bheri and al mnofi and drifts such as al tiraa al-ibrahimiyah in upper Egypt. After
the construction of the Aswan dam in 1902 and its heightening in 1911 and 1933
and the construction of the High Dam in 1970, Egyptian agriculture was
completely transformed from seasonal to permanent irrigation system.

Fig. 5. The traditional Egyptian village after 1900 AD.


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Fig. 6. The development of Al Koum village during the 20th century

Fathy Muselhi pointed out that, "the control of the river allowed the use of
cultivated land for summer crops, the storage of water, and the protection of
villages from the yearly flooding."8 The development of the Egyptian village
during the beginning of the Nineteenth century acquired two distinctive
approaches:
1.
The expansion of old al koum villages below the flood levels, denoted by
the traditional dayer al nahiya street, to the lower ground levels of the vast
horizontal agricultural land.
2.
The construction of totally new villages on the lower grounds of the
agricultural land without the limitations imposed by the yearly flooding
threats.
The agricultural expansion during the Nineteenth century resulted in the spread of
the new village form called al izbah, which is a transformation from living on the
hills to the spread of houses on the flat agricultural land. The palace or villa of the
new owner of land, with its large private garden, was located in the center of al
izbah surrounded by the agriculture workers' houses. The new irrigation system
made of new water canals and trenches had a great impact on the distribution of
new settlements on the valley and Nile delta. Originally, the water canals and
trenches passed by the old villages that occupied the hills and the higher
elevations. The new village type of al izba settled by the banks of these water
paths, especially on the banks of the new branches. Each izba hosted 20 to 30
families, 150 to 300 persons. Unlike the old al koum villages, the new village type
followed a linear distribution alongside the water canals that transferred the water
to the new vast areas of arable lands. The distribution was not tied to land levels

9

but to distribution of land ownership. Because of the continuos population growth
in the old agricultural land and the policies of intensive cultivation, new housing
expansions were created outside dayer el nahyah street of the old village.
The construction of the railroads during the second half of the 19th century
enforced the linear development of rural areas because they followed the path of
the Nile river and its branches. In most cases the new railroads had more impact
on developing existing villages than creating new ones. The villages which were
on the path of the railroads grew faster than those away from the railroads even
though they were more recent. For example, because of its location near the
railroad, Shbeen Al Koum was selected as the capital of Al Minofia province
instead of Minof even though the province carries it names.
The construction of modern asphalt roads, instead of the rock paved roads, during
the end of the 19th century and the introduction of the automobile during the
beginning of the 20th century, and its heavy use during the Second World War by
the British troops, had a great impact on the development of the Egyptian villages;
old and new villages alike. The asphalt roads were more flexible compared to
railroads which followed more straight paths. The hydrographic network had a
great impact on designing the automobile roads which were usually located on the
banks of the water paths, and that in turn had a great impact on the creation of
new villages and the growth of the old ones. (See Figure 6)
In 1907 Egypt's population amounted to 11.3 million with a cultivated
area of 5.4 million feddans (A feddan is equal to 1.038 acres). In 1970
the population tripled to 33.4 million while the cultivated area increased
only to 6.5 million feddans (about 3 percent of the country's total area),
averaging less than one-fifth feddan per capita.9
In 1986 the number of villages reached 4129; 99.7 % of them were located along
the Nile valley and delta occupied by 26 Million inhabitants. The population of
some of the villages, which were located near urban areas, has reached 100,000
persons.
Houses of the Traditional Village
The traditional house was a "shelter" for people, animals, farming
tools, and crops. The function of the house as a shelter reveals the lack
of interior and exterior decoration. The main criteria was the size and
not its aesthetic quality. There were no differences between the houses
except in size; the more land the family owned, the larger the size of its
house.10
The house was located across from the agricultural land close to the kin or larger
family. This proximity to kinship and family provided safety and protection to the
family. The kinship zones were divided into several alleys (harat); the largest
alley was named after the kin. The villagers depended on local materials in the
construction of their houses. Most of the houses were built using mud brick made
of excess mud from agricultural land or the cleaning up of water canals. Dried
straws (tibn) were added to the mud and formed as blocks. They were then left to

10

dry in the sun during non-cultivating seasons. The wood used in roofs and doors
was taken from date palm trees or casurina trees found along the Nile banks. The
wooden roofs were not necessarily straight but they had to cover the width of the
rooms. The roof was then covered by bamboo or straws and then with a mud
layer.
The villagers used to assist each other in the construction of the house. Women
were responsible for covering the house from the inside and outside with mud
mixed with straw. This process gave the houses their smooth curved lines
especially around doors and windows. The doors were made of thick wood panels
attached together and closed by the traditional wooden lock called dabba and
soqata. Internal doors were similar to the exterior doors but smaller in size. The
windows were small rectangular opening covered with old pieces of cloth located
above the eye level. They were mainly used for ventilation especially in the
winter time when most of the family slept close to the traditional oven searching
for warmth.
The house was rectangular and attached from 2 or 3 sides to other houses in the
alley. In the middle there was a multipurpose area called wasat al dar, or the
middle of the house, surrounded by rooms used for sleeping, storage, and sitting.
The animals' cage was located at the end of the house to provide it with maximum
protection from theft. The animals were considered very valuable because the
farmer depended on them in farming the land, turning the water wheel and the
production of dairy products. (See Figures 7 and 8)


11

Fig. 7. Plans of traditional village houses (Redrawn from sketches by Dr. Fathy M. Muselhi,
Between the Problems of Comprehensive Development and Village Planning: Urban Egypt at
the beginning of the 21 Century, (Dar El Maarif Al Gamia. Alexandria, 1990)

Fig. 8. Traditional Village dwelling

The size of the house depended on the social and economic class of the family.
The poorest house was made of one room called mandarah used for sleeping and
receiving guests. The animals' cage was located at the end of the house. The roof
was used for storing corn (maize) and cotton stalks, as well as dung cakes used for
fuel. Roofs were also favorite sleeping places on hot summer nights. Small coneshaped silos of plastered mud were also used for grain storing. The rich house was
larger in size and occupied a better location on an intersection of major roads. It
had two entrances: one for people from the main road and one for animals from
the side road. The house was made of separate parts, the front used by the
residents and the back for animals and chicken.
The house had developed during the Nineteenth century through the division of
old houses into several smaller houses, due to population growth. New forms of
houses started to appear in the new Ezzabs imitating the style of urban houses.
They were made of concrete, steel and fired clay brick. The houses of rich
families were plastered and painted from the outside.
Contemporary rural settlements in Egypt at the end of the 20th century
During the 20th century, the villages started to expand on adjacent agricultural
land producing more houses for the rapidly growing populations. The village

12

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

dwellers imitated the planning and construction methods found in informal
housing expansions around the capital city of Cairo and other major cities. Also,
the political transformation at the middle of the century produced social,
economic, and cultural changes that influenced the distribution of agricultural
land in the countryside. The 1952 revolution distributed the agricultural land
among the peasants allowing peasants ownership of land for the first time in
Egypt's history. The large agricultural estates owned by wealthy individuals were
distributed among poor peasants allocating 5 faddans per peasant.
The Egyptian rural settlements were influenced by many changes during the 20th
century including:
Population explosion which doubled the population of Egypt three folds
during the second half of the 20th century. The explosion of the demand for
housing has reached more than 2,000,000 units in 1975.
Political changes resulting from the 1952 revolution that transformed the
political and governmental system. The distribution of large agricultural
estates to the peasants after 1961, followed by the distribution of land among
many family members due to inheritance.
Economic changes from a predominantly agricultural economy to an
industry based economy. The open market economy that Egypt adopted during
the 70's and the development of construction methods and materials. The
Egyptian countryside attracted many industrial projects that did not find place
in the cities.
Social changes resulting from internal migration from the countryside to
urban areas. The rise of migration from rural to urban areas, due to the more
frequent contact opportunities between the two, and the urbanization of rural
areas especially those close to cities and towns. The construction of new
asphalt roads and the pavement of existing ones facilitated the expansion of
urbanization along its paths.
The 1952 revolution initiated many educational and social reforms by
building schools and universities in the Egyptian countryside attracting
peasants and farmers to formal education and governmental jobs.
The migration of agricultural workers to oil producing countries in the Gulf
area after the 1973 war and the sudden rise in oil prices. These workers, who
were mostly poor peasants and did not own enough land to support their
presence in the villages, returned with enough wealth and desire to build their
own new houses.
Cultural changes that encouraged people to abandon their traditional
village-lifestyle and look forward to living a more urban city-lifestyle. The
development of new income sources for peasants by introducing new
production activities and governmental jobs.
All these factors contributed to the growing ambitions of the peasants to imitate
the lifestyle of those who lived in the city. In sum, there are five main stages that


13

1.
2.
3.

4.

5.

the development of the Egyptian rural areas have gone through during the 20th
century:
A short period in the beginning of the century reflecting the 19th
century economic and political developments.
A period of stagnation during the first half of the 20th century due to
political unrest and World Wars.
A period of development between 1952 and 1967 reflecting political
and social changes initiated by the 1952 revolution. Land redistribution and
reclamation in 1961 allowing Egyptian peasant land ownership for the first
time in its history.
The 1967 and 1973 Wars diverted all economic resources and efforts
towards the army. This was a period of major recession and deterioration in
the quality of life in the rural areas, which facilitated the migration of
peasants and farmers to oil producing countries.
Following the 1978 peace agreements and the implementation of open
market economy, major economic and social changes started to occur.
Many peasants who did not own enough land to support their living
migrated to oil producing countries in the gulf area and returned with
enough money to build and own houses in their own villages. They created
a new type of housing in the village similar to informal housing, found
around Cairo and other major cities in Egypt.
In the beginning of the seventies, 75% of the dwellings were single story houses
and the remaining 25% were two-story houses with very few three or more stories
high. After the 1973 war, new housing types dominated the horizontal and
vertical expansion of rural settlements.
This transformation had a drastic impact on the quality of life and the
environment in these fragile traditional settlements. It resulted in polluted and
health hazardous environments and degraded living conditions. Major problems
found in contemporary Egyptian villages include; population overcrowdedness,
water sources polluted with house wastes and garbage, absence of sanitary,
sewerage and fresh water supply networks, absence of adequate garbage
collection systems, visual pollution resulting from absence of planning and
harmony and cramped and inadequately ventilated or lit houses and streets. All
these changes had a great impact on the form of the traditional village.
Field study
A field study was conducted to investigate recent changes in an Egyptian village.
The village of El-Baraguil is used as a case study to illustrate the dramatic
changes and transformation taking place in many Egyptian villages. An
anthropological study of the environmental pollution of the village was conducted
by Dr. Mona Al-Farnawani in 1989.11 The study focused on the extent and
reasons of the rural environment pollution. A study of the maps of the village
since 1900 revealed the rapid growth of the village during the 20th century. (See
Figures 9) Site visits and interviews with local residents were also conducted

14

during the winter of 1999. Other villages were also visited and the same pattern of
change was evident in all of them.
The village of El-Baraguil is located within Oseem district in the governorate of
Giza north west of Cairo. The population of the village is 13591 inhabitants, and
the area of the village is 1400 feddans: 1176 feddans agricultural land and 224
feddans built-up area. The village is surrounded by agricultural land and other
villages from all sides. The geographic location of the village, which is in close
proximity to several cities, especially Cairo and Giza, attracted many residents
who were looking for affordable housing close to work opportunities. It also
attracted small and medium size businesses looking for cheap land to construct
their factories.

Fig. 9. Official map of El-Baraguil Village in 1986

Fig. 10. El-Baraguil Village - Old houses - 1999


15

Fig. 11. El-Baraguil Village - main street - 1999

Fig. 12. El-Baraguil Village - Dayer Al Nahia street new buildings- 1999

Fig. 13. El-Baraguil Village - A house under construction in Dayer Al Nahia street - 1999


16

Fig. 14. El-Baraguil Village - Dayer Al Nahia street - 1999

Fig. 15. El-Baraguil Village new houses - 1999

The old village was surrounded by Dayer Al Nahia street, which connects the
village with other adjacent villages. The street was paved in 1985 to allow for the
passage of trucks and vehicles. One 4-meters wide street, called Al-Sharee AlKabeer, penetrates the village and is considered the main street of the village.
Several narrow and irregular alleys, covered with dirt, branch out from the main
street. The village is surrounded by several factories that were constructed during
the seventies on agricultural land. The existence of the factories raised the price of
land needed to build houses for the workers of these factories. Many peasants
selected to turn their agricultural land into a wasteland in order to sell it for those
interested in building new factories and houses. The factories provided new
opportunities of work for the villagers but their drastic impact was the spoliation
of large areas of the agricultural land. Many agricultural workers left the village
looking for work in the city or in Gulf countries. Also, the air became polluted
with the exhaust and fumes from the factories. (See Figures 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14)
The housing shortage in Cairo and Giza encouraged many housing seekers to the
villages looking for affordable houses. The concept of renting houses emerged at
the time when the village was suffering from limited economic resources and

17

agricultural land destruction. Many villagers divided their houses or added one or
two floors to their existing houses and offered them for rent. Some demolished
their houses completely and rebuild them using a new design suitable for renting.
This trend resulted in the abandonment of the traditional house design that
contained large open space in the middle and the adoption of housing design
similar to what is found in unauthorized and informal housing extensions outside
major cities especially Cairo.
The eastern water canal was the most important source of water for the village.
Due to the devastation of large areas of agricultural land, the need for irrigation
water declined and the water canal started to dry-up. The villagers started to use it
as a garbage dump for all types of trash: empty plastic bags, metal cans, vegetable
waste, house waste, and dead animals. The polluted water canal became a source
of bad smell and visual pollution. The local governmental authorities covered part
of the garbage dump but the villagers insisted on using another part because of the
absence of garbage collection system in the village. Other water canals and
ditches are also used to dump the garbage and house disposals. A familiar sight is
women carrying containers of house waste and dumping it in the water canals and
ditches.
A study of the village maps since 1900 revealed the pattern of growth and
transformation of the village. In 1900 the village was contained inside Dayer Al
Nahia street. A few ezba's started to appear on the outskirts of the village. In 1942
the village expanded on adjacent agricultural land and was almost doubled in size.
In 1986 - the latest official map of the village - the village expanded to cover
more large areas of agricultural land. (See Figures 16 to 19)
The field study of Al-Baraguil village indicated many important and significant
changes taking place in Egypt's rural settlements. To validate these findings, visits
to other rural settlements and villages were conducted to investigate the presence
of the same phenomena in them. The visits proved that the same phenomena
exists but with different degrees depending on the proximity of the village to
urban areas and cities.

Fig. 16. Official maps of El-Baraguil Village 1900

18

Fig. 17. Analysis of El-Baraguil Village - 1900



19

Fig. 20. The process of transformation of agricultural land into housing development

Discussion: Cultural and Environmental Transformation
The field study of Al-Baraguil village indicated many important and significant
changes taking place in Egypt's rural settlements. To validate these findings, visits
to other rural settlements and villages were conducted to investigate the presence
of the same phenomena in them. The visits proved that the same phenomena
exists but on different degrees depending on the proximity of the village to urban
areas and cities. The transformation of Egyptian rural settlements during the 20th
century had several impacts on the inhabitants, the natural environment, and built
environment.
The impact on the physical environment
The village went through the following transformation stages. The core inside
dayer al nahia street, the major ring road, was the only land available for
expansion on alkoum, the hill that the village occupied for centuries. This area
started from the top of the hill which was donated usually to the religious building
and down to dayer al nahia street which denoted the highest yearly flood levels.
The construction of the village houses started at the top of the hill around the
religious building gradually reaching the ring road street. Narrow, bending alleys
penetrated the habitable block radiating from the top of the hill where the mosque
was located, while another network of streets started form the ring road going
upward towards the top of the hill. They were wider than the downward network
of streets.


20

After the control of the river, the village started to expand outside the ring road.
The villagers left their crowded cocoon on the protected hill and started to build
houses outside dayer al nahia street. Their houses stretched over the flat
agricultural land around the hill. The composition of the new sector of the village
is completely different than the old village. Unlike the narrow bending streets of
the old sector, the new sector streets were straight and perpendicular to dayer al
nahia street and relatively wider than the old sector's streets. While the houses of
the old sector were crowded due to inheritance and division of old houses into
smaller units, the new sector's houses were more spacious and durable. New
designs and construction materials were also employed in the construction of the
new sector's houses. They were usually built using stones or fired clay brick,
called red brick. The red brick was made of access clay from the agricultural land
and the cleaning out of irrigation canals.
Transportation and asphalt routes, that were constructed at the beginning of the
20th century, had a great influence on the form of the Egyptian village. The
vehicular roads were constructed along the water canals and they attracted public
buildings, services, bus stations, coffee shops, schools and other governmental
facilities. The main entrance to the village connected it with the major roads
crossing water canals and creating a wide street that attracted commercial and
new facilities in the village. It also attracted villagers with social and economic
ambitions. The new entrance road, which was designated as the formal village
center, changed the image of the village from an isolated island in the middle of
the green fields to a living settlement linked to the major roads.
The housing units (or dwellings) went through several changes. The traditional
dwellings were mainly found within the old sector of the village inside the ring
road (dayer al nahia). Their thick walls were made of mud layers using the
rammed earth technique or mud blocks dried in the sun. The roofs were made of
wood logs, straws, and clay cover. The openings were very small and covered
with pieces of cloth during the winter time.
The dwellings of the new sector outside the ring road (dayer al nahia) were larger
in size and built using stones, mud brick, and, later, ones with concrete. They
overlooked the new entrance road with better ventilation through large windows
and spaces. They were also closer to the modern services and major transportation
routes.
Houses found in the informal housing sector are imitations of the informal
housing found around Cairo and other major cities in Egypt. The houses are made
of three or four floors lined up in straight rows. They were created due to the
selling of agricultural lots and using it for the construction of houses. The houses
are built using reinforced concrete structural skeleton and red (fired) bricks. The
designs are simple and usually done by local contractors. They are made of three
or four story buildings imitating the apartments found in urban areas. The exterior
is usually left unfinished exposing the concrete skeleton and red brick layers,
which became a common character of all unauthorized, informal housing

21

developments in Egypt. No building codes or regulations are applied on these
buildings. They are produced by local contractors who discuss with the owner
their needs and suggest some solutions. The design uses the maximum area of the
lot in the ground floor and benefits from cantilevered balconies in the upper
floors. The houses overlook a narrow street and are attached to other houses from
three sides. The only source of lighting and ventilation is small light wells that are
left at the edges. Windows open to the edges even though they are expected to be
closed in the future. The result is very crowded alleys and poor naturally
ventilated or lit houses.
The Image of the traditional Egyptian village has changed from one or two story
houses built using local material and methods to rows of attached concrete and
red brick blocks three or four story high.
The impact on the inhabitants
It has recently been shown, contrary to previously held views, that
vernacular environments do communicate status (as well as identity,
etc.), and that one can study changes in such environments over time
and hence how the forms and elements communicating status change
accordingly. One can also study changes over time in vernacular forms
due to increasing social complexity, with "modernization," tourism and
culture change generally. It then becomes possible to use vernacular
design to study the effects of acculturation of immigrant groups on their
built environment and how they are used - a process also found in
spontaneous settlements.12
An important change taking place in the Egyptian village is the change of the
social composition and relations of the village inhabitants. The availability of new
housing attracted individuals and groups from outside the village who were
looking for affordable housing close to urban areas. It created a composition of
residents who were not previously relatives or kin. It also affected the
composition of new families and the discard of the traditional situation of
extended family living in one house to nuclear families living in separate
"apartments."
The traditional social institutions that governed the relationships between village
residents and families disappeared and were replaced by governmental rules and
regulations. The traditional selection of the head of the village called "Al-Umda"
from an eminent family was replaced by a process of selection and appointment
by the central government in Cairo. Cultural values of the environment,
agricultural land, public spaces, personal privacy, and many other components of
culture are undergoing drastic changes due to the change of the composition of
the inhabitants of the village.
There is a loss of the sense of belonging to the agricultural land,
which was an important part of the relationship between the villagers
and their land. The only competition exits in the acquisition of electric


22

appliances and interest in temporary migration to large cities or
immigration to Arab countries.13
This resulted in trends of renting and selling of agricultural land. This loss of the
sense of belonging is evident in the absence of care to the land and public
property, individualism and care of private property only. This is evident in the
amount of care and expenditure found inside the private property or house and the
neglect of what exists outside its borders: the public property. This trend is also
evident in the Egyptian urban areas.
As mentioned by Amani Tulan 14, the open market economy that was adopted by
the government during the seventies encouraged the immigration of Egyptian
farmers to Arab Gulf countries to work and return to their villages.This
phenomenon has changed many patterns of investment and consumption in the
village. Mansour Maghaori 15 pointed out that open economy and the migration of
Egyptian workers to Arab countries resulted in the inundation of the local market
with commodities that were unfamiliar before 1974. The villagers imitated the
new pattern of consumption of the returning immigrants from the cities and the
Arab countries. Members of poor families that owned small lots of agricultural
land immigrated to Arab countries and were able to save a relatively large capital
in a very short period of time. They returned with many commodities and electric
appliances that provided them with social prestige and superiority. This
eliminated the traditional social superiority of those who owned agricultural land.
Amani Tulan points out that the returning immigrants were more interested in
building reinforced concrete houses than buying agricultural land. Most of their
capital was invested in activities not related to agriculture. The main purpose of
their temporary immigration was the purchase of land to build a house on while
the main goal of the farmer was the acquisition of more agricultural land at the
expense of all other social needs, especially the house. She quoted one of her
informants saying: "If I can save more money by the end of the year, I would buy
a refrigerator and a fan. The land is becoming very expensive nowadays." She
added16 that most Egyptians, especially agricultural workers who temporarily
immigrate to Arab countries, return to their villages to spend their savings on the
construction of a modern house. The construction of a house consumes all the
savings of a person for many years. The villages are surrounded with a belt of
new houses constructed by agricultural workers returning from oil producing
countries, while most of them own or share houses in the old village.
The impact on the physical environment: Visual and physical pollution
The environment of the village is polluted both physically and visually. Garbage
and house waste fill many water canals and ditches. The absence of a garbage
collection system is forcing the villagers to dump their house wastes in water
canals and ditches. This produces a polluted environment both physically and
visually. The phenomenon has social and economic reasons, and it cannot be
understood unless analyzed historically and environmentally. The first impression
might suggest that the old traditional settlements were primitive, unplanned, and

23

physically polluted with dirt and mud. However, an examination of current
examples of Egyptian villages reveals that the village at the end of the 20th
century is more polluted than the village at the end of the 19th century.
The 20th century witnessed an erosion of the role of the traditional house as a
productive unit in the Egyptian village. The house was used to shelter the farmer's
animals and birds. Most of the house waste was recycled and used to feed the
house animals. Animal dung was dried and used as fuel for the oven. Cotton, rice
and corn dried stems were also used to produce fire for cooking and heating.
Many hand crafts and small industries that were typically performed in the
traditional house, i.e., basket weaving, making dairy products, and baking
traditional bread, disappeared due to the introduction of a new house type and
lifestyle. The villagers buy their bread ready made from public automated
bakeries. There are very few kinds of animals that can be kept in the house. While
the amount of house waste increased, opportunities to recycle house and farm
waste decreased which resulted in a huge energy waste and a negative impact on
the environment. The reduction of habitable space and the absence of the
traditional courtyard reduced the possibility of keeping the house as a productive
entity in the community.
The Transformation of Egyptian Rural settlements from Traditional
Villages into Informal/unauthorized Housing Developments
The internal migration of the inhabitants from the village to the city for work and
then their return to the village in the evening led to a desire to change the
traditional lifestyle of the village and replace it with the lifestyle of the city. Many
cities in Egypt, especially Cairo, Alexandria, and Giza, suffer from the degraded
informal, unauthorized housing developments on their outskirts and within their
borders, a phenomenon called "reuralization of urban areas" by many observers,
and the existence of many rural villages adjacent to planned neighborhoods
containing modern villas and apartments. An opposite process is taking place in
the rural areas where informal and unauthorized housing is being introduced as a
better quality housing and is changing the image of the Egyptian village. Some
villages are completely transformed into urban areas and others are undergoing
the process of transformation. Distance from urban areas is a primary factor in
accelerating this process.
Dr. Hassan Al Khouli 17 points to the progress in vehicular and transportation
routes and public communication facilities which developed a new relationship
between rural and urban areas based on spatial proximity and mutual dependency.
He argues that "ruralization and urbanization" constitute two different states of
mind and view of the world and that individuals and groups living in rural areas
or agricultural workers might hold an urbanized view of life and the world. On the
other hand, many of those living in urban areas adopt rural behaviors and
practices. This argument is also valid when applied to housing forms found in the
Egyptian villages. Many villagers reside in new houses and are not considered


24

agricultural workers. They hold a view of the world and life similar to those living
in urban areas.
The impact on the natural environment
The erosion of the agricultural land is evident around many villages in Egypt,
especially villages close to urban areas. The process of transformation was
evident from the study of Al-Baraguil village maps since 1900 AD. The process
of transformation starts with the construction of one house on a small lot that is
part of an agricultural land. Other houses start to be built adjacent to the first
house within the same lot. The expansion follows the boundary lines of the
agricultural land forming a street in the center of the land. (See Figures 20 and 21)
Pollution of the Egyptian rural settlements environment is increasing on many
levels. Piles of garbage and house waste are filling ditches and water canals. Dead
animals are found floating on the surface of water canals. The absence of a
sewerage system collection and dependency on trenches for treatment of human
waste is producing a serious health hazard in the village. The first effort of the
government is usually directed to solving this problem but the size of the problem
is overwhelming. The air is polluted with the exhaust of nearby factories and
burning of house and farm waste. The exhaust of many poorly maintained taxi
cars and busses adds to the pollution of the air especially in the entrance of the
village. These types of environmental pollution create a visually polluted image of
the village.
Conclusions
This study illustrated the differences between patterns of settlement in traditional
and 20th century rural settlements in Egypt. The impact of recent changes in the
society affected the development of traditional rural settlements into more urbanfringe informal housing settlement patterns. The socio-ecological implications of
current patterns of land settlements in the Egyptian countryside is very alarming.
Erosion of agricultural land and environmental pollution are among the most
serious consequences of this change. The government of Egypt is trying to
improve the living conditions in the villages by forcing building codes and
installing or improving infrastructure systems in more than 4000 Egyptian
villages nationwide. A program called "SHROUK" was developed with the aid of
foreign countries to encourage community participation and sustainable methods
to improve the living conditions in many Egyptian villages. It is a massive
undertaking that the central government in Cairo is trying courageously to
achieve. There is doubt by many observers that this informal pattern of expansion
can be controlled within the village limits. It is a process of transformation that
requires more than governmental control and policing.
The change and transformation taking place in Egypt's rural settlements is a result
of the impact of regional trends and global culture on traditional settlements. The
historical contrast between rural and urban settlements is gradually vanishing. A
new form of settlement that incorporates both rural and urban characteristics is
found in both rural and urban areas. Availability of transportation means between

25

the city and villages is encouraging more people to live in the village and work in
the city. Informal housing on the outskirts of major cities is attracting those who
are looking for affordable housing close to the city. Other reseachers observed the
same phenomenon in other developing countries. Ranjith Dayarante observed
similar transformation in the rural areas of Sri Lanka. He asserted that, "the Sri
Lankan built-environment is now in transformation of its spatial characteristics
from one end of the spectrum to the other in different complexities in parallel with
the changes that are taking place in its social sphere.18
The study raised many questions of theoretical implications. The results of this
study support the observations of Kenneth Frampton. In his keynote address to the
Twentieth Congress of UIA, he noted that:
The past thirty years have radically transformed the metropolitan
centers of the developed world. ... Meanwhile, by a reciprocal and
similar process, there is a corresponding implosion of urban populations
in the vast hinterland surrounding capital cities, particularly in the Third
World where such growth has been exponential. ... Most of this
expansion occurs in the form of so-called spontaneous housing:
barriadas, fervillas, etc., where land is appropriated en masse and
shacks come into being overnight without any of the normative
infrastructures considered to be essential to health, above all water,
sewage disposal, power and public transport.19
This study supports the argument paused by Prof. Roderick J. Lawrence that
"common interpretations of human settlements need to be reconsidered in order to
make architecture, urban planning and policy decision-making more sensitive to
environmental, economic and other social charactersitics of human settlement."
In his book Dwellings: The house across the world, Paul Oliver states that
"Arguments have been powerfully made for a physical and environmental
determinism that considers that advantageous climates and temperatures, soils and
seasons give shape to man's culture; they have been rebutted as vigorously by
those who argue that culture determines building and settlement form. But there is
much evidence to show that both apply."21 The results of this study illustrate the
theoretical position that both environmental and cultural variables affect the
formation and development of traditional settlements. While the initial formation
of traditional settlements in the Egyptian countryside was influenced more by
natural environmental factors, recent transformations were influenced by social
and cultural factors.
The world of "primitive man" "is a world which has no development
as we understand it. Change means a break in the established and
reciprocal relationship between man and his environment, and would
destroy the unity between man and natural phenomena,” wrote Dr. E.
A. Gutkind. But is such a generalization valid? Can we speak
collectively of "primitive man,” confident that what is applicable to one
primitive society is applicable to all? And are we right to assume a

26

world without change, evolution or decline so that its static state makes
the existing examples of certain societies comparable with "primitive
man,” their dwellings serving as examples of building prototypes? 22
This study raised several questions related to rural settlements in other parts of the
world; How does vernacular rural architecture develop in other parts of the world?
Is the process of transformation taking place in the Egyptian village occurring in
other parts of the world? What should be the role of the government? Should the
government apply urban control measures on the villages? Should we consider the
product by such a process "vernacular architecture"?
This paper concludes that the transformation of traditional environment in the
Egyptian countryside is occurring in other parts of the developing countries due to
pressures of modernization and globalization. There are lessons to be learned
from this experience including the will and determination of low income
individuals to solve their housing problems. We should not only regard these
attempts as having negative impact on the environment, but also as manifestations
of people's will and determination. The collective acts of individuals is not
coordinated to sustain the fragile natural environment. This should be the role of
the government and the professionals who should benefit from the spontaneous
participation of people in improving their living conditions. We should develop
building codes and regulations that support these activities instead of applying
building codes suitable only for urban environments.


27

Reference notes:
1

P. Oliver, Dwellings: The house across the world (Phaidon. Oxford, 1987), p. 43.

2

Dr. Mahmoud Ouda and Dr. Al-Sayed Al-Hussainy, The Village Society in The Developing Countries: Theoretical approaches and field studies.
(Dar El Maarif Al Gamia. Alexandria. 1997), p. 194.

3

Dr. Mahmoud Ouda and Dr. AlSayed AlHussainy, The Village Society in The Developing Countries: Theoretical approaches and field studies.
(Dar El Maarif Al Gamia. Alexandria. 1997), p. 195.

4

Paul Oliver, Dwellings: The house across the world (Phaidon. Oxford, 1987), p. 48.

5

Dr. Fathy M. Muselhi, Between the Problems of Comprehensive Development and Village Planning: Urban Egypt at the beginning of the 21 Century
(Dar El Maarif Al Gamia. Alexandria, 1990), p. 180

6

Dr. Ali Shalabi, The Egyptian Countryside during the second half of the 19th century 1847-1891 (Dar Al Maarif, 1983), p. 69.

7

Dr. Fathy M. Muselhi, Between the Problems of Comprehensive Development and Village Planning: Urban Egypt at the beginning of the 21 Century,
(Dar El Maarif Al Gamia. Alexandria, 1990), p. 208.

8

Dr. Fathy M. Muselhi, Between the Problems of Comprehensive Development and Village Planning: Urban Egypt at the beginning of the 21 Century,
(Dar El Maarif Al Gamia. Alexandria, 1990), p. 214

9

H. Tadros, "The human aspects of rural resettlement schemes in Egypt", in B. Berdichewsky, ed., Anthropology and Social Change in
Rural Areas (Mountain Publishers. The Hague. Paris. New York, 1979), p. 122.

10

11

Dr. M. Gheith & K. Ahmad, Rural Society, (Dar Al Maarif Al Gamiaa, Alexandria, 1988), p. 334.
Dr. Muna I. Al-Farnawani, Pollution of the Rural Environment: A study of the impact of ecological changes on the Egyptian village, in Society and
the Environment, edited by Dr. Muhamad Al Gohary and Dr. Alia Shukry, (Dar Al Maarif Al Gameia. Alexandria. 1995) p. 155.

12

Amos Rapoport, A Framework for Studying Vernacular Design, Journal of Architectural and Planning Research 16:1 (Spring, 1999) p.
58.

13

Dr. Muna I. Al-Farnawani, Pollution of the Rural Environment: A study of the impact of ecological changes on the Egyptian village, in Society and
the Environment, edited by Dr. Muhamad Al Gohary and Dr. Alia Shukry, (Dar Al Maarif Al Gameia. Alexandria. 1995) p. 155.

14

Dr. Amani E. Tulan, The village between tradition and modernization, (Dar Al Maarif Al Gameiah, 1985) p. 177.

15

Mansour Maghaori, Open Market Economy and its Impact on Rural Society, Seminar on Transformations in Rural Society, p. 16-17.

16

Dr. Amani E. Tulan, The village between tradition and modernization, (Dar Al Maarif Al Gameiah, 1985) p. 411.

17

Dr. Hassan Al Khouli, Rural and Urban Societies in the Third World, (Dar Al Maarif Al Gameiah, Alexandria 1992) p. 105.

18

Ranjith Dayarante, Transformations of Traditional Built-Environments: A Study of the Emerging Spatial Geography of Culture and Built-Form in
Sri Lanka. (Traditional Environments in a new Millenium: Defining Principles and Professional Practice, Second International
Conference, IAPS-CSBE Network, Amasya-Turkey, 20-23 June 2001) p. 82

19

Kenneth Frampton, Seven points for the millennium: an untimely manifesto, edited keynote address given at the Twentieth Congress of the
UIA, Beijing, June 1999, (The Journal of Architecture, Volume 5, Spring 2000)

20

Roderic J. Lawrence, Sustaining Human Settlement: Principles for Practice. (Traditional Environments in a new Millenium: Defining
Principles and Professional Practice, Second International Conference, IAPS-CSBE Network, Amasya-Turkey, 20-23 June 2001) p.
20.

21

Paul Oliver, Dwellings: The house across the world (Phaidon. Oxford, 1987), p. 41.

22

Paul Oliver, Shelter and Society (Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, New York, Washington, 1969)


28

The Transformation of Traditional Rural Settlements

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