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Regis
University









MNM
697
Professional
Project





Facilitator:
Jeffrey
Pryor











Marcos
E.
Villa

September
30,
2009









The
Civil
Society
in
Latin­American
reality:
a
possible
path

for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities








The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
2





INDEX





INTRODUCTION
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3

CIVIL
SOCIETY
HISTORICAL
CONTEXT
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4

NONPROFIT,
NONGOVERNMENTAL
AND
CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
 
 
 6

CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
HISTORICAL
AND
INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT
 
 7

CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
IN
UNITED
NATIONS,
AN
EXAMPLE
OF
THE
COMPLEX
REALITY
 15

CIVIL
SOCIETY
IN
LATIN
AMERICA
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17

1. Chile
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19

2. Peru
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21

3. Mexico

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24

4. Colombia
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26

5. Brazil
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29

6. Argentina
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30

THE
NEED
TO
PROFESSIONALIZE
THE
CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
IN
LATIN
AMERICA
 
 32

• The
experience
of
public
policy
&
administration
degrees
 
 
 32

• The
experience
of
noncredit/degree‐seeking
studies
 
 
 
 34

• The
possibility
of
civil
society
organization
graduate
study
in
Latin
America
 35

JESUIT
UNIVERSITIES
MISSION
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 37

BIBLIOGRAPHY
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 40













The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
3









INTRODUCTION




In
this
paper
the
author
will
define
“Civil
Society”
and
provide
an
in‐depth
view
of
the
reality
of

civil
society
within
some
countries
in
Latin
America.
The
objective
of
the
paper
is
to
understand

civil
society
organizations
and
take
a
closer
look
at
their
context
to
see
if
developing
a
Graduate

program
within
those
countries
might
help
to
strengthen
them
individually
and
as
a
sector
and
as

a
consequence
to
improve
the
social‐political‐economical
impact
they
are
addressing.




The
importance
of
the
Civil
Society
makes
it
necessary
to
understand
and
to
know
the
possibilities

that
rely
on
it.
Several
government
leaders,
academics,
universities,
private
corporations
leaders

see
Civil
Society
as
the
key
actor
in
the
future;
is
civil
society
the
answer
we
have
look
between
the

struggle
 of
 the
 welfare
 state
 and
 the
 market?
 Is
 Civil
 Society
 a
 strong
 actor
 in
 Latin
 American

Countries?
Is
it
ready
to
propose
possible
paths
in
order
to
fight
poverty?
Is
Civil
Society
ready
to

lead
social
justice
within
Latin
American
Countries,
or
in
other
words,
is
Civil
Society
developing

leaders
for
establishing
social
justice
among
those
countries?

If
Civil
Society
is
a
key
actor
for
the

future,
how
can
we
strengthen
their
actions
and
their
organization?




A
 second
 objective
 is
 to
 analyze
 if
 this
 graduate
 program
 as
 it
 fits
 to
 the
 mission
 of
 Jesuit

Universities
 seek
 in
 their
 education.
 It
 is
 possible
 that
 the
 Graduate
 Degrees
 those
 universities

offer
do
not
consider
Civil
society
as
an
important
social
actor
for
accomplishing
social
change.
It
is

very
important
to
understand
the
link
between
Civil
Society
and
Jesuit
universities
in
order
to
see

what
 is
 the
 best
 way
 to
 collaborate
 to
 strengthen
 each
 other
 and
 finally
 to
 reach
 their
 own

missions
 and
 visions.
 What
 are
 the
 possibilities
 that
 the
 Jesuit
 universities
 have
 in
 order
 to

strengthen
them?









The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
4



CIVIL
SOCIETY
HISTORICAL
CONTEXT



Citizens
who
are
individually
powerless

do
not
very
clearly
anticipate
the
strength

that
they
may
acquire
by
uniting
together

Alexis
de
Tocqueville
(1840)





In
the
last
thousands
of
years,
and
possibly
before,
human
kind
has
developed
itself
as
the
most

complex
 specie
 on
 the
 earth.
 Its
 complexity
 is
 not
 only
 biological
 but
 also
 in
 the
 way
 it
 has

organized
itself
for
along
time.
Between
getting
their
needs
fulfilled
‐for
survival‐
and
organizing
as

a
 community
 many
 leaders,
 philosophers,
 politicians,
 writers,
 communities,
 governments
 have

looked
for
the
best
answer
and
are
still
looking
for
that
answer.

Along
 our
 history,
 in
 specific
 moments,
 different
 communities
 have
 established
 as
 a
 better

solution
to
their
organization
that
“strong”
governments
should
make
decisions
and
dictate
what

should
 be
 done
 in
 their
 societies
 including
 economic
 decisions.
 Some
 communities
 tried
 to

establish
 that
 complete
 freedom
 of
 production
 without
 government
 intervention
 in
 the

economical
aspects
of
the
community
would
balance
the
concentration
of
power
that
government

had
and
as
a
consequence
equality
would
come
to
every
human
being.
Hundreds
of
books
have

been
written
and
hundreds
of
years
have
passed.
Millions
of
people
have
lived
the
consequences

of
these
ideas
and
we
still
are
looking
for
an
answer.



We
 can
 look
 back
 to
 the
 origins
 of
 our
 occidental
 culture
 in
 the
 Ancient
 Greece
 with
 the

philosophy
of
Plato
and
Aristotle
and
see
some
of
the
citizen
definitions
we
will
arrive
hundreds
of

years
later.
We
can
review
the
Medieval
Age
and
see
how
monarchies
developed
a
firm
repulsion

of
 the
 belief
 that
 some
 men
 are
 semi
 gods
 and
 find
 the
 reasons
 why
 we
 have
 come
 to
 the

conclusion
 that
 democracy
 might
 be
 a
 good
 way
 of
 organizing
 ourselves
 Liberté,
 Égalité,

Fraternité;
three
words
that
in
an
historic
moment
changed
the
organizing
patterns
of
a
country

and
took
history
in
to
a
different
path,
a
path
that
brought
the
establishment
of
modern
states,

and
with
them,
the
beginning
of
our
actual
way
of
organizing,
the
beginning
of
our
actual
culture

(Anaya,
 2007);
 understanding
 by
 culture
 what
 Bernard
 Lonergan
 has
 defined
 in
 his
 Theology

Method:
“a
set
of
meanings
and
values
that
inform
a
collective
style
of
life,
and
there
are
as
many

cultures
as
different
sets
of
meanings
and
values”
(Lonergan,
2001,
p.
292)

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
5



Cultures
all
over
the
world
have
been
experiencing
this
history
and
each
of
those
countries
started

testing
 and
 taking
 decisions
 from
 their
 experiences
 until
 we
 arrived
 in
 the
 last
 century
 to
 a

confrontation
of
two
different
conceptions
of
how
things
should
be
done;
two
different
visions:

socialism
and
capitalism
represented
by
the
Soviet
Union
and
the
United
States.
The
differences

were
sustained
for
several
years
in
the
called
“Cold
War”
as
capitalism
and
socialism
confronted

each
 other
 and
 started
 different
 actions
 that
 tried
 to
 impose
 ideological
 influence
 through

economical,
 political
 or
 military
 support
 (Kort,
 2001).
 Those
 conflicts
 rely
 on
 the
 ideological

proposal
of
prioritize
the
Government
over
the
Free
market
or
vice
versa
as
if
they
were
different

sectors
within
our
society.
(Gadis,
1990)



This
 is
 how
 we
 arrive
 to
 the
 definition
 of
 two
 sectors
 in
 our
 society;
 two
 sectors
 that
 should

complement
themselves
but
in
their
struggle
for
more
power
and
control
over
the
decisions
they

ended
many
times
in
confrontation.
In
some,
governments
balance
has
been
acquired,
in
others

one
sector
rules
over
the
other.
The
first
sector
is
normally
understood
as
the
government:
the

most
basic
agreements
that
we,
in
our
actual
context,
assume
since
we
are
born.
It
is
normally

represented
 by
 the
 constitutions
 of
 a
 country
 and
 it
 establishes
 the
 rights
 and
 duties
 of
 the

members
of
that
community.
All
members
are
supposed
to
be
equal
and
are
considered
citizens.

They
are
free
to
decide
upon
their
lives
as
long
as
they
respect
others’
lives,
the
constitutions
and

laws.
In
democratic
governments
anyone
can
associate
within
themselves
and
develop
groups
that

look
 forward
 to
 represent
 themselves
 and
 their
 interests
 and
 eventually
 they
 might
 become

political
 parties.
 Members
 also
 develop
 groups
 that
 are
 more
 focused
 to
 provide
 goods
 and

services
to
the
community
looking
for
a
profit
and
they
look
for
complete
freedom
on
their
actions

as
 long
 as
 they
 get
 profit
 and
 provide
 goods
 and
 services
 developing
 as
 a
 consequence
 the

“second
sector”
that
is
normally
understood
as
the
economical
or
the
“market”.
(O’Donnell,
2000)



In
United
States
historical
context,
both
sectors
were
clear
in
their
development
and
purposes
as

we
can
see
in
the
Federalist
Papers
and
specifically
in
James
Madison’s
paper
(1787)
about
The

Union
as
a
Safeguard
Against
Domestic
Faction
and
Insurrection.
At
the
same
time
we
can
see
the

testimony
from
Alexis
de
Tocqueville
that
talks
about
the
“immense
assemblage
of
associations”

(Tocqueville,
1840);
he
was
impressed
about
how
the
American
people
associate
not
only
to
make

commerce
 and
 manufacture
 goods
 –for
 profit
 focused–
 but
 also
 to
 entertain,
 to
 build
 inns,
 to

diffuse
 books,
 to
 found
 hospitals,
 prisons
 and
 schools
 and
 to
 succeed
 in
 proposing
 a
 common

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
6



object
and
to
induce
themselves
voluntarily
to
pursue
it.
Many
analysts
define
this
as
the
very

origin
of
the
nonprofit
or
independent
Sector
in
the
United
States.
This
is
the
kind
of
organizations

that
 cannot
 be
 defined
 neither
 government
 or
 private
 (e.g.,
 like
 business).
 From
 this
 historical

point
of
view
and
considering
the
society
as
sectors
this
could
be
defined
then
as
the
Third
Sector

meaning
a
different
type
of
organization
with
a
different
objective
or
nature.
In
the
next
lines
we

will
go
deep
into
the
definition
of
this
term.



NONPROFIT,
NONGOVERNMENTAL
AND
CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS



In
democratic
countries

the
science
of
association
is
the
mother
of
science;

the
progress
of
all
the
rest
depends

upon
the
progress
it
has
made.

Alexis
de
Tocqueville





One
of
the
most
important
things
de
Tocqueville
observed
in
his
visits
to
the
United
States
was

that
 in
 democratic
 nations,
 where
 citizens
 are
 independent,
 they
 “can
 do
 hardly
 anything
 by

themselves…
therefore,
become
powerless
if
they
do
not
learn
voluntary
to
help
one
another”,
they

realize
that
they
depend
one
upon
another.
A
second
very
important
note
is
that
“if
they
never

acquired
the
habit
of
forming
associations
in
ordinary
life,
civilization
itself
would
be
endangered”

(Tocqueville,
 1840)
 this
 will
 take
 to
 the
 conclusion
 that
 associations
 are
 the
 very
 schools
 of

democracy
and
the
mother
of
action,
studied
and
applied
by
all.



All
over
the
world
and
along
the
history
of
humankind,
several
men
and
women
have
worked
as
a

community
 rather
 than
 only
 for
 themselves.
 De
 Tocqueville
 testimonies,
 religion
 books,
 cave

paintings
and
ancient
Greece
philosophers,
among
others,
show
how
men
historically
have
been

“invited”
 to
 go
 beyond
 the
 personal
 benefit
 of
 an
 action.
 During
 our
 history
 there
 are
 many

examples
 of
 people:
 “dedicating
 their
 lives
 to
 work
 for
 others
 without
 expecting
 a
 personal

benefit”;
as
an
example
we
have
the
different
historical
religious
groups
as
the
“prophets”,
within

the
Catholic
Church
we
have
the
Dominicans,
Franciscans
and
the
Jesuits.
Even
that
some
of
those

groups
are
faith‐related,
several
of
them
are
not,
such
as
the
Scouts,
Green
Peace,
Medics
Without

Borders,
Amnesty
International,
Oxfam
and
thousands
of
groups
in
local
communities
all
over
the

world.
These
kinds
of
organizations
might
have
existed
for
thousands
of
years
but
they
are
now

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
7



legally
 known
 in
 the
 US
 as
 Nonprofit
 Organizations
 (NPOs)
 and
 they
 rely
 on
 the
 U.S.
 Internal

Revenue
Service’s
501
(c)
3
y/tax
exempt
legal
status.



From
 a
 different
 stand
 point
 the
 sociologist
 Jeffrey
 Alexander
 (1994),
 retaking
 the
 tradition
 of

Locke,
 Ferguson,
 Smith
 and
 de
 Tocqueville
 has
 defined
 Civil
 Society
 as
 “the
 arena
 where
 social

solidarity
is
defined
in
universalistic
terms.
It
is
the
“we”
from
a
national
community…
the
feeling
of

connection
towards
each
member
of
the
community,
that
goes
beyond
the
private
compromises,

near
loyalties
and
segment
interests”
and
considers
it
as
a
collective
consciousness
recovering
the

idea
of
community
within
the
society
in
a
complete
opposition
of
the
capitalism
idea
that
tried
to

eliminate
the
social
links
and
understood
citizens
as
individualistic
selfish
consumers.
(Cancino
&

Ortiz,
1997)



Complementing
 Alexander’s
 definition,
 we
 can
 consider
 Cohen
 and
 Arato’s
 overview
 that,

following
 Jürgen
 Habermas
 tradition,
 rebuilt
 Civil
 Society
 with
 the
 impulse
 of
 the
 “new”
 social

movements
and
the
“discursive
ethic.”
They
consider
Civil
Society
as
part
of
the
public
sphere
and

as
 an
 autonomous
 arena
 from
 the
 liberal
 market
 and
 as
 a
 place
 that
 criticizes
 the
 established

order
within
society
and,
in
the
name
of
inclusion,
pushes
towards
equal
economical
ends.
(Cohen

&
Arato,
1994)
The
supposed
autonomy
from
government
and
the
market
makes
one
consider

Civil
Society
as
a
“Third
Sector.”
It
shouldn’t
be
forgotten
that
they
also
consider
the
solidarity
as
a

key
factor
and
the
social
movements
as
the
greatest
expression
of
it
in
accordance
with
the
Italian

sociologist
Alberto
Melucci.



CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
HISTORICAL
AND
INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT

In
the
next
part
of
the
paper
the
research
will
show
the
different
perspectives
and
from
different

authors
the
historical
and
international
development
the
civil
society
has
shown
in
the
last
four

decades.
 In
 order
 to
 manage
 some
 statistics
 we
 will
 specifically
 consider
 these
 kinds
 of

organizations
with
the
five
characteristics
established
by
Salamon
and
Anheier
(1997):

1. Organized

2. Private

3. Self
–
Governing


4. Non
–
Profit
distributing

5. Voluntary

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
8





Figure
1.
Growth
in
the
number
of
International
Nongovernmental
Organizations,
1970
–
2002
(Union
of

International
Associations,
2002)





Figure
2.
Composition
of
NGO
Aid
to
developing
Countries,
1970
–
1999
(Clark,
1991,
2003;
Lindenberg
&

Bryant,
2001;
Development
Initiatives,
2000;
United
Nations
Development
Programme,
2001)





In
 the
 Figure
 1
 we
 can
 see
 the
 growth
 in
 International
 Nongovernmental
 Organizations
 (INGO)

since
 1970
 to
 2002
 that
 are
 present
 in
 at
 least
 three
 countries;
 if
 we
 would
 include
 the

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
9



organizations
 that
 are
 present
 in
 two
 countries
 numbers
 might
 be
 considerably
 superior.
 It
 is

impressive
 how
 they
 have
 developed
 during
 the
 last
 40
 years
 and
 the
 economic
 weight
 and

political
 importance
 they
 have
 achieved
 as
 a
 consequence.
 We
 can
 also
 see
 in
 figure
 2
 the

composition
of
Nongovernmental
Organizations
(NGOs)
Aid
to
Developing
Countries
and
how
the

official
 grants
 started
 going
 down
 in
 the
 nineties
 and
 how
 private
 donations
 have
 increased

considerably
towards
those
countries.







Figure
3.
Growth
in
INGO
Membership,
1990
–
2000,
by
Region
(Union
of
International
Associations,
1990,

2000)



Analyzing
 Figures
 3
 and
 4
 we
 realize
 the
 growth
 by
 region
 and
 by
 country
 income
 group

respectively.
We
can
see
how
the
Central
and
Eastern
Europe
had
an
important
growth
from
1990

to
2000
of
more
than
300%,
followed
by
East
Asia
and
Pacific
and
having
a
world
final
growth
of

more
than
60%.
It
is
important
also
to
consider
the
same
period
by
the
Income
Group.
We
see
that

the
Middle
Income
groups
including
East
Asia,
central
and
eastern
Europe
and
specifically
Latin

America
had
a
little
less
than
100%
increase
followed
by
the
low
income
countries
and
leaving
in

the
last
place
the
high
income
countries.




The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
10





Figure
 4.
 Growth
 in
 INGO
 Membership,
 1990
 –
 2000
 by
 Country
 Income
 Group
 (Union
 of
 International

associations
1990,
2000)



Peter
Dobkin
Hall
realized
that
over
90
percent
of
NPOs
as
we
know
them
now,
were
created
since

1950
(Hall,
2005)
and
that
worldwide
most
NGOs
have
come
to
being
even
later
in
time
becoming

the
most
rapidly
growing
types
of
organizations
globally.
Several
academics
explain
this
as:

• an
answer
to
the
crisis
of
the
political
parties
in
the
modern
democracies
that
are
having

serious
difficulties
representing
social
interests

• a
redefinition
on
the
role
of
the
state
and
modern
societies
with
the
emerging
of
new

actors
and
social
movements


• a
 lack
 of
 efficiency
 in
 the
 government
 traditional
 procedures
 and
 the
 extension
 of

corruption
among
most
of
them
all
over
the
world.

The
crisis
of
the
welfare
states
and
the
fall
of
the
communist
countries
have
been
other
important

factors
that
have
contributed
to
this
growth.
(Gellner,
1996)



Helmut
K.
Anheier
and
Nuno
Themudo
(2005)
have
also
studied
this
phenomenon
and
considering

the
established
characteristics
considered
by
Salamon,
they
arrive
to
some
important
conclusions

about
the
factors
that
have
been
favoring
internationalization
of
these
entities.
One
of
them
is
the

political
environment
that
considers
them
as
agents
of
development.
They
are
considered:

• more
effective

• flexible

• more
innovative
than
any
government

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
11





Figure
 5.
 Total
 Employment
 in
 NPO
 as
 percentage
 of
 Economical
 Active
 Population,
 by
 Country
 in
 2004

(Irarrázaval,
Hairel,
Sokolowski
&
Salamon,
2004)

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
12



• a
counterpart
balancing
the
state
power

• bring
pluralism

• democratization
actor

• promote
social
change

• address
inequalities
of
power
even
in
relation
with
the
market
and
government

• supportive
of
social
movements



In
this
context
Michael
Edwards
has
suggested
the
sector
as
the
“magic
bullet”
(Edwards
&
Hulme,

1995)
or
as
the
“big
idea
on
everyone’s
lips”
(2004)
because
it
seems
to
bring
together
thinkers

from
 left
 and
 right
 as
 a
 solution
 to
 any
 problem
 of
 the
 society,
 finding
 balance
 between
 an

authoritarian
state
or
the
tyrannical
market.





Figure
6.
Civil
Society
organization
employment
in
context,
35
countries
(Salamon,
L.
M.,
Sokolowski,
S.W.,
&

List
R.,
2003)



Lester
Salamon,
(2003)
from
the
Johns
Hopkins
University,
developed
a
very
important
research
of

35
countries
divided
in
three
economical
levels:
16
advanced
industrial,
14
developing
countries

and
5
transitional
countries
from
central
and
eastern
Europe.
The
amazing
results
attended
only
to

those
35
countries
that
lead
to
think
Civil
Society
is
an
even
broader
reality.
There
were
three

important
considerations
that
are
pertinent
to
this
research:





15
• Paid vs. volunteer workforce. Of the 39.5 million FTE civil society workers,
approximately 16.8 million, or 43 percent, are volunteers and 22.7 million, or
57 percent, are paid workers (Figure 2).17 This demonstrates the ability of civil
society organizations to mobilize sizable amounts of volunteer effort. In fact,
the actual number of people involved in the civil society sector exceeds even
these numbers since most volunteers work only a few hours a week and even
many paid employees work part-time. The actual number of people volunteer-
ing for civil society organizations in these 35 countries, for example, exceeds
190 million. This represents over 20 percent of the adult population in these countries.
2. Great variations among countries
While the civil society sector is a sizable force in a wide range of countries, there
are considerable differences among countries.
• Overall variation. In the first place, countries vary greatly in the overall scale
of their civil society workforce. Thus, as Figure 3 makes clear, the civil society
sector workforce—volunteer and paid—varies from a high of 14 percent of the
economically active population in the Netherlands to a low of 0.4 percent in
Mexico.18
40
4 4
8
33
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
Civil Society
Organizations
Utilities Textile Industry Food
Manufacturing
Transportation/
Communications
Numberofemployees(millions)
Figure 1 Civil society organization employment in context, 35 countries
Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project
The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
13



1. Civil
Society
is
a
major
economic
force

Civil
Society
is
a
$1.3
trillion
industry
and
manages
a
greater
Gross
Domestic
Product
(GDP)
than

countries
 as
 Italy,
 Brazil,
 Russia,
 Spain
 or
 Canada.
 It
 would
 be
 considered
 the
 world’s
 seventh

largest
 economy
 with
 a
 total
 workforce
 of
 39.5
 million
 full‐time
 equivalent
 workers
 and
 190

million
people
volunteering



2. Civil
Society
has
great
variations
among
countries

The
figure
5
we
analyzed
show
the
difference
between
developed
countries
and
developing
ones

where
developed
is
three
times
bigger
in
the
workforce.
In
the
volunteering
level
differences
are

deeper
from
an
under
10%
in
Egypt
to
a
high
75%
in
Sweden.



3. Civil
Society
is
more
than
service
provider

Civil
Society
is
not
only
a
service
provider
but
also
a
multi
function
role;
they
are
a
way
of
social

expression
 of
 the
 needs,
 they
 innovate
 in
 areas
 where
 neither
 government
 nor
 market
 does,

deliver
services
with
an
extraordinary
quality
and
specially
serve
those
in
greatest
need.
Over
40%

of
the
workforce
of
the
Civil
Society
is
engaged
with
education
and
Social
services.





Figure
7.
Distribution
of
Civil
Society
sector
workforce,
by
field
and
type
of
activity
(Salamon,
et
al.,
2003)

23
in empowerment activities along with some portion of the workers in other serv-
ice fields.
• Volunteer and paid staff roles differ markedly. Volunteers and paid staff play
markedly different roles in the operation of the civil society sector internationally.
- In the first place, although both volunteers and paid staff are primarily
Culture
19%
Development
8%Health
14%
Social Svcs
19%
Education
23%
Professional
7%
Civic /
Advocacy
4%
Environment
2%
Foundations
1%
International
1%
Other
2%
Service fields (64%)
Expressive fields (32%)
* 32-country unweighted averages.
Figure 6 Distribution of civil society sector workforce, by field and type of
activity*
Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project
The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
14





Figure
8.
Distribution
of
Civil
Society
Organization
paid
and
volunteer
workforce
(Salamon,
et
al.,
2003)



Many
people
believe
that
the
most
important
source
of
income
is
philanthropy
but
it
is
not.
The

study
 showed
 that
 fees
 are
 53%
 of
 the
 income
 and
 governments
 are
 the
 second
 largest

contributors
with
a
35%,
leaving
only
a
12%

to
philanthropy.



The
growth
the
sector
has
showed
and
the

characteristics
of
the
socio‐cultural
context

from
 the
 development
 make
 us
 consider

the
challenges
for
these
organizations
in
the

immediate
and
long
term
challenges:

1. Professionalization

2. Internationalization

3. Remain
accountable

of all volunteer effort is devoted to organizations providing social services,
and 10 percent to organizations primarily engaged in development. The
comparable figures for paid staff are 18 percent and 7 percent, respectively.
In fact, nearly half of all the work effort in these two fields is supplied by
volunteers. Volunteers thus play an especially important role not only in
maintaining the nonprofit sector’s advocacy functions, but also in helping it
maintain its long-standing commitment to social justice and development.
2%
1%
3%
42%
3%
7%
6%
25%
52%
10%
8%
27%
8%
1%
1%
2%
24%
2%
3%
7%
13%
72%
7%
17%
18%
30%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%
Foundations
International
Other
Total expressive
Environment
Civic / Advocacy
Professional
Culture
Total service
Development
Health
Social Svcs
Education
Percent of total
Paid staff
Volunteers
Service fields
Expressive fields
Other
* 32-country unweighted averages.
Figure 7 Distribution of civil society organization paid and volunteer
workforce, by field*
Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project


Figure
9.
Distribution
of
Civil
Society
Organization
paid

and
volunteer
workforce
(Salamon,
et
al.,
2003)

29
income is not fees and charges but public sector support. In the case of
health organizations, government alone provides over half of the funds.
Among social service organizations, government accounts for 44 percent of
the funding, fees for 37 percent, and private philanthropy for 19 percent.
Philanthropy
12%
Government
35%
Fees
53%
* 32-country unweighted averages.
Figure 9 Sources of civil society organization revenue*
Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project
The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
15



4. To
be
effective
in
specific
national
frameworks

5. Keep
the
tension
between
effective
decision
making
and
democratic
life
and
participation

(keep
the
sense
of
schools
of
democracy)

6. Keep
the
core
mission
and
solidarity
sense

7. Keep
legitimacy

8. Keep
government
and
market
accountable

9. Keep
generating
the
economical,
social
and
cultural
impact

10. Ensure
technology
as
a
key
tool



CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
IN
UNITED
NATIONS,
AN
EXAMPLE
OF
THE
COMPLEX
REALITY



In
 trying
 to
 understand
 the
 definition
 of
 Civil
 Society
 and
 how
 it
 is
 applied
 in
 international

organizations
 it
 was
 important
 to
 look
 the
 United
 Nations
 (UN)
 as
 an
 important
 place
 where

several
interesting
ideas
have
surfaced.
The
research
has
shown
that
in
June
of
2004
the
Secretary

General
 of
 the
 United
 Nations
 Kofi
 A.
 Annan
 presented
 to
 the
 General
 Assembly
 a
 report
 that

intended
 to
 strengthen
 Civil
 Society
 in
 the
 United
 Nations
 system.
 The
 report1

 was
 specifically

about
the
relations
between
the
United
Nations
and
the
“Civil
Society”.

This
report
was
made
by

twelve
 eminent
 persons
 from
 all
 over
 the
 world
 and
 tried
 to
 reflect
 how
 these
 organizations

participate
in
the
UN
deliberations
and
processes
and
tried
“to
identify
ways
of
making
it
easier
for

civil
society
actors
from
developing
countries
to
participate
fully
in
United
Nations
activities;
and
to

review
how
the
Secretariat
is
organized
to
facilitate,
manage
and
evaluate
the
relationships
of
the

United
 Nations
 with
 civil
 society
 and
 to
 learn
 from
 experience
 gained
 in
 different
 parts
 of
 the

system”
(Annan,
2004)



The
UN
has
now
four
important
instances
and
one
is
suspended:

1. General
Assembly

2. Security
Counsel

3. Economical
and
Social
Council

4. International
Court
of
Justice

5. Trusteeship
Council
(will
meet
when
required)































































1

Known
as
“Cardoso
Report”
for
Fernando
Henrique
Cardoso,
the
former
president
of
Brazil
in
2003
who
chaired
the

report

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
16



Since
the
UN’s
foundation
in
1945
fewer
than
400
Non‐Governmental
Organizations
(NGO's)
have

been
important
participants
(Willets,
2006),
they
have
access
to
intergovernmental
meetings,
are

able
to
present
written
statements,
make
open
interventions
and
to
lobby.
Their
intervention
is

limited
to
conferences
and
to
the
Economic
and
Social
Council
(ECOSOC).
Since
then,
the
number

of
participants
has
increased
to
3,187
organizations
and
they
have
served
as
“technical
experts,

advisers
and
consultants
to
governments
and
the
Secretariat.
Sometimes,
as
advocacy
groups,
they

espouse
 UN
 themes,
 implementing
 plans
 of
 action,
 programs
 and
 declarations
 adopted
 by
 the

United
Nations”
(UN,
2009).



They
 seem
 like
 an
 active
 and
 growing
 actor
 even
 though
 there
 aren’t
 formal
 members
 of
 the

General
 Assembly,
 the
 Security
 Council
 nor
 the
 International
 Economic
 Institutions.
 Their

participation
rights
are
limited
due
to
they
are
not
“States”.
It
is
well
known
that
there
is
some

resistance
among
several
UN
member
governments
in
extending
their
rights
so
they
could
achieve

a
 major
 impact
 on
 the
 agenda.
 This
 is
 understood
 because
 several
 governments
 do
 not
 know,

recognize
 nor
 understand
 their
 work.
 In
 Mexico
 for
 example,
 most
 state
 governments
 are
 still

refusing
to
collaborate
with
the
NGOs
because
they
are
still
considering
them
as
social
movements

organized
to
question
the
government
instead
of
collaborating
with
them,
even
it
is
well
known

that
many
other
federal
governments
recognize
their
job
and
have
developed
different
laws
for

enlarging
joint
ventures
on
social
and
economical
development
projects.
Some
of
those
countries

are
Argentina,
the
United
States,
Chile,
the
United
Kingdom,
France
and
Spain
(Villa,
2007).



Willetts’
 study
 (2006)
 analyzed
 specifically
 the
 relation
 between
 the
 UN
 and
 the
 NGOs
 were

questioning
 their
 role
 and
 whether
 they
 are
 part
 of
 an
 established
 structural

functionalism/corporatism
or
a
global
democracy.
The
results
where
interesting
because
it
shows

the
level
of
intervention
they
have
and
how
they
are
treated
in
the
system,
the
importance
of

defining
their
roles,
their
levels
of
intervention
and
their
level
of
internationalization.
He
arrived
at

some
very
important
conclusions:


1. “For
 the
 last
 thirty
 years,
 it
 has
 been
 a
 system
 of
 democratic
 pluralism
 on
 all
 economic,

social,
human
rights,
and
environmental
policy
questions.

2. The
 system
 does
 need
 extending
 to
 the
 General
 Assembly,
 the
 Security
 Council,
 and
 the

global
economic
institutions.

3. There
should
be
greater
participation
from
developing
countries.

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
17



4. The
 system
 should
 not
 be
 subject
 to
 any
 fundamental
 restructuring
 through
 adoption
 of

functionalist
or
neocorporatist
ideas.

5. It
would
benefit
from
a
variety
of
reforms
to
strengthen
democratic
pluralism
and
increase

the
density
of
interactions
in
global
civil
society”
(Willetts,2006,
p.
16)



These
conclusions
agree
with
some
of
the
ideas
of
the
present
research
about
as
a
democratic

entities,
the
need
for
support
for
a
more
important
impact,
the
needed
development
of
the
sector

in
 developing
 countries
 and
 finally
 how
 they
 allow
 to
 bring
 a
 deeper
 social,
 economical
 and

political
development.



In
the
next
section
of
the
research
we
will
address
some
specific
countries
in
Latin
America
and

will
consider
national
statistics
of
the
sector
in
order
to
find
possible
paths
we
need
to
take
in

order
to
address
the
needs
of
the
sector.





CIVIL
SOCIETY
IN
LATIN
AMERICA

When
democracy
is

deteriorated
and
weakened

it
is
displaced
by
oligarchy

Aristotle
(1997)



After
reviewing
the
global
context
of
Civil
Society
and
discussing
its
reality
in
the
UN,
the
next
step

in
the
research
is
to
deeply
understand
the
Civil
Society
and
its
context
in
some
of
the
countries
in

Latin
America
in
order
to
know
their
strengths,
weaknesses
and
the
possible
paths
to
follow
for

strengthening
the
sector
and
as
a
consequence
strengthening
the
democracy
in
each
one
of
those

countries
 and
 the
 region
 as
 a
 whole.
 The
 main
 source
 of
 information
 was
 the
 Johns
 Hopkins

Comparative
Nonprofit
Project
developed
by
the
Center
for
Civil
Society
Studies
from
Baltimore,

Maryland.
Three
reasons
were
considered
in
order
to
choose
the
source
of
information:

• It
is
the
most
recent
source
of
information
even
though
it
is
ten
years
old

• It
is
the
only
research
of
the
sector
with
a
common
ground
and
methodology

• Most
of
the
countries
in
the
region
do
not
have
any
viable
source
of
information

Most
of
the
countries
in
Latin
America
are
considered
in
an
economic
developing
situation
and

consolidating
their
democracy
systems.
The
US
and
the
European
Union
(EU),
as
we
have
seen

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
18



before
 in
 Figure
 2,
 have
 developed
 several
 projects
 in
 those
 countries
 and
 most
 of
 the

International
 NGOs
 (INGOs)
 have
 dramatically
 increased
 donations.
 Figure
 3
 showed
 how
 the

INGOs
have
increased
by
approximately
50%
in
Latin
America
and
Caribbean
and
in
Figure
4
we

realized
 how
 the
 countries
 with
 a
 middle
 income
 increased
 the
 number
 of
 associations

approaching
100%
growth.
Latin
American
Civil
Society
accomplishes
most
of
the
conditions
for

having
a
noticeably
increase
in
its
development.
How
can
we
address
this
expansion?
What
are

the
most
impacting
actions
that
will
increase
its
effectiveness?

We
 will
 analyze
 Chile,
 Argentina,
 Brazil,
 Colombia,
 Mexico
 and
 Peru
 as
 the
 most
 significant

examples
of
the
region
and
will
consider

• their
economic
impact

• the
workforce
they
represent
in
comparison
with
private
or
government
areas

• and
its’
source
of
income
with
a
comparison
with
the
region
and
other
countries.



The
reality
these
organizations
function
in
takes
into
consideration
that
poverty
reaches
almost

50%
of
the
population
‐meaning
211
million
of
people‐
and
around
20%
are
indigenous,
(CEPAL,

2001)2

It
is
a
fact
that
these
conditions
have
increased
but
also
the
civil
society
sector
has.

Figure
10.
Poverty
and
extreme
poverty
population
in
Latin
America
(CEPAL,
2001)































































2

These
data
is
from
the
same
years
of
the
CIVIL
SOCIETY
table
we
will
analyze.

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
19



1. CHILE



Nonprofit
 organizations
 in
 Chile
 represent
 an
 important
 workforce
 in
 the
 country.
 They
 almost

reach
the
5%
of
the
economically
active
population
and
it
is
the
relatively
bigger
representative
in

Latin
 America.
 They
 have
 a
 largermayor
 force
 than
 Spain,
 as
 a
 sector,
 and
 it’s
 the
 first

development
 country
 on
 the
 list
 of
 the
 study
 applied
 to
 36
 countries
 by
 the
 Johns
 Hopkins

Comparative
Nonprofit
Sector
Project
in
2004
(Irarrazaval,
et
al.,
2004).





Figure
11.
Nonprofit
Organizations
in
Chile
(Irarrazaval,
et
al.,
2004)



The
 nonprofit
 sector
 represents
 six
 times
 the
 force
 of
 Cencosud,
 the
 largest
 private

entrepreneurial
group
in
the
country,
with
304,000
employees
as
we
can
see
in
the
figures
11
and

12.
These
numbers
consider
the
volunteers
that
represent
47%
of
the
total
workforce.
It
is
the

major
volunteer
force
in
Latin
America
that
reaches
32%
as
we
can
see
in
the
figure
13.
Two
thirds

of
the
workforce
is
concentrated
in
four
areas:
education,
health,
social
services
and
community

development.
Referring
to
the
distribution
of
the
income
it
is
important
to
consider
that
44%
of

the
total
income
belongs
to
Education
institutions
and
referring
to
the
volunteer
work
there
are

three
 issues
 that
 depend
 mostly
 on
 volunteer
 work:
 culture,
 community
 development
 and

environmental
institutions
due
to
75%
of
the
work
is
done
by
volunteers.





Figure
12.
Total
Employment
in
NPOs
in
context
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
20





Figure
13.
Volunteer
as
share
of
NPOs
total
employment
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)



The
development
of
the
sector
and
the
size
of
it
might
also
be
explained
because,
difference
from

the
 rest
 of
 the
 Latin
 American
 countries,
 Chile
 reaches
 46%
 of
 income
 from
 the
 government

sharing
 this
 statistic
 with
 the
 European
 countries
 (see
 figure
 14
 and
 15).
 This
 income
 from

government
is
mainly
focused
on
educational
institutions.
This
characteristic
has
given
an
impulse

to
the
sector
but
at
the
same
time
is
starting
to
be
“captured”
by
the
state
becoming
only
a
service

provider
and
giving
the
possibility
of
loosing
their
missions.
A
well
defined
legal
status
is
needed

and
 a
 clear
 difference
 between
 the
 organizations
 that
 provide
 services
 to
 the
 state
 and
 the

independent
ones
will
be
a
key
issue
to
solve
in
the
future.



An
 important
 challenge
 in
 Chile
 is
 to

find
 different
 paths
 to
 keep
 and

increase
 the
 volunteer
 force
 it
 has

achieved
 until
 now,
 especially

considering
 that
 volunteers
 currently

demand
 a
 more
 professional

distribution
 of
 their
 time,
 and

achievements
 in
 order
 to
 be
 more

effective
 and
 valuable.
 At
 the
 same

time
 the
 organization’s
 expectations

from
volunteers
are
a
continuous
and
more
systematic
approach
that
implies
a
better
distribution

of
 the
 functions
 inside
 the
 organization
 and
 a
 more
 professionalized
 management
 of
 those

resources.



Figure
14.
Sources
of
Civil
Society
Organization
revenue
in

Chile
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)

The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
21





Figure
15.
Sources
of
Civil
Society
Organization
revenue
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)



These
organizations
do
not
have
a
guaranteed
wealth
and
as
a
growing
sector,
access
to
funding
is

becoming
a
very
competitive
process
even
if
it
comes
from
the
government,
fees
or
philanthropy

in
the
local,
national
or
international
level.
They
are
becoming
more
professional
and
demanding

more
professional
managers
to
work
within
this
new
context.



2. PERU



Nonprofit
 organizations
 in
 Peru
 represent
 an
 important
 social
 and
 political
 voice
 but
 also
 an

economical
one.
In
1995
it
represented
1.2
billion
dollars
equivalent
to
the
2%
of
the
GDP
and

more
than
150.000
people
as
a
total

workforce,
including
volunteers.


One
 of
 the
 major
 problems
 of
 the

sector
is
the
ability
to
measure
in
a

precise
way
the
volunteer
force.
In

1998
 a
 survey
 of
 donations
 and

voluntarism
 was
 applied
 and
 the

numbers
confirmed
that
31%
of
the
population
was
volunteering
doubling
the
results
of
the
study

made
by
Sanborn
et
al.
(1999)




Peru
has
a
good
percentage
of
employment:
it
has
the
same
percentages
Colombia
and
better

than
Brazil
and
Mexico.
It
seems
that
Peru’s
history
determines
in
a
good
way
the
development
of



Figure
16.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Perú
,
1995
(Sanborn,

Portocarrero,
List
&
Salamon,
1999)



· Contribución de los voluntarios. Aun así, estos datos no reflejan
por sí solos toda la extensión del sector no lucrativo del
Perú, ya que también atrae un importante volumen de trabajo
voluntario.Las 49.430 organizaciones analizadas en el presente
estudio también emplean a 26.400 voluntarios EJC,aproxima-
damente. Esta cifra aumenta el número total de empleados
del sector a más de 150.000, o casi el 3% del total de empleo
del país (véase la figura XXIII.1).
538 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo
CUADRO XXIII.1
El sector no lucrativo en el Perú, 1995
1.200 millones de dólares en gastos
— 2,0% del PIB
126.988 empleados remunerados
— 2,4% del total de empleo no agrícola
— 3,2% del empleo en el sector servicios
— 16,5% del empleo en el sector público
FIGURA XXIII.1
El sector no lucrativo peruano, con y sin voluntarios,
1995, como porcentaje de...
2,0% 2,0%PIB
Empleados remunerados
The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
22



the
sector
because
the
invasion
of
the
catholic
church
that
developed
different
social
activities,

the
 mutual
 aid
 societies
 and
 especially
 to
 the
 “Sociedades
 de
 beneficiencia”
 promoted
 by
 the

upper
 classes
 during
 the
 19th

 century
 that
 currently
 has
 been
 acquired
 by
 the
 formation
 of

corporate
foundations
(Sanborn
et
al.,
1999)





Figure
17.
Peruan
nonprofit
sector
with
and
without
volunteers
as
percentage
of…
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1995)



The
distribution
of
the
employment
is
very
similar
to
Chile:
75%
of
nonprofit
employment
is
on
the

education
area
and
near
15%
is
located
in
the
development
area,
followed
by
health
and
culture

with
a
4%
as
we
can
see
in
figure
17.



It
 has
 the
 largest
 sector
 in

development
 and
 education
 in
 Latin

America
 and
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 studied

countries.
 The
 education
 number
 is

explained
 because
 all
 the
 primary

education
institutions
in
the
country

that
 had
 to
 be
 under
 the
 nonprofit

status
 and
 the
 development
 ones

that
 might
 be
 supported
 in
 an

important
 way
 by
 the
 Catholic

Church
that
looked
for
many
years
to

increase
 community
 development

and
organizing.



· Contribución de los voluntarios. Aun así, estos datos no reflejan
por sí solos toda la extensión del sector no lucrativo del
Perú, ya que también atrae un importante volumen de trabajo
voluntario.Las 49.430 organizaciones analizadas en el presente
estudio también emplean a 26.400 voluntarios EJC,aproxima-
damente. Esta cifra aumenta el número total de empleados
del sector a más de 150.000, o casi el 3% del total de empleo
del país (véase la figura XXIII.1).
Además, otra información recopilada por el equipo de inves-
tigación que no es directamente comparable con los datos de
ámbito nacional utilizados previamente, sugiere que el núme-
FIGURA XXIII.1
El sector no lucrativo peruano, con y sin voluntarios,
1995, como porcentaje de...
16,5%
3,2%
2,4%
2,0%
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25%
2,0%
2,9%
3,9%
20,0%
PIB
Empleo total*
Empleo sector
servicios
Empleo sector
público
* No agrario
Empleados remunerados
Voluntarios


Figure
18.
Nonprofit
sector
composition
in
comparison
with

Latin
America
and
22
other
countries
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1999)
· Notable cuota de empleo en el área de desarrollo. La siguiente
mayor cuota de empleo no lucrativo en el Perú la absorbe el
área de desarrollo, constituyendo el 14,5% del empleo del
sector no lucrativo, el doble de promedio que los países lati-
noamericanos (7,0%) y más del doble que en los 22 países
aquí analizados (5,8%) 7. Esta área está ampliamente poblada
por las denominadas organizaciones no gubernamentales
(ONGs), que facilitan financiación y formación a las activida-
des de desarrollo de base comunitaria.
544 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo
FIGURA XXIII.4
Composición del sector no lucrativo, Perú,
Latinoamérica, y promedio de los 22 países, 1995
30,2%
19,6%
18,3%
14,4%
6,5%
5,8%
3,1%
2,2%
44,4%
12,2%
10,3%
10,6%
12,4%
7,0%
1,2%
1,9%
74,5%
4,2%
1,2%
4,0%
14,5%
1,4%
0,1%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%
0,0%
Otras áreas
Medio ambiente/
asesoramiento legal
Desarrollo
Asociaciones profesionales
Cultura
Servicios sociales
Sanidad
Educación
% de empleo no lucrativo
Perú
Promedio Latinoamérica
Promedio de los 22 países
7 Si se incluye el empleo remunerado en las fundaciones y las asociaciones profe-
sionales, la cuota correspondiente al área de desarrollo es del 13,8%. Esta cifra si-
The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
23



Peru’s
 income
 sources
 are
 completely
 different
 than

Chile.
As
we
can
see
in
figure
18,
Peru’s
major
source
of

income
 is
 the
 fee
 for
 services
 reaching
 a
 67.8%
 of
 the

total
income.
Public
funding
is
the
second
source
with
a

19.3%
and
philanthropy
has
a
12.9%
and
even
that
these

two
 are
 lower
 in
 the
 country
 they
 represent
 a
 higher

percentage
in
comparison
to
Latin‐American
countries
or

the
studied
countries
as
we
can
see
in
figure
19.

It
 is
 evident
 that
 the
 government
 income
 all
 over
 Latin
 America
 is
 very
 low
 especially
 in

comparison
to
the
other
22
countries
that
reach
a
40%
of
income.



It
 is
 important
 to
 notice
 that
 the
 international
 aid
 reaches
 a
 total
 of
 20%
 of
 the
 total
 income

bringing
down
the
national
government
and
the
national
philanthropy
income
to
6.2%
and
5.9%

respectively.
This
international
aid
is
mainly
focused
to
environmental,
development
and
housing

and
 to
 the
 defense
 of
 civil
 rights.
 These
 organizations
 depend
 completely
 of
 this
 income
 to

continue
their
job.



It
is
well
known
that
the
sector

needs
 recognition
 from

academics,
 politics
 and
 the

general
public.
It
is
a
sector
that

needs
 to
 build
 bridges
 for

developing
 research
 and

collaborations
 with
 other

actors.
 A
 key
 factor
 to
 develop

is
 a
 clear
 law
 and
 fiscal
 rules

that
enable
the
sector
to
make

private
 philanthropy
 to
 grow

and
the
government
support
to
be
activated.
Volunteerism
is
another
issue
to
consider
bringing

more
professional
and
material
resources
to
the
organizations.
The
growth
of
the
sector
won’t
be

possible
if
the
sector
does
not
develop
actors
that
might
lead
the
sector
in
to
this
path.






Figure
20.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit
sector
from
Peru,
Latin

America
and
22
other
countries
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1999)

bastante considerable. Así, como se indica en la figu-
ra XXIII.8,aunque las cuotas y los pagos por servicios son el
elemento predominante de la base financiera del sector no
lucrativo en términos globales, su predominio está conside-
rablemente menos acentuado que en el Perú (67,8% del to-
tal de los ingresos en el Perú frente al 49,4% en términos
globales). Por el contrario, los pagos procedentes del sector
público generalmente constituyen una cuota de ingresos
considerablemente mayor en estos otros países (40,1%
frente al 19,3% en el Perú).
· Importante financiación procedente de fuentes internacionales. La
ayuda internacional constituye una notable fuente de financia-
ción del sector no lucrativo en el Perú, contribuyendo con el
550 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo
FIGURA XXIII.8
Fuentes de ingresos en efectivo del sector no
lucrativo, Perú, Latinoamérica, y promedio de los 22
países, 1995
19,3%
12,9%
67,8%
15,5%
10,4%
74,0%
40,1%
10,5%
49,4%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
Sector público Filantropía Cuotas
Perú
Promedio Latinoamérica
Promedio de los 22 países


Figure
19.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit

sector
from
Peru
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1999)

madamente dos terceras partes, o el 67,8%, del total de los
ingresos del sector no lucrativo en el Perú.
· Limitada financiación procedente de la filantropía y del sector pú-
blico. Por el contrario, la financiación procedente de la filan-
tropía privada y del sector público (nacional e internacional)
FIGURA XXIII.6
Fuentes de ingresos del sector no lucrativo en el
Perú, 1995
Cuotas, pagos
por servicios
67,8%
Sector público
19,3%
Filantropía
12,9%
The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
24



3. MEXICO



Historically,
 the
 nonprofit
 sector
 in
 Mexico
 has
 had
 difficulties
 to
 develop
 itself
 because
 of
 the

political
environment.
The
20th

century,
the
most
important
for
the
sector,
was
marked
by
a
one

Government
 party
 that
 didn’t
 develop
 laws
 or
 incentives
 for
 the
 sector.
 The
 research
 done
 by

Verduzco,
List
&
Salamon
(1999)
affirms

that
 it
 is
 the
 least
 developed
 sector
 in

Latin
 America
 and
 all
 the
 22
 studied

countries.
 It
 does
 not
 represent
 an

important
economical
force
having
only

the
 .5%
 of
 the
 GDP
 and
 93,809
 paid

employees.

Mexico
 was
 below
 the
 Latin‐American

average
of
employment
not
even
reaching


one
fifth.




The
 historic
 context
 of
 the
 sector
 and
 its

link
to
the
Catholic
Church
determined
its

development.
 Mexico
 shares
 a
 similar

history
with
Peru,
Chile,
Colombia
and
all

the
 Central
 American
 countries
 but
 in

Mexico
 in
 1821
 the
 state
 took
 all
 the

possessions
 of
 the
 church
 and
 the
 Church
 never

developed
 autonomous
 organizations
 giving
 an

important
 damage
 to
 the
 sector.
 Later
 at
 the

beginning
 of
 the
 20th

 century
 the
 state
 had
 a
 very

important
development
and
provided
all
the
services

and
discouraged
the
attempts
of
having
autonomous

associations.
At
the
end
of
the
century
other
political

parties
started
to
gain
the
lower
and
upper
cameras

and
 change
 started
 to
 bring
 an
 important
 numbers

of
associations.



Figure
22.
Mexican
nonprofit
sector
with
and
without

volunteers
as
percentage
of…
(Verduzco,
et
al.,
1999)
2. El sector no lucrativo más reducido de
Latinoamérica
El sector no lucrativo mexicano no sólo es reducido en rela-
ción con su economía global, sino también en comparación con
sus homólogos en Latinoamérica y en el resto del mundo.
· Significativamente por debajo de la media internacional.Como se
observa en la figura XXII.2, el tamaño relativo del sector no
lucrativo varía ampliamente entre países, siendo la media glo-
bal de los 22 países incluidos en el estudio el 4,8%. Por tanto,
con una cuota de empleo del 0,4%,el sector no lucrativo me-
xicano no sólo se situaba muy por debajo del promedio glo-
bal,sino que en 1995 constituía el sector no lucrativo más re-
ducido de los 22 países incluidos en este estudio.
· Considerablemente por debajo de la media de los países de Lati-
noamérica. El empleo no lucrativo como porcentaje del total
de empleo es también considerablemente menor en México
que en el resto de los países de Latinoamérica analizados en
el presente estudio. Así, como se indica en la figura XXII.3, el
empleo EJC en las organizaciones no lucrativas de México,
con un 0,4% del total de empleo, constituye una cifra inferior
a la quinta parte del promedio de los países de Latinoamérica
(2,2%).
520 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo
FIGURA XXII.1
El sector no lucrativo mexicano, con y sin voluntarios,
1995, como porcentaje de...
2,4%
1,2%
0,4%
0,5%
0% 1% 2% 3% 4%
0,5%
0,7%
1,8%
3,6%
PIB
Empleo total*
Empleo sector
servicios
Empleo sector
público
* No agrario
Empleados remunerados
Voluntarios


Figure
21.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Mexico
,
1995
(Verduzco,
et

al.,
1999)

llones de dólares (8.800 millones de pesos mexicanos), o el
0,5% del producto interior bruto del país, una cantidad bas-
tante reducida 3.
· Una modesta fuente de empleo. Detrás de estos gastos se en-
cuentra una fuerza laboral que incluye a 93.809 empleados
asalariados equivalentes a jornada completa (EJC). Esta cifra
constituye el 0,4% del total de trabajadores no agrícolas del
país,el 1,2% del empleo en el sector servicios y el equivalente
al 2,4% del personal empleado por el Estado en todos los ám-
bitos: federal, estatal y municipal (véase el cuadro XXII.1).
· Contribución de los voluntarios. Aun así, no queda reflejada toda
la extensión del sector no lucrativo en México, ya que tam-
bién atrae un importante volumen de trabajo voluntario. De
hecho,un 10% de la población mexicana manifiesta contribuir
con parte de su tiempo con las organizaciones no lucrativas.
Ello se traduce en un mínimo de 47.000 empleados EJC adi-
cionales 4, lo cual aumenta el número total de empleados EJC
de las organizaciones no lucrativas en México a 141.000, un
incremento de más del 50%,o el 0,7% del total de empleo del
país (véase la figura XXII.1).
CUADRO XXII.1
El sector no lucrativo en México, 1995
1.300 millones de dólares en gastos
— 0,5% del PIB
93.809 empleados remunerados
— 0,4% del total de empleo no agrícola
— 1,2% del empleo en el sector servicios
— 2,4% del empleo en el sector público
3 Técnicamente, la comparación más exacta es la que se establece entre la contri-
bución del sector al valor añadido y el producto interior bruto. Para el sector no lu-
crativo, valor añadido en términos económicos es, básicamente, igual a la suma de
los salarios y al valor imputado del tiempo aportado por los voluntarios. Sobre esta
base, el sector no lucrativo en México constituye el 0,3% del total del valor aña-
dido.
4 Dado que el equipo de investigación mexicano no ha podido realizar una encues-
ta de población sobre las donaciones y las actividades del voluntariado, y ha utiliza-
do el empleo no remunerado como variable sustitutiva, es muy probable que los
datos sobre el voluntariado no estén reflejados en toda su extensión.


Figure
23.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit

sector
from
Mexico
(Verduzco,
et
al.,
1999)

lucrativas en México la constituyen las cuotas y los pagos por
servicios prestados. Como se indica en la figura XXII.6, sólo
esta fuente de ingresos aporta el 85,2% del total de ingresos
del sector no lucrativo en este país.
· Limitada financiación procedente de la filantropía y del sector pú-
blico. Por el contrario, la financiación procedente de la filan-
tropía privada y el sector público constituye unas cuotas mu-
cho menores de los ingresos totales.Así,como se observa en
la figura XXII.6, la filantropía privada –procedente de perso-
nas físicas, empresas y fundaciones, en conjunto– sólo consti-
tuye el 6,3% de los ingresos del sector no lucrativo en Méxi-
co, mientras que los pagos procedentes del sector público
aportan un mero 8,5%.
· Estructura de ingresos con los voluntarios. Este modelo de ingre-
sos del sector no lucrativo cambia significativamente cuando
se incluye el valor imputado de los voluntarios como un fac-
tor más. En efecto, como se observa en la figura XXII.7, la
cuota de ingresos procedente de la filantropía privada au-
menta considerablemente del 6,3 al 17,9%, superando, por
tanto,a la financiación procedente del sector público,que dis-
minuye del 8,5 al 7,5%. No obstante, las cuotas y los pagos
por servicios siguen constituyendo, por mucho, la fuente pre-
México 527
FIGURA XXII.6
Fuentes de ingresos del sector no lucrativo en
México, 1995
Cuotas, pagos
por servicios
85,2%
Sector público
8,5%
Filantropía
6,3%
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It
is
very
important
to
consider
that
there
are
several
academics
that
have
realized
that
different

kinds
of
associations
were
always
present
but
they
never
had
the
legal
recognition
from
the
state

nor
from
the
church
and
as
a
consequence
they
were
always
operating
without
a
legal
structure.

Actually
several
legislative
people
still
links
the
Nonprofit
associations
to
extremist,
left
wings
or

social
 movements.
 This
 history
 has
 marked
 the
 relations
 between
 the
 government
 and
 the

nonprofit
sector.
In
the
recent
years
a
federal
law
was
published;
this
law
tries
to
encourage
the

collaboration
in
specific
issues
between

the
 state
 and
 the
 Civil
 Society

Associations.
 The
 proposal
 establishes

that
 the
 government
 will
 provide
 a

specific
 amount
 of
 money
 and
 the

associations
will
have
to
provide
the
rest

of
the
money.
This
money
will
never
be

used
 “for”
 the
 association
 but
 for
 the

indirect
 beneficiaries
 and
 even
 though

this
 affects
 the
 operation
 of
 the

organizations
 and,
 as
 a
 consequence,

the
support
is
very
limited,
it
is
the
first

time
in
history
that
the
state
recognizes

the
importance
of
the
work
they
do
and

establishes
 a
 very
 small
 amount
 of

money
 for
 supporting
 their
 actions.

(Villa,
2006)

Different
actions
have
also
developed
a

natural
distrust
of
the
sector:
Several
important
politicians
have
used
these
kinds
of
organizations

to
switch
money
for
their
personal
purposes
and
many
of
the
wealthiest
people
of
the
country
are

using
them
to
capitalize
their
enterprises
by
deducting
taxes
to
the
government.



In
figure
22
we
can
see
the
consequences
of
these
facts;
the
sector
has
relied
upon
the
fees
of
the

services
it
provides
with
an
85.2%
getting
a
very
low
income
from
government
and
philanthropy

with
an
8.5%
and
6.3%
respectively.






Figure
24.
Nonprofit
sector
composition
in
comparison

with
Latin
America
and
22
other
countries
(Verduzco,
et

al.,
1999)

· Cuotas menores de empleo no lucrativo en las áreas de salud y
servicios sociales. Comparado con el promedio global de los
22 países analizados,las áreas de salud y servicios sociales ab-
sorben una cuota mucho menor de empleo no lucrativo en
México. Así, mientras estas dos áreas constituyen el 38% del
empleo no lucrativo en términos globales, como promedio,
en México sólo representan el 17% de dicho empleo. Ello re-
fleja, en gran medida, la amplia presencia del Estado en la
prestación de estos servicios,especialmente desde el estable-
cimiento del PRI. Por tanto, queda poco espacio para que las
organizaciones no estatales, no partidistas, puedan desarro-
llar actividades en estas áreas.
· Cierta presencia de empleo no lucrativo en la vida social. Otra
cuota modesta de empleo no lucrativo en México la constitu-
524 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo
FIGURA XXII.4
Composición del sector no lucrativo, México,
Latinoamérica, y promedio de los 22 países, 1995
30,2%
19,6%
18,3%
14,4%
6,5%
5,8%
3,1%
2,2%
44,4%
12,2%
10,3%
10,6%
12,4%
7,0%
1,2%
1,9%
43,2%
8,1%
8,7%
7,7%
30,5%
0,5%
1,0%
0,3%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Otras áreas
Medio ambiente/
asesoramiento legal
Desarrollo
Asociaciones profesionales
Cultura
Servicios sociales
Sanidad
Educación
% de empleo no lucrativo
México
Promedio Latinoamérica
Promedio de los 22 países
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The
most
important
area
of
development

in
 the
 country
 is
 also
 education
 with
 a

43.2%
 followed
 by
 professional

associations
 with
 a
 30.5%,
 the
 highest
 in

Latin
America
and
the
other
22
countries.

It
is
surprising
to
realize
that
only
the
.5%

of
 the
 registered
 ones
 are
 referred
 to
 as

development
 and
 it
 is
 hard
 to
 believe
 it.

This
 is
 the
 path
 that
 didn’t
 fit
 with
 other

theories
 about
 the
 association
 level
 in

Mexico
and
are
still
researched.



In
comparison
with
the
rest
of
Latin
America,
Mexico
is
the
country
with
more
difficulties
but
at

the
same
time
with
the
most
promised
future
in
the
growth
of
the
sector:
Philanthropy
will
get

higher
and
especially
the
government
will
increase
the
budget
to
the
sector;
figure
25
will
change

considerably
now
that
the
legal
conditions
have
started
to
change.
All
this
will
happen
if
the
sector

is
able
to
professionalize
its
practices
and
brings
more
actors
and
recovers
the
important
moral

capital
that
the
sector
relies
upon.




4. COLOMBIA



Nonprofit
 organizations
 in
 Colombia
 are
 now
 an
 important
 economic
 force
 in
 the
 country.
 It

contains
1.7
billion
dollars
in
expenditures
representing
2.1%
of
the
GDP
as
we
can
see
in
figure

26.
 Colombia
 shares
 the
 Mexican
 history
 about
 the
 church
 and
 the
 development
 of
 a
 recent

democratic
 process
 but
 Colombia
 has
 had
 a

more
 accelerated
 process
 of
 development.
 In

relation
 to
 its
 economy,
 Colombian
 Nonprofit

sector
 is
 larger
 than
 the
 Latin
 American

Average:
Chile
has
a
1.4,
Peru
a
1.2
and
Mexico

a
1.3
billion
in
expenditures.


Colombian
 population
 reaches
 an
 estimated

48%
of
people
volunteering
for
some
type
of
organization
(Villar,
R.,
List,
R.
&
Salamon,
L.,
1999)



Figure
25.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit
sector
from

Mexico,
Latin
America
and
22
other
countries

(Verduzco,
et
al.,
1999)

Latinoamérica.Por tanto,como se indica en la figura XXII.8,las
FIGURA XXII.8
Fuentes de ingresos en efectivo del sector no
lucrativo, México, Latinoamérica, y promedio de los
22 países, 1995
8,5% 6,3%
85,2%
15,5%
10,4%
74,0%
40,1%
10,5%
49,4%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
Sector público Filantropía Cuotas
México
Promedio Latinoamérica
Promedio de los 22 países


Figure
26.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Colombia
,
1995

(Villar,
et
al.,
1999)

ment in the country (see Figure 21.1). This number would undoubt-
edly be larger if churches and other places of religious worship were
included, but such data were unavailable for Colombia.
2. One of the larger nonprofit sectors in Latin America
The Colombian nonprofit sector, while modest in relation to the Colom-
bian economy, is larger than the Latin American average, though it still
falls short of the level of developed countries.
Colombia: A Diverse Nonprofit Sector 413
Table 21.1 The nonprofit sector in Colombia, 1995
$ 1.7 billion in expenditures
— 2.1 percent of GDP
286,900 paid employees
— 2.4 percent of total nonagricultural employment
— 14.9 percent of total service employment
— 30.7 percent of public employment
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equaling
a
total
of
377,617
of
full‐
time
 employees
 as
 we
 can
 see
 in

figure
 27,
 but
 still
 doesn’t

represent
 a
 major
 workforce
 in

comparison
 to
 the
 40%
 of
 the

public
 sector
 or
 the
 18%
 of
 the

service
 employment
 but
 in

comparison
 to
 Latin
 America
 it
 is

above
the
average.



The
 composition
 of
 the
 sector
 in

the
country
is
very
diverse
and
it
is
the
only
example
in
the
region
with
this
characteristic.
It
shares

with
 the
 region
 the
 priority
 in
 educational
 institutions
 with
 a
 26%
 and
 within
 that
 half
 is

distributed
for
elementary
and
secondary
schools
and
half
to
higher
education.
Four
areas
share
a

common
 percentage:
 Development

area,
 professional,
 social
 services

and
 health
 are
 among
 17%
 and

13%.
 Development
 is
 way
 bigger

than
the
region
almost
doubling
the

percentage.
 The
 only
 lower
 area,

besides
 education,
 is
 culture
 with

only
a
1.2%
difference.



If
 the
 volunteer
 factor
 is
 added
 to

the
different
areas,
education
goes

down
 to
 20%
 and
 social
 services

and
development
reaches
18%
and

health
goes
down
from
17%
to
15%.



As
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 countries,

Colombia
is
not
the
exception
in
the

income
characteristics:
the
fees
has



Figure
27.
Nonprofit
employment
in
Colombia,
with
and

without
volunteers,
1995,
as
a
%
of…
(Villar,
et
al.,
1999)

included, but such data were unavailable for Colombia.
2. One of the larger nonprofit sectors in Latin America
The Colombian nonprofit sector, while modest in relation to the Colom-
bian economy, is larger than the Latin American average, though it still
falls short of the level of developed countries.
Figure 21.1 Nonprofit employment in Colombia, with and without volunteers,
1995, as a % of . . .
2.1
2.4
14.9%
30.7%
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%
Paid employees
Volunteers
2.4%
* Nonagricultural
GDP
Total
Employment*
Service
Employment
Public Sector
Employment
3.1%
18.8%
40.4%


Figure
28.
Composition
of
the
Nonprofit
Sector,
Colombia,

Latin
America
and
22‐country
average,
1995
(Villar,
et
al.,

1999)

clearly that Colombia’s nonprofit sector is more diverse than that else-
where in Latin America.
• Pattern shifts with volunteers. When volunteer inputs are factored in,
the composition of the nonprofit sector in Colombia changes notably,
though it remains balanced overall. In particular, as shown in Figure
21.5, with volunteers included, the margin of difference among the
418 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR
Figure 21.4 Composition of the nonprofit sector, Colombia, Latin America, and
22-country average, 1995
30.2%
19.6%
18.3%
14.4%
6.5%
5.8%
3.1%
2.2%
44.4%
12.2%
10.3%
10.6%
12.4%
7.0%
1.2%
1.9%
26.1%
17.5%
14.6%
9.4%
15.1%
13.1%
2.1%
2.2%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Education
Health
Social svcs
Culture
Professional
Development
Environ/
Advocacy
Other fields
% of nonprofit employment
Colombia
Latin American average
22-Country average
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a
 70.2%
 of
 the
 income
 and
 the
 government
 and

philanthropy
 has
 a
 low
 portion
 with
 14.2%
 and
 17.8%

respectively.
Even
with
these
numbers
Colombian
nonprofit

income
from
fees
are
below
the
average
by
4%
sharing
this

same
 percentage
 with
 an
 higher
 participation
 in

philanthropy.




As
 we
 can
 see
 in
 figure
 30
 is
 amazing
 to
 see
 how
 the
 22

countries
 average
 in
 government
 support
 has
 a
 bigger

participation
than
Latin
America
going
down
from
40.1$
to

15.5%
having
a
total
difference
of
25%.



The
consulted
research
established
that

the
 participation
 of
 the
 government
 in

Colombia
has
been
active
as
a
promoter

but
not
as
a
funder
and
it
seems
it
has

specifically
 focused
 to
 the
 social

services
 and
 development
 areas
 where

also
 the
 volunteers
 are
 making
 a

difference
 and
 are
 reconfiguring
 the

characteristics
 of
 the
 sector
 in
 the

country.



An
important
conclusion
of
the
research
made
by
Villar
et
al.
(1999)
is
that
the
sector
needs
to

develop
 capacity
 building
 through
 training
 and
 strengthening
 the
 infrastructure
 of
 the

organizations.
 Empowering
 new
 leaders
 to
 move
 from
 providing
 services
 to
 advocating
 for
 the

sector
might
be
a
key
path
to
keep
strengthening
the
sector.
At
the
same
time
it
will
be
necessary

to
keep
the
strength
of
the
voluntary
force.
It
will
be
important
to
keep
the
clear
distance
among

the
 government
 and
 the
 nonprofit
 sector
 in
 order
 to
 keep
 the
 organizations
 independent.
 An

important
 difference
 between
 the
 Mexican
 sector
 and
 the
 Colombian
 is
 that
 even
 that
 the

Colombian
looks
in
better
shape,
it
will
face
difficult
circumstances
and
Mexican
seems
to
start
a

“clear”
road



Figure
29.
Sources
of
Nonprofit

revenue
in
Colombia,
1995
(Villar,

et
al.,
1999)

most other countries. In particular:
• Fee income dominant. The overwhelmingly dominant source of in-
come of nonprofit organizations in Colombia is fees and charges for
the services that these organizations provide. As reflected in Figure
21.6, this source alone accounts for 70.2 percent of all nonprofit rev-
enue in Colombia.
Figure 21.6 Sources of nonprofit revenue in Colombia, 1995
Public Sector
Fees, Charges
Philanthropy
14.9%
14.9%
70.2%


Figure
30.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
cash
revenue,
Colombia,

Latin
America
and
22
country
average
1995
(Villar,
et
al.,

1999)

(14.9 percent vs. 10.4 percent on average), due at least in part to the sig-
nificant support provided by corporations and corporate foundations.
• Deviation from the global average. While the revenue structure of the
Colombian nonprofit sector generally mirrors that elsewhere in Latin
America, it differs considerably from that evident elsewhere in the
world. Thus, as Figure 21.8 also shows, while fees and charges are the
dominant element in the financial base of the nonprofit sector glob-
ally, their dominance is considerably less pronounced than it is in
Colombia (49.4 percent of total revenue compared to 70.2 percent in
Colombia). By contrast, public sector payments comprise a consider-
ably larger share of nonprofit income in these other countries on aver-
age (40.1 percent vs. 14.9 percent in Colombia), but private giving is
weaker (10.5 percent vs. 14.9 percent in Colombia). Quite clearly, a dif-
ferent pattern of cooperation has taken shape between nonprofit orga-
nizations and the state in these other countries. In Colombia, govern-
ment has most often played the role of promoter rather than funder.
As noted previously, some of the most widespread nonprofit initiatives
have been developed as a result of government-sponsored programs.
422 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR
Figure 21.8 Sources of nonprofit cash revenue, Colombia, Latin America, and
22-country average, 1995
14.9% 14.9%
70.2%
15.5%
10.4%
74.0%
40.1%
10.5%
49.4%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
Public Sector Philanthropy Fees
Colombia
Latin America
22-Country average
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5. BRAZIL

As
 with
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 Latin
 American

Countries,
 the
 Nonprofit
 sector
 in
 Brazil
 is

also
an
important
economic
force
with
10.6

billion
 dollars
 in
 expenditures
 and

represents
a
1.5%
of
the
GDP
and
a
million

paid
employees
in
the
country.
It
has
more

employees
than
the
most
important
private

forprofit
organization
and
with
the

volunteer
force
it
reaches
near
the

1.2
billion
full
time
employees.



The
distribution
of
the
workforce
is

concentrated
 in
 education
 with
 a

36.9%.
 The
 next
 three
 areas
 of

importance
 are
 health,
 social

services
 and
 culture
 with
 a
 17.8%,

16.4%
 and
 a
 17%
 respectively.

Culture
 seems
 to
 be
 a
 distinctive

element
 in
 Brazilian
 Nonprofit

sector
 due
 to
 the
 Latin
 American

average
 is
 10.6%.
 Brazilian
 sector

follows
 Peru
 and
 Colombia
 with

2.2%of
 the
 total
 workforce.
 As
 in

Mexico
 the
 role
 of
 the
 church
 has

determined
the
sector’s
growth
historically.
It
is
a
sector

growing
 very
 fast
 and
 within
 the
 next
 years
 seems
 to

become
in
a
greater
force
than
it
was
several
years
ago.

The
main
income
of
the
sector
is
also
the
fees
with
73.8%

followed
 by
 the
 public
 sector
 with
 15.5%
 and
 the



Figure
31.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Brazil
,
1995

(Landim,
L.,
Beres,
N.,
List,
R.,
&
Salamon,
L.M.,

1999)

twice as fast as employment in the nation’s overall economy, which ex-
perienced only 20 percent growth.
• More employees than in the largest private firm. Put somewhat differ-
ently, nonprofit employment in Brazil easily outdistances the employ-
ment in the largest private business in the country, and does so by a
factor of 16. Thus, compared to the 1 million paid workers in Brazil’s
nonprofit organizations, Brazil’s largest private corporation, Brade-
sco, employs only 62,450 workers (see Figure 20.1).
• Volunteer inputs. Even this does not capture the full scope of the non-
profit sector in Brazil, for the sector also attracts a considerable
amount of volunteer effort. Indeed, an estimated 16 percent of the
Brazilian population reports contributing their time to nonprofit or-
ganizations. This translates into another 139,216 full-time equivalent
employees, which boosts the total number of full-time equivalent em-
ployees of nonprofit organizations in Brazil to nearly 1.2 million, or
2.5 percent of total employment in the country (see Figure 20.2).
• Religion. The inclusion of religion, moreover, would boost these to-
tals by another 93,837 paid employees and 195,882 FTE volunteers.
Brazil 395
Table 20.1 The nonprofit sector in Brazil, 1995
$10.6 billion in expenditures
— 1.5 percent of GDP
1.0 million paid employees
— 2.2 percent of total nonagricultural employment
— 7.8 percent of total service employment
— 19.4 percent of public sector employment
Figure 20.1 Employment in nonprofits vs. largest firm in Brazil, 1995


Figure
 32.
 Composition
 of
 the
 Nonprofit
 Sector,
 Brazil,

Latin‐American
 and
 22‐country
 average
 (Landim,
 et
 al,

1999)

tablished by other religious groups such as Kardecist spiritism and by
immigrants such as the Lebanese and Israelis. Notably, in the culture
and recreation field, sports organizations account for 95 percent of
employment.
Brazil 401
Figure 20.5 Composition of the nonprofit sector, Brazil, Latin America, and 22-
country average, 1995
30.2%
19.6%
18.3%
14.4%
6.5%
5.8%
3.1%
2.2%
44.4%
12.2%
10.3%
10.6%
12.4%
7.0%
1.2%
1.9%
36.9%
17.8%
16.4%
17.0%
9.6%
1.1%
0.9%
0.4%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Education
Health
Social svcs
Culture
Professional
Development
Environ/
Advocacy
Other fields
% of nonprofit employment
Brazil
Latin American average
22-Country average


Figure
33.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
revenue

in
Brazil,
1995
(Landim,
et
al,
1999)

404 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR
Figure 20.7 Sources of nonprofit revenue in Brazil, 1995
Public Sector
Fees, Charges
Philanthropy
15.5%
10.7%
73.8%
Public Sector
Philanthropy
14.5%
16.3%
The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities



Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
30



philanthropy
with
10.7%.
The
distribution
of

the
income
in
Brazil
fits
almost
completely
to

the
 average
 in
 Latin
 American
 countries
 as

we
 can
 see
 in
 figure
 34.
 The
 philanthropy

percentage
fits
with
the
22
countries
where

the
 study
 was
 applied,
 the
 difference
 is

marked
 by
 the
 fees
 and
 government

participation
by
a
25%
difference.



The
conclusions
of
the
study
showed
that
the

sector
needed
to
gain
visibility
and
developing
collaborations
between
the
government
and
the

nonprofits.
 It
 is
 necessary
 to
 develop
 leaders
 able
 to
 lobby,
 this
 will
 bring
 a
 better
 legal

atmosphere
and
as
a
consequence
the
sector
will
grow.



6. ARGENTINA

Argentina
Nonprofit
sector
is
the
second
largest
in

Latin
 America.
 It
 has
 12
 billion
 dollars
 in

expenditures
 and
 represents
 4.7%
 of
 the
 GDP
 of

the
country.
It
is
also
a
major
workforce
with
3.7%

full
time
employees
of
the
total
population.
If
the

volunteer
force
is
included
the
GDP
grows
to
5.6%

and
 the
 full
 time
 employees
 to
 6%
 doubling
 the

average
percentage
of
Latin
America.
The
main
source
of

income
 is
 the
 fees
 with
 73%
 of
 income,
 19.5%
 from

government
 support
 and
 7.5%
 from
 philanthropy.
 The

distribution
of
the
sector,
as
we
can
see
in
figure
36
is

lead
 by
 the
 education
 institution
 with
 a
 41.3%
 of
 the

total
 workforce
 followed
 by
 culture,
 health
 and
 social

services
 with
 a
 15.1%,
 13.4%
 and
 10.7%.
 Development

takes
 5.7%
 the
 same
 that
 the
 22
 studied
 countries

represent.






Figure
34.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
cash
revenue,

Colombia,
Latin
America
and
22
country
average

1995
(Landim,
et
al,
1999)
nonprofit revenues. Evidently, the public sector’s relative disinterest
in the work of nonprofit institutions in Brazil has yielded a very differ-
ent pattern of nonprofit finance, one that is far more dependent on
private fees, charitable donations, and volunteering.
• Variations by subsector. Even this does not do full justice to the com-
plexities of nonprofit finance in Brazil, however. This is so because im-
portant differences exist in the finances of nonprofit organizations by
subsector. In fact, three quite distinct patterns of nonprofit finance
are evident among Brazilian nonprofits, as shown in Figure 20.11:
Fee-dominant fields. Fee income is the dominant source of income in
six of the nine fields of nonprofit action for which data were gathered
(professional, international, health, culture, education, and civic and
advocacy). This is understandable enough in the case of professional
associations and unions, as well as cultural and sports groups, where
membership dues and fees for the services they provide are the pri-
mary sources of income. Perhaps surprisingly, this is also the case for
international-oriented and civic and advocacy groups, which organize
as membership associations. Furthermore, as might be expected, edu-
cational and health institutions receive fees for the services they pro-
vide, though they also receive payments from the public sector.
406 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR
Figure 20.10 Sources of nonprofit cash revenue in Brazil, Latin America, and
22-country average, 1995
15.5%
10.7%
73.8%
15.5%
10.4%
74.0%
40.1%
10.5%
49.4%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
Public Sector Philanthropy Fees
Brazil
Latin America
22-Country average


Figure
35.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Argentina
,
1995

(Roitter,
M.,
List
R.,
&
Salamon,
L.M.,
1999)

lion (about 12 billion Argentine pesos) in 1995, or 4.7 percent of the
country’s gross domestic product, a quite significant amount.3
• A major employer. Behind these expenditures lies a sizable workforce
that includes the equivalent of 395,000 full-time equivalent paid work-
ers. This represents 3.7 percent of all nonagricultural workers in the
country, 9.4 percent of service employment, and the equivalent of
nearly one-third as many people as work for government at all levels—
federal, provincial, and municipal (see Table 19.1).
• More employees than in the largest private firms. Put somewhat differ-
ently, nonprofit employment in Argentina easily outdistances the
employment in the largest private businesses in the country. Thus,
compared to the 395,000 paid workers in Argentina’s nonprofit orga-
nizations, Argentina’s 100 largest private corporations together em-
ploy approximately 280,000 workers (see Figure 19.1).
• Volunteer inputs. Even this does not capture the full scope of the non-
profit sector in Argentina, for this sector also attracts a considerable
amount of volunteer effort. Indeed, an estimated 20 percent of the
Argentina 375
Table 19.1 The nonprofit sector in Argentina, 1995
$12.0 billion in expenditures
— 4.7 percent of GDP
395,000 paid employees
— 3.7 percent of total nonagricultural employment
— 9.4 percent of total service employment
— 30.9 percent of public sector employment
Figure 19.1 Employment in nonprofits vs. largest private firms in Argentina,
1995


Figure
35.
Sources
of
Nonprofit

revenue
in
Argentina,
1995
(Roitter,
et

al
1999)

ability of development, advocacy, and social service organizations to at-
tract volunteers.
5. Most revenue from fees, not philanthropy or public sector
The Argentine nonprofit sector receives the bulk of its revenue not from
private philanthropy but from fees and charges, and does so to an even
greater extent than do nonprofit organizations in most other countries
outside of Latin America. In particular:
• Fee income dominant. The overwhelmingly dominant source of in-
come of nonprofit organizations in Argentina is fees and charges for
the services that these organizations provide. As reflected in Figure
19.7, this source alone accounts for nearly three-quarters, or 73.1 per-
cent, of all nonprofit revenue in Argentina.5
• Limited support from philanthropy and the public sector. In contrast,
private philanthropy and the public sector provide much smaller
shares of total revenues. Thus, as Figure 19.7 shows, private philan-
thropy—from individuals, corporations, and foundations combined—
accounts for only 7.5 percent of nonprofit income in Argentina, while
public sector payments, including compulsory payments to the obras
sociales which are used to finance health and related social welfare
benefits, account for 19.5 percent.
• Revenue structure with volunteers. This pattern of nonprofit revenue
changes significantly when volunteers are factored into the picture. In
Argentina 383
Figure 19.7 Sources of nonprofit revenue in Argentina, 1995
Public Sector
Fees, Charges
Philanthropy
19.5%
7.5%
73.1%
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa
The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa

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The
 Civil 
Society 
in 
Latin ­American 
reality: A 
possible 
path
 for
 strengthening
 the
 sector 
from
 the 
Jesuit 
Universities

 - Marcos Villa

  • 2. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
2
 
 
 INDEX
 
 
 INTRODUCTION
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
HISTORICAL
CONTEXT
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4
 NONPROFIT,
NONGOVERNMENTAL
AND
CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
 
 
 6
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
HISTORICAL
AND
INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT
 
 7
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
IN
UNITED
NATIONS,
AN
EXAMPLE
OF
THE
COMPLEX
REALITY
 15
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
IN
LATIN
AMERICA
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17
 1. Chile
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19
 2. Peru
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21
 3. Mexico

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24
 4. Colombia
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26
 5. Brazil
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29
 6. Argentina
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30
 THE
NEED
TO
PROFESSIONALIZE
THE
CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
IN
LATIN
AMERICA
 
 32
 • The
experience
of
public
policy
&
administration
degrees
 
 
 32
 • The
experience
of
noncredit/degree‐seeking
studies
 
 
 
 34
 • The
possibility
of
civil
society
organization
graduate
study
in
Latin
America
 35
 JESUIT
UNIVERSITIES
MISSION
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 37
 BIBLIOGRAPHY
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 40
 
 
 
 
 
 

  • 3. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
3
 
 
 
 
 INTRODUCTION

 
 In
this
paper
the
author
will
define
“Civil
Society”
and
provide
an
in‐depth
view
of
the
reality
of
 civil
society
within
some
countries
in
Latin
America.
The
objective
of
the
paper
is
to
understand
 civil
society
organizations
and
take
a
closer
look
at
their
context
to
see
if
developing
a
Graduate
 program
within
those
countries
might
help
to
strengthen
them
individually
and
as
a
sector
and
as
 a
consequence
to
improve
the
social‐political‐economical
impact
they
are
addressing.

 
 The
importance
of
the
Civil
Society
makes
it
necessary
to
understand
and
to
know
the
possibilities
 that
rely
on
it.
Several
government
leaders,
academics,
universities,
private
corporations
leaders
 see
Civil
Society
as
the
key
actor
in
the
future;
is
civil
society
the
answer
we
have
look
between
the
 struggle
 of
 the
 welfare
 state
 and
 the
 market?
 Is
 Civil
 Society
 a
 strong
 actor
 in
 Latin
 American
 Countries?
Is
it
ready
to
propose
possible
paths
in
order
to
fight
poverty?
Is
Civil
Society
ready
to
 lead
social
justice
within
Latin
American
Countries,
or
in
other
words,
is
Civil
Society
developing
 leaders
for
establishing
social
justice
among
those
countries?

If
Civil
Society
is
a
key
actor
for
the
 future,
how
can
we
strengthen
their
actions
and
their
organization?

 
 A
 second
 objective
 is
 to
 analyze
 if
 this
 graduate
 program
 as
 it
 fits
 to
 the
 mission
 of
 Jesuit
 Universities
 seek
 in
 their
 education.
 It
 is
 possible
 that
 the
 Graduate
 Degrees
 those
 universities
 offer
do
not
consider
Civil
society
as
an
important
social
actor
for
accomplishing
social
change.
It
is
 very
important
to
understand
the
link
between
Civil
Society
and
Jesuit
universities
in
order
to
see
 what
 is
 the
 best
 way
 to
 collaborate
 to
 strengthen
 each
 other
 and
 finally
 to
 reach
 their
 own
 missions
 and
 visions.
 What
 are
 the
 possibilities
 that
 the
 Jesuit
 universities
 have
 in
 order
 to
 strengthen
them?
 
 
 
 

  • 4. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
4
 
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
HISTORICAL
CONTEXT
 
 Citizens
who
are
individually
powerless
 do
not
very
clearly
anticipate
the
strength
 that
they
may
acquire
by
uniting
together
 Alexis
de
Tocqueville
(1840)
 
 
 In
the
last
thousands
of
years,
and
possibly
before,
human
kind
has
developed
itself
as
the
most
 complex
 specie
 on
 the
 earth.
 Its
 complexity
 is
 not
 only
 biological
 but
 also
 in
 the
 way
 it
 has
 organized
itself
for
along
time.
Between
getting
their
needs
fulfilled
‐for
survival‐
and
organizing
as
 a
 community
 many
 leaders,
 philosophers,
 politicians,
 writers,
 communities,
 governments
 have
 looked
for
the
best
answer
and
are
still
looking
for
that
answer.
 Along
 our
 history,
 in
 specific
 moments,
 different
 communities
 have
 established
 as
 a
 better
 solution
to
their
organization
that
“strong”
governments
should
make
decisions
and
dictate
what
 should
 be
 done
 in
 their
 societies
 including
 economic
 decisions.
 Some
 communities
 tried
 to
 establish
 that
 complete
 freedom
 of
 production
 without
 government
 intervention
 in
 the
 economical
aspects
of
the
community
would
balance
the
concentration
of
power
that
government
 had
and
as
a
consequence
equality
would
come
to
every
human
being.
Hundreds
of
books
have
 been
written
and
hundreds
of
years
have
passed.
Millions
of
people
have
lived
the
consequences
 of
these
ideas
and
we
still
are
looking
for
an
answer.
 
 We
 can
 look
 back
 to
 the
 origins
 of
 our
 occidental
 culture
 in
 the
 Ancient
 Greece
 with
 the
 philosophy
of
Plato
and
Aristotle
and
see
some
of
the
citizen
definitions
we
will
arrive
hundreds
of
 years
later.
We
can
review
the
Medieval
Age
and
see
how
monarchies
developed
a
firm
repulsion
 of
 the
 belief
 that
 some
 men
 are
 semi
 gods
 and
 find
 the
 reasons
 why
 we
 have
 come
 to
 the
 conclusion
 that
 democracy
 might
 be
 a
 good
 way
 of
 organizing
 ourselves
 Liberté,
 Égalité,
 Fraternité;
three
words
that
in
an
historic
moment
changed
the
organizing
patterns
of
a
country
 and
took
history
in
to
a
different
path,
a
path
that
brought
the
establishment
of
modern
states,
 and
with
them,
the
beginning
of
our
actual
way
of
organizing,
the
beginning
of
our
actual
culture
 (Anaya,
 2007);
 understanding
 by
 culture
 what
 Bernard
 Lonergan
 has
 defined
 in
 his
 Theology
 Method:
“a
set
of
meanings
and
values
that
inform
a
collective
style
of
life,
and
there
are
as
many
 cultures
as
different
sets
of
meanings
and
values”
(Lonergan,
2001,
p.
292)

  • 5. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
5
 
 Cultures
all
over
the
world
have
been
experiencing
this
history
and
each
of
those
countries
started
 testing
 and
 taking
 decisions
 from
 their
 experiences
 until
 we
 arrived
 in
 the
 last
 century
 to
 a
 confrontation
of
two
different
conceptions
of
how
things
should
be
done;
two
different
visions:
 socialism
and
capitalism
represented
by
the
Soviet
Union
and
the
United
States.
The
differences
 were
sustained
for
several
years
in
the
called
“Cold
War”
as
capitalism
and
socialism
confronted
 each
 other
 and
 started
 different
 actions
 that
 tried
 to
 impose
 ideological
 influence
 through
 economical,
 political
 or
 military
 support
 (Kort,
 2001).
 Those
 conflicts
 rely
 on
 the
 ideological
 proposal
of
prioritize
the
Government
over
the
Free
market
or
vice
versa
as
if
they
were
different
 sectors
within
our
society.
(Gadis,
1990)
 
 This
 is
 how
 we
 arrive
 to
 the
 definition
 of
 two
 sectors
 in
 our
 society;
 two
 sectors
 that
 should
 complement
themselves
but
in
their
struggle
for
more
power
and
control
over
the
decisions
they
 ended
many
times
in
confrontation.
In
some,
governments
balance
has
been
acquired,
in
others
 one
sector
rules
over
the
other.
The
first
sector
is
normally
understood
as
the
government:
the
 most
basic
agreements
that
we,
in
our
actual
context,
assume
since
we
are
born.
It
is
normally
 represented
 by
 the
 constitutions
 of
 a
 country
 and
 it
 establishes
 the
 rights
 and
 duties
 of
 the
 members
of
that
community.
All
members
are
supposed
to
be
equal
and
are
considered
citizens.
 They
are
free
to
decide
upon
their
lives
as
long
as
they
respect
others’
lives,
the
constitutions
and
 laws.
In
democratic
governments
anyone
can
associate
within
themselves
and
develop
groups
that
 look
 forward
 to
 represent
 themselves
 and
 their
 interests
 and
 eventually
 they
 might
 become
 political
 parties.
 Members
 also
 develop
 groups
 that
 are
 more
 focused
 to
 provide
 goods
 and
 services
to
the
community
looking
for
a
profit
and
they
look
for
complete
freedom
on
their
actions
 as
 long
 as
 they
 get
 profit
 and
 provide
 goods
 and
 services
 developing
 as
 a
 consequence
 the
 “second
sector”
that
is
normally
understood
as
the
economical
or
the
“market”.
(O’Donnell,
2000)
 
 In
United
States
historical
context,
both
sectors
were
clear
in
their
development
and
purposes
as
 we
can
see
in
the
Federalist
Papers
and
specifically
in
James
Madison’s
paper
(1787)
about
The
 Union
as
a
Safeguard
Against
Domestic
Faction
and
Insurrection.
At
the
same
time
we
can
see
the
 testimony
from
Alexis
de
Tocqueville
that
talks
about
the
“immense
assemblage
of
associations”
 (Tocqueville,
1840);
he
was
impressed
about
how
the
American
people
associate
not
only
to
make
 commerce
 and
 manufacture
 goods
 –for
 profit
 focused–
 but
 also
 to
 entertain,
 to
 build
 inns,
 to
 diffuse
 books,
 to
 found
 hospitals,
 prisons
 and
 schools
 and
 to
 succeed
 in
 proposing
 a
 common

  • 6. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
6
 
 object
and
to
induce
themselves
voluntarily
to
pursue
it.
Many
analysts
define
this
as
the
very
 origin
of
the
nonprofit
or
independent
Sector
in
the
United
States.
This
is
the
kind
of
organizations
 that
 cannot
 be
 defined
 neither
 government
 or
 private
 (e.g.,
 like
 business).
 From
 this
 historical
 point
of
view
and
considering
the
society
as
sectors
this
could
be
defined
then
as
the
Third
Sector
 meaning
a
different
type
of
organization
with
a
different
objective
or
nature.
In
the
next
lines
we
 will
go
deep
into
the
definition
of
this
term.
 
 NONPROFIT,
NONGOVERNMENTAL
AND
CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
 
 In
democratic
countries
 the
science
of
association
is
the
mother
of
science;
 the
progress
of
all
the
rest
depends
 upon
the
progress
it
has
made.
 Alexis
de
Tocqueville
 
 
 One
of
the
most
important
things
de
Tocqueville
observed
in
his
visits
to
the
United
States
was
 that
 in
 democratic
 nations,
 where
 citizens
 are
 independent,
 they
 “can
 do
 hardly
 anything
 by
 themselves…
therefore,
become
powerless
if
they
do
not
learn
voluntary
to
help
one
another”,
they
 realize
that
they
depend
one
upon
another.
A
second
very
important
note
is
that
“if
they
never
 acquired
the
habit
of
forming
associations
in
ordinary
life,
civilization
itself
would
be
endangered”
 (Tocqueville,
 1840)
 this
 will
 take
 to
 the
 conclusion
 that
 associations
 are
 the
 very
 schools
 of
 democracy
and
the
mother
of
action,
studied
and
applied
by
all.
 
 All
over
the
world
and
along
the
history
of
humankind,
several
men
and
women
have
worked
as
a
 community
 rather
 than
 only
 for
 themselves.
 De
 Tocqueville
 testimonies,
 religion
 books,
 cave
 paintings
and
ancient
Greece
philosophers,
among
others,
show
how
men
historically
have
been
 “invited”
 to
 go
 beyond
 the
 personal
 benefit
 of
 an
 action.
 During
 our
 history
 there
 are
 many
 examples
 of
 people:
 “dedicating
 their
 lives
 to
 work
 for
 others
 without
 expecting
 a
 personal
 benefit”;
as
an
example
we
have
the
different
historical
religious
groups
as
the
“prophets”,
within
 the
Catholic
Church
we
have
the
Dominicans,
Franciscans
and
the
Jesuits.
Even
that
some
of
those
 groups
are
faith‐related,
several
of
them
are
not,
such
as
the
Scouts,
Green
Peace,
Medics
Without
 Borders,
Amnesty
International,
Oxfam
and
thousands
of
groups
in
local
communities
all
over
the
 world.
These
kinds
of
organizations
might
have
existed
for
thousands
of
years
but
they
are
now

  • 7. The
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Society
in
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reality:
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possible
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for
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 Regis
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‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
7
 
 legally
 known
 in
 the
 US
 as
 Nonprofit
 Organizations
 (NPOs)
 and
 they
 rely
 on
 the
 U.S.
 Internal
 Revenue
Service’s
501
(c)
3
y/tax
exempt
legal
status.
 
 From
 a
 different
 stand
 point
 the
 sociologist
 Jeffrey
 Alexander
 (1994),
 retaking
 the
 tradition
 of
 Locke,
 Ferguson,
 Smith
 and
 de
 Tocqueville
 has
 defined
 Civil
 Society
 as
 “the
 arena
 where
 social
 solidarity
is
defined
in
universalistic
terms.
It
is
the
“we”
from
a
national
community…
the
feeling
of
 connection
towards
each
member
of
the
community,
that
goes
beyond
the
private
compromises,
 near
loyalties
and
segment
interests”
and
considers
it
as
a
collective
consciousness
recovering
the
 idea
of
community
within
the
society
in
a
complete
opposition
of
the
capitalism
idea
that
tried
to
 eliminate
the
social
links
and
understood
citizens
as
individualistic
selfish
consumers.
(Cancino
&
 Ortiz,
1997)
 
 Complementing
 Alexander’s
 definition,
 we
 can
 consider
 Cohen
 and
 Arato’s
 overview
 that,
 following
 Jürgen
 Habermas
 tradition,
 rebuilt
 Civil
 Society
 with
 the
 impulse
 of
 the
 “new”
 social
 movements
and
the
“discursive
ethic.”
They
consider
Civil
Society
as
part
of
the
public
sphere
and
 as
 an
 autonomous
 arena
 from
 the
 liberal
 market
 and
 as
 a
 place
 that
 criticizes
 the
 established
 order
within
society
and,
in
the
name
of
inclusion,
pushes
towards
equal
economical
ends.
(Cohen
 &
Arato,
1994)
The
supposed
autonomy
from
government
and
the
market
makes
one
consider
 Civil
Society
as
a
“Third
Sector.”
It
shouldn’t
be
forgotten
that
they
also
consider
the
solidarity
as
a
 key
factor
and
the
social
movements
as
the
greatest
expression
of
it
in
accordance
with
the
Italian
 sociologist
Alberto
Melucci.
 
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
HISTORICAL
AND
INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT
 In
the
next
part
of
the
paper
the
research
will
show
the
different
perspectives
and
from
different
 authors
the
historical
and
international
development
the
civil
society
has
shown
in
the
last
four
 decades.
 In
 order
 to
 manage
 some
 statistics
 we
 will
 specifically
 consider
 these
 kinds
 of
 organizations
with
the
five
characteristics
established
by
Salamon
and
Anheier
(1997):
 1. Organized
 2. Private
 3. Self
–
Governing

 4. Non
–
Profit
distributing
 5. Voluntary

  • 8. The
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Society
in
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reality:
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possible
path
for
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sector
from
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Universities
 
 Regis
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‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
8
 
 
 Figure
1.
Growth
in
the
number
of
International
Nongovernmental
Organizations,
1970
–
2002
(Union
of
 International
Associations,
2002)
 
 
 Figure
2.
Composition
of
NGO
Aid
to
developing
Countries,
1970
–
1999
(Clark,
1991,
2003;
Lindenberg
&
 Bryant,
2001;
Development
Initiatives,
2000;
United
Nations
Development
Programme,
2001)
 
 
 In
 the
 Figure
 1
 we
 can
 see
 the
 growth
 in
 International
 Nongovernmental
 Organizations
 (INGO)
 since
 1970
 to
 2002
 that
 are
 present
 in
 at
 least
 three
 countries;
 if
 we
 would
 include
 the

  • 9. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
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sector
from
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‐
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in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
9
 
 organizations
 that
 are
 present
 in
 two
 countries
 numbers
 might
 be
 considerably
 superior.
 It
 is
 impressive
 how
 they
 have
 developed
 during
 the
 last
 40
 years
 and
 the
 economic
 weight
 and
 political
 importance
 they
 have
 achieved
 as
 a
 consequence.
 We
 can
 also
 see
 in
 figure
 2
 the
 composition
of
Nongovernmental
Organizations
(NGOs)
Aid
to
Developing
Countries
and
how
the
 official
 grants
 started
 going
 down
 in
 the
 nineties
 and
 how
 private
 donations
 have
 increased
 considerably
towards
those
countries.
 
 
 
 Figure
3.
Growth
in
INGO
Membership,
1990
–
2000,
by
Region
(Union
of
International
Associations,
1990,
 2000)
 
 Analyzing
 Figures
 3
 and
 4
 we
 realize
 the
 growth
 by
 region
 and
 by
 country
 income
 group
 respectively.
We
can
see
how
the
Central
and
Eastern
Europe
had
an
important
growth
from
1990
 to
2000
of
more
than
300%,
followed
by
East
Asia
and
Pacific
and
having
a
world
final
growth
of
 more
than
60%.
It
is
important
also
to
consider
the
same
period
by
the
Income
Group.
We
see
that
 the
Middle
Income
groups
including
East
Asia,
central
and
eastern
Europe
and
specifically
Latin
 America
had
a
little
less
than
100%
increase
followed
by
the
low
income
countries
and
leaving
in
 the
last
place
the
high
income
countries.

 

  • 10. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
10
 
 
 Figure
 4.
 Growth
 in
 INGO
 Membership,
 1990
 –
 2000
 by
 Country
 Income
 Group
 (Union
 of
 International
 associations
1990,
2000)
 
 Peter
Dobkin
Hall
realized
that
over
90
percent
of
NPOs
as
we
know
them
now,
were
created
since
 1950
(Hall,
2005)
and
that
worldwide
most
NGOs
have
come
to
being
even
later
in
time
becoming
 the
most
rapidly
growing
types
of
organizations
globally.
Several
academics
explain
this
as:
 • an
answer
to
the
crisis
of
the
political
parties
in
the
modern
democracies
that
are
having
 serious
difficulties
representing
social
interests
 • a
redefinition
on
the
role
of
the
state
and
modern
societies
with
the
emerging
of
new
 actors
and
social
movements

 • a
 lack
 of
 efficiency
 in
 the
 government
 traditional
 procedures
 and
 the
 extension
 of
 corruption
among
most
of
them
all
over
the
world.
 The
crisis
of
the
welfare
states
and
the
fall
of
the
communist
countries
have
been
other
important
 factors
that
have
contributed
to
this
growth.
(Gellner,
1996)
 
 Helmut
K.
Anheier
and
Nuno
Themudo
(2005)
have
also
studied
this
phenomenon
and
considering
 the
established
characteristics
considered
by
Salamon,
they
arrive
to
some
important
conclusions
 about
the
factors
that
have
been
favoring
internationalization
of
these
entities.
One
of
them
is
the
 political
environment
that
considers
them
as
agents
of
development.
They
are
considered:
 • more
effective
 • flexible
 • more
innovative
than
any
government

  • 11. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
11
 
 
 Figure
 5.
 Total
 Employment
 in
 NPO
 as
 percentage
 of
 Economical
 Active
 Population,
 by
 Country
 in
 2004
 (Irarrázaval,
Hairel,
Sokolowski
&
Salamon,
2004)

  • 12. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
12
 
 • a
counterpart
balancing
the
state
power
 • bring
pluralism
 • democratization
actor
 • promote
social
change
 • address
inequalities
of
power
even
in
relation
with
the
market
and
government
 • supportive
of
social
movements
 
 In
this
context
Michael
Edwards
has
suggested
the
sector
as
the
“magic
bullet”
(Edwards
&
Hulme,
 1995)
or
as
the
“big
idea
on
everyone’s
lips”
(2004)
because
it
seems
to
bring
together
thinkers
 from
 left
 and
 right
 as
 a
 solution
 to
 any
 problem
 of
 the
 society,
 finding
 balance
 between
 an
 authoritarian
state
or
the
tyrannical
market.
 
 
 Figure
6.
Civil
Society
organization
employment
in
context,
35
countries
(Salamon,
L.
M.,
Sokolowski,
S.W.,
&
 List
R.,
2003)
 
 Lester
Salamon,
(2003)
from
the
Johns
Hopkins
University,
developed
a
very
important
research
of
 35
countries
divided
in
three
economical
levels:
16
advanced
industrial,
14
developing
countries
 and
5
transitional
countries
from
central
and
eastern
Europe.
The
amazing
results
attended
only
to
 those
35
countries
that
lead
to
think
Civil
Society
is
an
even
broader
reality.
There
were
three
 important
considerations
that
are
pertinent
to
this
research:
 
 
 15 • Paid vs. volunteer workforce. Of the 39.5 million FTE civil society workers, approximately 16.8 million, or 43 percent, are volunteers and 22.7 million, or 57 percent, are paid workers (Figure 2).17 This demonstrates the ability of civil society organizations to mobilize sizable amounts of volunteer effort. In fact, the actual number of people involved in the civil society sector exceeds even these numbers since most volunteers work only a few hours a week and even many paid employees work part-time. The actual number of people volunteer- ing for civil society organizations in these 35 countries, for example, exceeds 190 million. This represents over 20 percent of the adult population in these countries. 2. Great variations among countries While the civil society sector is a sizable force in a wide range of countries, there are considerable differences among countries. • Overall variation. In the first place, countries vary greatly in the overall scale of their civil society workforce. Thus, as Figure 3 makes clear, the civil society sector workforce—volunteer and paid—varies from a high of 14 percent of the economically active population in the Netherlands to a low of 0.4 percent in Mexico.18 40 4 4 8 33 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 Civil Society Organizations Utilities Textile Industry Food Manufacturing Transportation/ Communications Numberofemployees(millions) Figure 1 Civil society organization employment in context, 35 countries Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project
  • 13. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
13
 
 1. Civil
Society
is
a
major
economic
force
 Civil
Society
is
a
$1.3
trillion
industry
and
manages
a
greater
Gross
Domestic
Product
(GDP)
than
 countries
 as
 Italy,
 Brazil,
 Russia,
 Spain
 or
 Canada.
 It
 would
 be
 considered
 the
 world’s
 seventh
 largest
 economy
 with
 a
 total
 workforce
 of
 39.5
 million
 full‐time
 equivalent
 workers
 and
 190
 million
people
volunteering
 
 2. Civil
Society
has
great
variations
among
countries
 The
figure
5
we
analyzed
show
the
difference
between
developed
countries
and
developing
ones
 where
developed
is
three
times
bigger
in
the
workforce.
In
the
volunteering
level
differences
are
 deeper
from
an
under
10%
in
Egypt
to
a
high
75%
in
Sweden.
 
 3. Civil
Society
is
more
than
service
provider
 Civil
Society
is
not
only
a
service
provider
but
also
a
multi
function
role;
they
are
a
way
of
social
 expression
 of
 the
 needs,
 they
 innovate
 in
 areas
 where
 neither
 government
 nor
 market
 does,
 deliver
services
with
an
extraordinary
quality
and
specially
serve
those
in
greatest
need.
Over
40%
 of
the
workforce
of
the
Civil
Society
is
engaged
with
education
and
Social
services.
 
 
 Figure
7.
Distribution
of
Civil
Society
sector
workforce,
by
field
and
type
of
activity
(Salamon,
et
al.,
2003)
 23 in empowerment activities along with some portion of the workers in other serv- ice fields. • Volunteer and paid staff roles differ markedly. Volunteers and paid staff play markedly different roles in the operation of the civil society sector internationally. - In the first place, although both volunteers and paid staff are primarily Culture 19% Development 8%Health 14% Social Svcs 19% Education 23% Professional 7% Civic / Advocacy 4% Environment 2% Foundations 1% International 1% Other 2% Service fields (64%) Expressive fields (32%) * 32-country unweighted averages. Figure 6 Distribution of civil society sector workforce, by field and type of activity* Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project
  • 14. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
14
 
 
 Figure
8.
Distribution
of
Civil
Society
Organization
paid
and
volunteer
workforce
(Salamon,
et
al.,
2003)
 
 Many
people
believe
that
the
most
important
source
of
income
is
philanthropy
but
it
is
not.
The
 study
 showed
 that
 fees
 are
 53%
 of
 the
 income
 and
 governments
 are
 the
 second
 largest
 contributors
with
a
35%,
leaving
only
a
12%
 to
philanthropy.
 
 The
growth
the
sector
has
showed
and
the
 characteristics
of
the
socio‐cultural
context
 from
 the
 development
 make
 us
 consider
 the
challenges
for
these
organizations
in
the
 immediate
and
long
term
challenges:
 1. Professionalization
 2. Internationalization
 3. Remain
accountable
 of all volunteer effort is devoted to organizations providing social services, and 10 percent to organizations primarily engaged in development. The comparable figures for paid staff are 18 percent and 7 percent, respectively. In fact, nearly half of all the work effort in these two fields is supplied by volunteers. Volunteers thus play an especially important role not only in maintaining the nonprofit sector’s advocacy functions, but also in helping it maintain its long-standing commitment to social justice and development. 2% 1% 3% 42% 3% 7% 6% 25% 52% 10% 8% 27% 8% 1% 1% 2% 24% 2% 3% 7% 13% 72% 7% 17% 18% 30% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% Foundations International Other Total expressive Environment Civic / Advocacy Professional Culture Total service Development Health Social Svcs Education Percent of total Paid staff Volunteers Service fields Expressive fields Other * 32-country unweighted averages. Figure 7 Distribution of civil society organization paid and volunteer workforce, by field* Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project 
 Figure
9.
Distribution
of
Civil
Society
Organization
paid
 and
volunteer
workforce
(Salamon,
et
al.,
2003)
 29 income is not fees and charges but public sector support. In the case of health organizations, government alone provides over half of the funds. Among social service organizations, government accounts for 44 percent of the funding, fees for 37 percent, and private philanthropy for 19 percent. Philanthropy 12% Government 35% Fees 53% * 32-country unweighted averages. Figure 9 Sources of civil society organization revenue* Source: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project
  • 15. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
15
 
 4. To
be
effective
in
specific
national
frameworks
 5. Keep
the
tension
between
effective
decision
making
and
democratic
life
and
participation
 (keep
the
sense
of
schools
of
democracy)
 6. Keep
the
core
mission
and
solidarity
sense
 7. Keep
legitimacy
 8. Keep
government
and
market
accountable
 9. Keep
generating
the
economical,
social
and
cultural
impact
 10. Ensure
technology
as
a
key
tool
 
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
ORGANIZATIONS
IN
UNITED
NATIONS,
AN
EXAMPLE
OF
THE
COMPLEX
REALITY
 
 In
 trying
 to
 understand
 the
 definition
 of
 Civil
 Society
 and
 how
 it
 is
 applied
 in
 international
 organizations
 it
 was
 important
 to
 look
 the
 United
 Nations
 (UN)
 as
 an
 important
 place
 where
 several
interesting
ideas
have
surfaced.
The
research
has
shown
that
in
June
of
2004
the
Secretary
 General
 of
 the
 United
 Nations
 Kofi
 A.
 Annan
 presented
 to
 the
 General
 Assembly
 a
 report
 that
 intended
 to
 strengthen
 Civil
 Society
 in
 the
 United
 Nations
 system.
 The
 report1 
 was
 specifically
 about
the
relations
between
the
United
Nations
and
the
“Civil
Society”.

This
report
was
made
by
 twelve
 eminent
 persons
 from
 all
 over
 the
 world
 and
 tried
 to
 reflect
 how
 these
 organizations
 participate
in
the
UN
deliberations
and
processes
and
tried
“to
identify
ways
of
making
it
easier
for
 civil
society
actors
from
developing
countries
to
participate
fully
in
United
Nations
activities;
and
to
 review
how
the
Secretariat
is
organized
to
facilitate,
manage
and
evaluate
the
relationships
of
the
 United
 Nations
 with
 civil
 society
 and
 to
 learn
 from
 experience
 gained
 in
 different
 parts
 of
 the
 system”
(Annan,
2004)
 
 The
UN
has
now
four
important
instances
and
one
is
suspended:
 1. General
Assembly
 2. Security
Counsel
 3. Economical
and
Social
Council
 4. International
Court
of
Justice
 5. Trusteeship
Council
(will
meet
when
required)
 




























































 1 
Known
as
“Cardoso
Report”
for
Fernando
Henrique
Cardoso,
the
former
president
of
Brazil
in
2003
who
chaired
the
 report

  • 16. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
16
 
 Since
the
UN’s
foundation
in
1945
fewer
than
400
Non‐Governmental
Organizations
(NGO's)
have
 been
important
participants
(Willets,
2006),
they
have
access
to
intergovernmental
meetings,
are
 able
to
present
written
statements,
make
open
interventions
and
to
lobby.
Their
intervention
is
 limited
to
conferences
and
to
the
Economic
and
Social
Council
(ECOSOC).
Since
then,
the
number
 of
participants
has
increased
to
3,187
organizations
and
they
have
served
as
“technical
experts,
 advisers
and
consultants
to
governments
and
the
Secretariat.
Sometimes,
as
advocacy
groups,
they
 espouse
 UN
 themes,
 implementing
 plans
 of
 action,
 programs
 and
 declarations
 adopted
 by
 the
 United
Nations”
(UN,
2009).
 
 They
 seem
 like
 an
 active
 and
 growing
 actor
 even
 though
 there
 aren’t
 formal
 members
 of
 the
 General
 Assembly,
 the
 Security
 Council
 nor
 the
 International
 Economic
 Institutions.
 Their
 participation
rights
are
limited
due
to
they
are
not
“States”.
It
is
well
known
that
there
is
some
 resistance
among
several
UN
member
governments
in
extending
their
rights
so
they
could
achieve
 a
 major
 impact
 on
 the
 agenda.
 This
 is
 understood
 because
 several
 governments
 do
 not
 know,
 recognize
 nor
 understand
 their
 work.
 In
 Mexico
 for
 example,
 most
 state
 governments
 are
 still
 refusing
to
collaborate
with
the
NGOs
because
they
are
still
considering
them
as
social
movements
 organized
to
question
the
government
instead
of
collaborating
with
them,
even
it
is
well
known
 that
many
other
federal
governments
recognize
their
job
and
have
developed
different
laws
for
 enlarging
joint
ventures
on
social
and
economical
development
projects.
Some
of
those
countries
 are
Argentina,
the
United
States,
Chile,
the
United
Kingdom,
France
and
Spain
(Villa,
2007).
 
 Willetts’
 study
 (2006)
 analyzed
 specifically
 the
 relation
 between
 the
 UN
 and
 the
 NGOs
 were
 questioning
 their
 role
 and
 whether
 they
 are
 part
 of
 an
 established
 structural
 functionalism/corporatism
or
a
global
democracy.
The
results
where
interesting
because
it
shows
 the
level
of
intervention
they
have
and
how
they
are
treated
in
the
system,
the
importance
of
 defining
their
roles,
their
levels
of
intervention
and
their
level
of
internationalization.
He
arrived
at
 some
very
important
conclusions:

 1. “For
 the
 last
 thirty
 years,
 it
 has
 been
 a
 system
 of
 democratic
 pluralism
 on
 all
 economic,
 social,
human
rights,
and
environmental
policy
questions.
 2. The
 system
 does
 need
 extending
 to
 the
 General
 Assembly,
 the
 Security
 Council,
 and
 the
 global
economic
institutions.
 3. There
should
be
greater
participation
from
developing
countries.

  • 17. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
17
 
 4. The
 system
 should
 not
 be
 subject
 to
 any
 fundamental
 restructuring
 through
 adoption
 of
 functionalist
or
neocorporatist
ideas.
 5. It
would
benefit
from
a
variety
of
reforms
to
strengthen
democratic
pluralism
and
increase
 the
density
of
interactions
in
global
civil
society”
(Willetts,2006,
p.
16)
 
 These
conclusions
agree
with
some
of
the
ideas
of
the
present
research
about
as
a
democratic
 entities,
the
need
for
support
for
a
more
important
impact,
the
needed
development
of
the
sector
 in
 developing
 countries
 and
 finally
 how
 they
 allow
 to
 bring
 a
 deeper
 social,
 economical
 and
 political
development.
 
 In
the
next
section
of
the
research
we
will
address
some
specific
countries
in
Latin
America
and
 will
consider
national
statistics
of
the
sector
in
order
to
find
possible
paths
we
need
to
take
in
 order
to
address
the
needs
of
the
sector.
 
 
 CIVIL
SOCIETY
IN
LATIN
AMERICA
 When
democracy
is
 deteriorated
and
weakened
 it
is
displaced
by
oligarchy
 Aristotle
(1997)
 
 After
reviewing
the
global
context
of
Civil
Society
and
discussing
its
reality
in
the
UN,
the
next
step
 in
the
research
is
to
deeply
understand
the
Civil
Society
and
its
context
in
some
of
the
countries
in
 Latin
America
in
order
to
know
their
strengths,
weaknesses
and
the
possible
paths
to
follow
for
 strengthening
the
sector
and
as
a
consequence
strengthening
the
democracy
in
each
one
of
those
 countries
 and
 the
 region
 as
 a
 whole.
 The
 main
 source
 of
 information
 was
 the
 Johns
 Hopkins
 Comparative
Nonprofit
Project
developed
by
the
Center
for
Civil
Society
Studies
from
Baltimore,
 Maryland.
Three
reasons
were
considered
in
order
to
choose
the
source
of
information:
 • It
is
the
most
recent
source
of
information
even
though
it
is
ten
years
old
 • It
is
the
only
research
of
the
sector
with
a
common
ground
and
methodology
 • Most
of
the
countries
in
the
region
do
not
have
any
viable
source
of
information
 Most
of
the
countries
in
Latin
America
are
considered
in
an
economic
developing
situation
and
 consolidating
their
democracy
systems.
The
US
and
the
European
Union
(EU),
as
we
have
seen

  • 18. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
18
 
 before
 in
 Figure
 2,
 have
 developed
 several
 projects
 in
 those
 countries
 and
 most
 of
 the
 International
 NGOs
 (INGOs)
 have
 dramatically
 increased
 donations.
 Figure
 3
 showed
 how
 the
 INGOs
have
increased
by
approximately
50%
in
Latin
America
and
Caribbean
and
in
Figure
4
we
 realized
 how
 the
 countries
 with
 a
 middle
 income
 increased
 the
 number
 of
 associations
 approaching
100%
growth.
Latin
American
Civil
Society
accomplishes
most
of
the
conditions
for
 having
a
noticeably
increase
in
its
development.
How
can
we
address
this
expansion?
What
are
 the
most
impacting
actions
that
will
increase
its
effectiveness?
 We
 will
 analyze
 Chile,
 Argentina,
 Brazil,
 Colombia,
 Mexico
 and
 Peru
 as
 the
 most
 significant
 examples
of
the
region
and
will
consider
 • their
economic
impact
 • the
workforce
they
represent
in
comparison
with
private
or
government
areas
 • and
its’
source
of
income
with
a
comparison
with
the
region
and
other
countries.
 
 The
reality
these
organizations
function
in
takes
into
consideration
that
poverty
reaches
almost
 50%
of
the
population
‐meaning
211
million
of
people‐
and
around
20%
are
indigenous,
(CEPAL,
 2001)2 
It
is
a
fact
that
these
conditions
have
increased
but
also
the
civil
society
sector
has.
 Figure
10.
Poverty
and
extreme
poverty
population
in
Latin
America
(CEPAL,
2001)
 




























































 2 
These
data
is
from
the
same
years
of
the
CIVIL
SOCIETY
table
we
will
analyze.

  • 19. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
19
 
 1. CHILE
 
 Nonprofit
 organizations
 in
 Chile
 represent
 an
 important
 workforce
 in
 the
 country.
 They
 almost
 reach
the
5%
of
the
economically
active
population
and
it
is
the
relatively
bigger
representative
in
 Latin
 America.
 They
 have
 a
 largermayor
 force
 than
 Spain,
 as
 a
 sector,
 and
 it’s
 the
 first
 development
 country
 on
 the
 list
 of
 the
 study
 applied
 to
 36
 countries
 by
 the
 Johns
 Hopkins
 Comparative
Nonprofit
Sector
Project
in
2004
(Irarrazaval,
et
al.,
2004).
 
 
 Figure
11.
Nonprofit
Organizations
in
Chile
(Irarrazaval,
et
al.,
2004)
 
 The
 nonprofit
 sector
 represents
 six
 times
 the
 force
 of
 Cencosud,
 the
 largest
 private
 entrepreneurial
group
in
the
country,
with
304,000
employees
as
we
can
see
in
the
figures
11
and
 12.
These
numbers
consider
the
volunteers
that
represent
47%
of
the
total
workforce.
It
is
the
 major
volunteer
force
in
Latin
America
that
reaches
32%
as
we
can
see
in
the
figure
13.
Two
thirds
 of
the
workforce
is
concentrated
in
four
areas:
education,
health,
social
services
and
community
 development.
Referring
to
the
distribution
of
the
income
it
is
important
to
consider
that
44%
of
 the
total
income
belongs
to
Education
institutions
and
referring
to
the
volunteer
work
there
are
 three
 issues
 that
 depend
 mostly
 on
 volunteer
 work:
 culture,
 community
 development
 and
 environmental
institutions
due
to
75%
of
the
work
is
done
by
volunteers.
 
 
 Figure
12.
Total
Employment
in
NPOs
in
context
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)

  • 20. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
20
 
 
 Figure
13.
Volunteer
as
share
of
NPOs
total
employment
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)
 
 The
development
of
the
sector
and
the
size
of
it
might
also
be
explained
because,
difference
from
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 Latin
 American
 countries,
 Chile
 reaches
 46%
 of
 income
 from
 the
 government
 sharing
 this
 statistic
 with
 the
 European
 countries
 (see
 figure
 14
 and
 15).
 This
 income
 from
 government
is
mainly
focused
on
educational
institutions.
This
characteristic
has
given
an
impulse
 to
the
sector
but
at
the
same
time
is
starting
to
be
“captured”
by
the
state
becoming
only
a
service
 provider
and
giving
the
possibility
of
loosing
their
missions.
A
well
defined
legal
status
is
needed
 and
 a
 clear
 difference
 between
 the
 organizations
 that
 provide
 services
 to
 the
 state
 and
 the
 independent
ones
will
be
a
key
issue
to
solve
in
the
future.
 
 An
 important
 challenge
 in
 Chile
 is
 to
 find
 different
 paths
 to
 keep
 and
 increase
 the
 volunteer
 force
 it
 has
 achieved
 until
 now,
 especially
 considering
 that
 volunteers
 currently
 demand
 a
 more
 professional
 distribution
 of
 their
 time,
 and
 achievements
 in
 order
 to
 be
 more
 effective
 and
 valuable.
 At
 the
 same
 time
 the
 organization’s
 expectations
 from
volunteers
are
a
continuous
and
more
systematic
approach
that
implies
a
better
distribution
 of
 the
 functions
 inside
 the
 organization
 and
 a
 more
 professionalized
 management
 of
 those
 resources.
 
 Figure
14.
Sources
of
Civil
Society
Organization
revenue
in
 Chile
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)

  • 21. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
21
 
 
 Figure
15.
Sources
of
Civil
Society
Organization
revenue
(Irarrázaval,
et
al.,
2004)
 
 These
organizations
do
not
have
a
guaranteed
wealth
and
as
a
growing
sector,
access
to
funding
is
 becoming
a
very
competitive
process
even
if
it
comes
from
the
government,
fees
or
philanthropy
 in
the
local,
national
or
international
level.
They
are
becoming
more
professional
and
demanding
 more
professional
managers
to
work
within
this
new
context.
 
 2. PERU
 
 Nonprofit
 organizations
 in
 Peru
 represent
 an
 important
 social
 and
 political
 voice
 but
 also
 an
 economical
one.
In
1995
it
represented
1.2
billion
dollars
equivalent
to
the
2%
of
the
GDP
and
 more
than
150.000
people
as
a
total
 workforce,
including
volunteers.

 One
 of
 the
 major
 problems
 of
 the
 sector
is
the
ability
to
measure
in
a
 precise
way
the
volunteer
force.
In
 1998
 a
 survey
 of
 donations
 and
 voluntarism
 was
 applied
 and
 the
 numbers
confirmed
that
31%
of
the
population
was
volunteering
doubling
the
results
of
the
study
 made
by
Sanborn
et
al.
(1999)

 
 Peru
has
a
good
percentage
of
employment:
it
has
the
same
percentages
Colombia
and
better
 than
Brazil
and
Mexico.
It
seems
that
Peru’s
history
determines
in
a
good
way
the
development
of
 
 Figure
16.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Perú
,
1995
(Sanborn,
 Portocarrero,
List
&
Salamon,
1999)
 
 · Contribución de los voluntarios. Aun así, estos datos no reflejan por sí solos toda la extensión del sector no lucrativo del Perú, ya que también atrae un importante volumen de trabajo voluntario.Las 49.430 organizaciones analizadas en el presente estudio también emplean a 26.400 voluntarios EJC,aproxima- damente. Esta cifra aumenta el número total de empleados del sector a más de 150.000, o casi el 3% del total de empleo del país (véase la figura XXIII.1). 538 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo CUADRO XXIII.1 El sector no lucrativo en el Perú, 1995 1.200 millones de dólares en gastos — 2,0% del PIB 126.988 empleados remunerados — 2,4% del total de empleo no agrícola — 3,2% del empleo en el sector servicios — 16,5% del empleo en el sector público FIGURA XXIII.1 El sector no lucrativo peruano, con y sin voluntarios, 1995, como porcentaje de... 2,0% 2,0%PIB Empleados remunerados
  • 22. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
22
 
 the
sector
because
the
invasion
of
the
catholic
church
that
developed
different
social
activities,
 the
 mutual
 aid
 societies
 and
 especially
 to
 the
 “Sociedades
 de
 beneficiencia”
 promoted
 by
 the
 upper
 classes
 during
 the
 19th 
 century
 that
 currently
 has
 been
 acquired
 by
 the
 formation
 of
 corporate
foundations
(Sanborn
et
al.,
1999)
 
 
 Figure
17.
Peruan
nonprofit
sector
with
and
without
volunteers
as
percentage
of…
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1995)
 
 The
distribution
of
the
employment
is
very
similar
to
Chile:
75%
of
nonprofit
employment
is
on
the
 education
area
and
near
15%
is
located
in
the
development
area,
followed
by
health
and
culture
 with
a
4%
as
we
can
see
in
figure
17.
 
 It
 has
 the
 largest
 sector
 in
 development
 and
 education
 in
 Latin
 America
 and
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 studied
 countries.
 The
 education
 number
 is
 explained
 because
 all
 the
 primary
 education
institutions
in
the
country
 that
 had
 to
 be
 under
 the
 nonprofit
 status
 and
 the
 development
 ones
 that
 might
 be
 supported
 in
 an
 important
 way
 by
 the
 Catholic
 Church
that
looked
for
many
years
to
 increase
 community
 development
 and
organizing.
 
 · Contribución de los voluntarios. Aun así, estos datos no reflejan por sí solos toda la extensión del sector no lucrativo del Perú, ya que también atrae un importante volumen de trabajo voluntario.Las 49.430 organizaciones analizadas en el presente estudio también emplean a 26.400 voluntarios EJC,aproxima- damente. Esta cifra aumenta el número total de empleados del sector a más de 150.000, o casi el 3% del total de empleo del país (véase la figura XXIII.1). Además, otra información recopilada por el equipo de inves- tigación que no es directamente comparable con los datos de ámbito nacional utilizados previamente, sugiere que el núme- FIGURA XXIII.1 El sector no lucrativo peruano, con y sin voluntarios, 1995, como porcentaje de... 16,5% 3,2% 2,4% 2,0% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 2,0% 2,9% 3,9% 20,0% PIB Empleo total* Empleo sector servicios Empleo sector público * No agrario Empleados remunerados Voluntarios 
 Figure
18.
Nonprofit
sector
composition
in
comparison
with
 Latin
America
and
22
other
countries
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1999)
· Notable cuota de empleo en el área de desarrollo. La siguiente mayor cuota de empleo no lucrativo en el Perú la absorbe el área de desarrollo, constituyendo el 14,5% del empleo del sector no lucrativo, el doble de promedio que los países lati- noamericanos (7,0%) y más del doble que en los 22 países aquí analizados (5,8%) 7. Esta área está ampliamente poblada por las denominadas organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONGs), que facilitan financiación y formación a las activida- des de desarrollo de base comunitaria. 544 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo FIGURA XXIII.4 Composición del sector no lucrativo, Perú, Latinoamérica, y promedio de los 22 países, 1995 30,2% 19,6% 18,3% 14,4% 6,5% 5,8% 3,1% 2,2% 44,4% 12,2% 10,3% 10,6% 12,4% 7,0% 1,2% 1,9% 74,5% 4,2% 1,2% 4,0% 14,5% 1,4% 0,1% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 0,0% Otras áreas Medio ambiente/ asesoramiento legal Desarrollo Asociaciones profesionales Cultura Servicios sociales Sanidad Educación % de empleo no lucrativo Perú Promedio Latinoamérica Promedio de los 22 países 7 Si se incluye el empleo remunerado en las fundaciones y las asociaciones profe- sionales, la cuota correspondiente al área de desarrollo es del 13,8%. Esta cifra si-
  • 23. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
23
 
 Peru’s
 income
 sources
 are
 completely
 different
 than
 Chile.
As
we
can
see
in
figure
18,
Peru’s
major
source
of
 income
 is
 the
 fee
 for
 services
 reaching
 a
 67.8%
 of
 the
 total
income.
Public
funding
is
the
second
source
with
a
 19.3%
and
philanthropy
has
a
12.9%
and
even
that
these
 two
 are
 lower
 in
 the
 country
 they
 represent
 a
 higher
 percentage
in
comparison
to
Latin‐American
countries
or
 the
studied
countries
as
we
can
see
in
figure
19.
 It
 is
 evident
 that
 the
 government
 income
 all
 over
 Latin
 America
 is
 very
 low
 especially
 in
 comparison
to
the
other
22
countries
that
reach
a
40%
of
income.
 
 It
 is
 important
 to
 notice
 that
 the
 international
 aid
 reaches
 a
 total
 of
 20%
 of
 the
 total
 income
 bringing
down
the
national
government
and
the
national
philanthropy
income
to
6.2%
and
5.9%
 respectively.
This
international
aid
is
mainly
focused
to
environmental,
development
and
housing
 and
 to
 the
 defense
 of
 civil
 rights.
 These
 organizations
 depend
 completely
 of
 this
 income
 to
 continue
their
job.
 
 It
is
well
known
that
the
sector
 needs
 recognition
 from
 academics,
 politics
 and
 the
 general
public.
It
is
a
sector
that
 needs
 to
 build
 bridges
 for
 developing
 research
 and
 collaborations
 with
 other
 actors.
 A
 key
 factor
 to
 develop
 is
 a
 clear
 law
 and
 fiscal
 rules
 that
enable
the
sector
to
make
 private
 philanthropy
 to
 grow
 and
the
government
support
to
be
activated.
Volunteerism
is
another
issue
to
consider
bringing
 more
professional
and
material
resources
to
the
organizations.
The
growth
of
the
sector
won’t
be
 possible
if
the
sector
does
not
develop
actors
that
might
lead
the
sector
in
to
this
path.

 
 
 Figure
20.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit
sector
from
Peru,
Latin
 America
and
22
other
countries
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1999)
 bastante considerable. Así, como se indica en la figu- ra XXIII.8,aunque las cuotas y los pagos por servicios son el elemento predominante de la base financiera del sector no lucrativo en términos globales, su predominio está conside- rablemente menos acentuado que en el Perú (67,8% del to- tal de los ingresos en el Perú frente al 49,4% en términos globales). Por el contrario, los pagos procedentes del sector público generalmente constituyen una cuota de ingresos considerablemente mayor en estos otros países (40,1% frente al 19,3% en el Perú). · Importante financiación procedente de fuentes internacionales. La ayuda internacional constituye una notable fuente de financia- ción del sector no lucrativo en el Perú, contribuyendo con el 550 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo FIGURA XXIII.8 Fuentes de ingresos en efectivo del sector no lucrativo, Perú, Latinoamérica, y promedio de los 22 países, 1995 19,3% 12,9% 67,8% 15,5% 10,4% 74,0% 40,1% 10,5% 49,4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% Sector público Filantropía Cuotas Perú Promedio Latinoamérica Promedio de los 22 países 
 Figure
19.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit
 sector
from
Peru
(Sanborn,
et
al.,
1999)
 madamente dos terceras partes, o el 67,8%, del total de los ingresos del sector no lucrativo en el Perú. · Limitada financiación procedente de la filantropía y del sector pú- blico. Por el contrario, la financiación procedente de la filan- tropía privada y del sector público (nacional e internacional) FIGURA XXIII.6 Fuentes de ingresos del sector no lucrativo en el Perú, 1995 Cuotas, pagos por servicios 67,8% Sector público 19,3% Filantropía 12,9%
  • 24. The
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reality:
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for
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the
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from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
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‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
24
 
 3. MEXICO
 
 Historically,
 the
 nonprofit
 sector
 in
 Mexico
 has
 had
 difficulties
 to
 develop
 itself
 because
 of
 the
 political
environment.
The
20th 
century,
the
most
important
for
the
sector,
was
marked
by
a
one
 Government
 party
 that
 didn’t
 develop
 laws
 or
 incentives
 for
 the
 sector.
 The
 research
 done
 by
 Verduzco,
List
&
Salamon
(1999)
affirms
 that
 it
 is
 the
 least
 developed
 sector
 in
 Latin
 America
 and
 all
 the
 22
 studied
 countries.
 It
 does
 not
 represent
 an
 important
economical
force
having
only
 the
 .5%
 of
 the
 GDP
 and
 93,809
 paid
 employees.
 Mexico
 was
 below
 the
 Latin‐American
 average
of
employment
not
even
reaching

 one
fifth.

 
 The
 historic
 context
 of
 the
 sector
 and
 its
 link
to
the
Catholic
Church
determined
its
 development.
 Mexico
 shares
 a
 similar
 history
with
Peru,
Chile,
Colombia
and
all
 the
 Central
 American
 countries
 but
 in
 Mexico
 in
 1821
 the
 state
 took
 all
 the
 possessions
 of
 the
 church
 and
 the
 Church
 never
 developed
 autonomous
 organizations
 giving
 an
 important
 damage
 to
 the
 sector.
 Later
 at
 the
 beginning
 of
 the
 20th 
 century
 the
 state
 had
 a
 very
 important
development
and
provided
all
the
services
 and
discouraged
the
attempts
of
having
autonomous
 associations.
At
the
end
of
the
century
other
political
 parties
started
to
gain
the
lower
and
upper
cameras
 and
 change
 started
 to
 bring
 an
 important
 numbers
 of
associations.
 
 Figure
22.
Mexican
nonprofit
sector
with
and
without
 volunteers
as
percentage
of…
(Verduzco,
et
al.,
1999)
2. El sector no lucrativo más reducido de Latinoamérica El sector no lucrativo mexicano no sólo es reducido en rela- ción con su economía global, sino también en comparación con sus homólogos en Latinoamérica y en el resto del mundo. · Significativamente por debajo de la media internacional.Como se observa en la figura XXII.2, el tamaño relativo del sector no lucrativo varía ampliamente entre países, siendo la media glo- bal de los 22 países incluidos en el estudio el 4,8%. Por tanto, con una cuota de empleo del 0,4%,el sector no lucrativo me- xicano no sólo se situaba muy por debajo del promedio glo- bal,sino que en 1995 constituía el sector no lucrativo más re- ducido de los 22 países incluidos en este estudio. · Considerablemente por debajo de la media de los países de Lati- noamérica. El empleo no lucrativo como porcentaje del total de empleo es también considerablemente menor en México que en el resto de los países de Latinoamérica analizados en el presente estudio. Así, como se indica en la figura XXII.3, el empleo EJC en las organizaciones no lucrativas de México, con un 0,4% del total de empleo, constituye una cifra inferior a la quinta parte del promedio de los países de Latinoamérica (2,2%). 520 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo FIGURA XXII.1 El sector no lucrativo mexicano, con y sin voluntarios, 1995, como porcentaje de... 2,4% 1,2% 0,4% 0,5% 0% 1% 2% 3% 4% 0,5% 0,7% 1,8% 3,6% PIB Empleo total* Empleo sector servicios Empleo sector público * No agrario Empleados remunerados Voluntarios 
 Figure
21.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Mexico
,
1995
(Verduzco,
et
 al.,
1999)
 llones de dólares (8.800 millones de pesos mexicanos), o el 0,5% del producto interior bruto del país, una cantidad bas- tante reducida 3. · Una modesta fuente de empleo. Detrás de estos gastos se en- cuentra una fuerza laboral que incluye a 93.809 empleados asalariados equivalentes a jornada completa (EJC). Esta cifra constituye el 0,4% del total de trabajadores no agrícolas del país,el 1,2% del empleo en el sector servicios y el equivalente al 2,4% del personal empleado por el Estado en todos los ám- bitos: federal, estatal y municipal (véase el cuadro XXII.1). · Contribución de los voluntarios. Aun así, no queda reflejada toda la extensión del sector no lucrativo en México, ya que tam- bién atrae un importante volumen de trabajo voluntario. De hecho,un 10% de la población mexicana manifiesta contribuir con parte de su tiempo con las organizaciones no lucrativas. Ello se traduce en un mínimo de 47.000 empleados EJC adi- cionales 4, lo cual aumenta el número total de empleados EJC de las organizaciones no lucrativas en México a 141.000, un incremento de más del 50%,o el 0,7% del total de empleo del país (véase la figura XXII.1). CUADRO XXII.1 El sector no lucrativo en México, 1995 1.300 millones de dólares en gastos — 0,5% del PIB 93.809 empleados remunerados — 0,4% del total de empleo no agrícola — 1,2% del empleo en el sector servicios — 2,4% del empleo en el sector público 3 Técnicamente, la comparación más exacta es la que se establece entre la contri- bución del sector al valor añadido y el producto interior bruto. Para el sector no lu- crativo, valor añadido en términos económicos es, básicamente, igual a la suma de los salarios y al valor imputado del tiempo aportado por los voluntarios. Sobre esta base, el sector no lucrativo en México constituye el 0,3% del total del valor aña- dido. 4 Dado que el equipo de investigación mexicano no ha podido realizar una encues- ta de población sobre las donaciones y las actividades del voluntariado, y ha utiliza- do el empleo no remunerado como variable sustitutiva, es muy probable que los datos sobre el voluntariado no estén reflejados en toda su extensión. 
 Figure
23.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit
 sector
from
Mexico
(Verduzco,
et
al.,
1999)
 lucrativas en México la constituyen las cuotas y los pagos por servicios prestados. Como se indica en la figura XXII.6, sólo esta fuente de ingresos aporta el 85,2% del total de ingresos del sector no lucrativo en este país. · Limitada financiación procedente de la filantropía y del sector pú- blico. Por el contrario, la financiación procedente de la filan- tropía privada y el sector público constituye unas cuotas mu- cho menores de los ingresos totales.Así,como se observa en la figura XXII.6, la filantropía privada –procedente de perso- nas físicas, empresas y fundaciones, en conjunto– sólo consti- tuye el 6,3% de los ingresos del sector no lucrativo en Méxi- co, mientras que los pagos procedentes del sector público aportan un mero 8,5%. · Estructura de ingresos con los voluntarios. Este modelo de ingre- sos del sector no lucrativo cambia significativamente cuando se incluye el valor imputado de los voluntarios como un fac- tor más. En efecto, como se observa en la figura XXII.7, la cuota de ingresos procedente de la filantropía privada au- menta considerablemente del 6,3 al 17,9%, superando, por tanto,a la financiación procedente del sector público,que dis- minuye del 8,5 al 7,5%. No obstante, las cuotas y los pagos por servicios siguen constituyendo, por mucho, la fuente pre- México 527 FIGURA XXII.6 Fuentes de ingresos del sector no lucrativo en México, 1995 Cuotas, pagos por servicios 85,2% Sector público 8,5% Filantropía 6,3%
  • 25. The
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Society
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Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
25
 
 It
is
very
important
to
consider
that
there
are
several
academics
that
have
realized
that
different
 kinds
of
associations
were
always
present
but
they
never
had
the
legal
recognition
from
the
state
 nor
from
the
church
and
as
a
consequence
they
were
always
operating
without
a
legal
structure.
 Actually
several
legislative
people
still
links
the
Nonprofit
associations
to
extremist,
left
wings
or
 social
 movements.
 This
 history
 has
 marked
 the
 relations
 between
 the
 government
 and
 the
 nonprofit
sector.
In
the
recent
years
a
federal
law
was
published;
this
law
tries
to
encourage
the
 collaboration
in
specific
issues
between
 the
 state
 and
 the
 Civil
 Society
 Associations.
 The
 proposal
 establishes
 that
 the
 government
 will
 provide
 a
 specific
 amount
 of
 money
 and
 the
 associations
will
have
to
provide
the
rest
 of
the
money.
This
money
will
never
be
 used
 “for”
 the
 association
 but
 for
 the
 indirect
 beneficiaries
 and
 even
 though
 this
 affects
 the
 operation
 of
 the
 organizations
 and,
 as
 a
 consequence,
 the
support
is
very
limited,
it
is
the
first
 time
in
history
that
the
state
recognizes
 the
importance
of
the
work
they
do
and
 establishes
 a
 very
 small
 amount
 of
 money
 for
 supporting
 their
 actions.
 (Villa,
2006)
 Different
actions
have
also
developed
a
 natural
distrust
of
the
sector:
Several
important
politicians
have
used
these
kinds
of
organizations
 to
switch
money
for
their
personal
purposes
and
many
of
the
wealthiest
people
of
the
country
are
 using
them
to
capitalize
their
enterprises
by
deducting
taxes
to
the
government.
 
 In
figure
22
we
can
see
the
consequences
of
these
facts;
the
sector
has
relied
upon
the
fees
of
the
 services
it
provides
with
an
85.2%
getting
a
very
low
income
from
government
and
philanthropy
 with
an
8.5%
and
6.3%
respectively.
 
 

 Figure
24.
Nonprofit
sector
composition
in
comparison
 with
Latin
America
and
22
other
countries
(Verduzco,
et
 al.,
1999)
 · Cuotas menores de empleo no lucrativo en las áreas de salud y servicios sociales. Comparado con el promedio global de los 22 países analizados,las áreas de salud y servicios sociales ab- sorben una cuota mucho menor de empleo no lucrativo en México. Así, mientras estas dos áreas constituyen el 38% del empleo no lucrativo en términos globales, como promedio, en México sólo representan el 17% de dicho empleo. Ello re- fleja, en gran medida, la amplia presencia del Estado en la prestación de estos servicios,especialmente desde el estable- cimiento del PRI. Por tanto, queda poco espacio para que las organizaciones no estatales, no partidistas, puedan desarro- llar actividades en estas áreas. · Cierta presencia de empleo no lucrativo en la vida social. Otra cuota modesta de empleo no lucrativo en México la constitu- 524 La sociedad civil global: Las dimensiones del sector no lucrativo FIGURA XXII.4 Composición del sector no lucrativo, México, Latinoamérica, y promedio de los 22 países, 1995 30,2% 19,6% 18,3% 14,4% 6,5% 5,8% 3,1% 2,2% 44,4% 12,2% 10,3% 10,6% 12,4% 7,0% 1,2% 1,9% 43,2% 8,1% 8,7% 7,7% 30,5% 0,5% 1,0% 0,3% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Otras áreas Medio ambiente/ asesoramiento legal Desarrollo Asociaciones profesionales Cultura Servicios sociales Sanidad Educación % de empleo no lucrativo México Promedio Latinoamérica Promedio de los 22 países
  • 26. The
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 Regis
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Master
in
Nonprofit
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 Page
26
 
 The
most
important
area
of
development
 in
 the
 country
 is
 also
 education
 with
 a
 43.2%
 followed
 by
 professional
 associations
 with
 a
 30.5%,
 the
 highest
 in
 Latin
America
and
the
other
22
countries.
 It
is
surprising
to
realize
that
only
the
.5%
 of
 the
 registered
 ones
 are
 referred
 to
 as
 development
 and
 it
 is
 hard
 to
 believe
 it.
 This
 is
 the
 path
 that
 didn’t
 fit
 with
 other
 theories
 about
 the
 association
 level
 in
 Mexico
and
are
still
researched.
 
 In
comparison
with
the
rest
of
Latin
America,
Mexico
is
the
country
with
more
difficulties
but
at
 the
same
time
with
the
most
promised
future
in
the
growth
of
the
sector:
Philanthropy
will
get
 higher
and
especially
the
government
will
increase
the
budget
to
the
sector;
figure
25
will
change
 considerably
now
that
the
legal
conditions
have
started
to
change.
All
this
will
happen
if
the
sector
 is
able
to
professionalize
its
practices
and
brings
more
actors
and
recovers
the
important
moral
 capital
that
the
sector
relies
upon.

 
 4. COLOMBIA
 
 Nonprofit
 organizations
 in
 Colombia
 are
 now
 an
 important
 economic
 force
 in
 the
 country.
 It
 contains
1.7
billion
dollars
in
expenditures
representing
2.1%
of
the
GDP
as
we
can
see
in
figure
 26.
 Colombia
 shares
 the
 Mexican
 history
 about
 the
 church
 and
 the
 development
 of
 a
 recent
 democratic
 process
 but
 Colombia
 has
 had
 a
 more
 accelerated
 process
 of
 development.
 In
 relation
 to
 its
 economy,
 Colombian
 Nonprofit
 sector
 is
 larger
 than
 the
 Latin
 American
 Average:
Chile
has
a
1.4,
Peru
a
1.2
and
Mexico
 a
1.3
billion
in
expenditures.

 Colombian
 population
 reaches
 an
 estimated
 48%
of
people
volunteering
for
some
type
of
organization
(Villar,
R.,
List,
R.
&
Salamon,
L.,
1999)
 
 Figure
25.
Income
sources
in
Nonprofit
sector
from
 Mexico,
Latin
America
and
22
other
countries
 (Verduzco,
et
al.,
1999)
 Latinoamérica.Por tanto,como se indica en la figura XXII.8,las FIGURA XXII.8 Fuentes de ingresos en efectivo del sector no lucrativo, México, Latinoamérica, y promedio de los 22 países, 1995 8,5% 6,3% 85,2% 15,5% 10,4% 74,0% 40,1% 10,5% 49,4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% Sector público Filantropía Cuotas México Promedio Latinoamérica Promedio de los 22 países 
 Figure
26.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Colombia
,
1995
 (Villar,
et
al.,
1999)
 ment in the country (see Figure 21.1). This number would undoubt- edly be larger if churches and other places of religious worship were included, but such data were unavailable for Colombia. 2. One of the larger nonprofit sectors in Latin America The Colombian nonprofit sector, while modest in relation to the Colom- bian economy, is larger than the Latin American average, though it still falls short of the level of developed countries. Colombia: A Diverse Nonprofit Sector 413 Table 21.1 The nonprofit sector in Colombia, 1995 $ 1.7 billion in expenditures — 2.1 percent of GDP 286,900 paid employees — 2.4 percent of total nonagricultural employment — 14.9 percent of total service employment — 30.7 percent of public employment
  • 27. The
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27
 
 equaling
a
total
of
377,617
of
full‐ time
 employees
 as
 we
 can
 see
 in
 figure
 27,
 but
 still
 doesn’t
 represent
 a
 major
 workforce
 in
 comparison
 to
 the
 40%
 of
 the
 public
 sector
 or
 the
 18%
 of
 the
 service
 employment
 but
 in
 comparison
 to
 Latin
 America
 it
 is
 above
the
average.
 
 The
 composition
 of
 the
 sector
 in
 the
country
is
very
diverse
and
it
is
the
only
example
in
the
region
with
this
characteristic.
It
shares
 with
 the
 region
 the
 priority
 in
 educational
 institutions
 with
 a
 26%
 and
 within
 that
 half
 is
 distributed
for
elementary
and
secondary
schools
and
half
to
higher
education.
Four
areas
share
a
 common
 percentage:
 Development
 area,
 professional,
 social
 services
 and
 health
 are
 among
 17%
 and
 13%.
 Development
 is
 way
 bigger
 than
the
region
almost
doubling
the
 percentage.
 The
 only
 lower
 area,
 besides
 education,
 is
 culture
 with
 only
a
1.2%
difference.
 
 If
 the
 volunteer
 factor
 is
 added
 to
 the
different
areas,
education
goes
 down
 to
 20%
 and
 social
 services
 and
development
reaches
18%
and
 health
goes
down
from
17%
to
15%.
 
 As
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 countries,
 Colombia
is
not
the
exception
in
the
 income
characteristics:
the
fees
has
 
 Figure
27.
Nonprofit
employment
in
Colombia,
with
and
 without
volunteers,
1995,
as
a
%
of…
(Villar,
et
al.,
1999)
 included, but such data were unavailable for Colombia. 2. One of the larger nonprofit sectors in Latin America The Colombian nonprofit sector, while modest in relation to the Colom- bian economy, is larger than the Latin American average, though it still falls short of the level of developed countries. Figure 21.1 Nonprofit employment in Colombia, with and without volunteers, 1995, as a % of . . . 2.1 2.4 14.9% 30.7% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% Paid employees Volunteers 2.4% * Nonagricultural GDP Total Employment* Service Employment Public Sector Employment 3.1% 18.8% 40.4% 
 Figure
28.
Composition
of
the
Nonprofit
Sector,
Colombia,
 Latin
America
and
22‐country
average,
1995
(Villar,
et
al.,
 1999)
 clearly that Colombia’s nonprofit sector is more diverse than that else- where in Latin America. • Pattern shifts with volunteers. When volunteer inputs are factored in, the composition of the nonprofit sector in Colombia changes notably, though it remains balanced overall. In particular, as shown in Figure 21.5, with volunteers included, the margin of difference among the 418 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR Figure 21.4 Composition of the nonprofit sector, Colombia, Latin America, and 22-country average, 1995 30.2% 19.6% 18.3% 14.4% 6.5% 5.8% 3.1% 2.2% 44.4% 12.2% 10.3% 10.6% 12.4% 7.0% 1.2% 1.9% 26.1% 17.5% 14.6% 9.4% 15.1% 13.1% 2.1% 2.2% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Education Health Social svcs Culture Professional Development Environ/ Advocacy Other fields % of nonprofit employment Colombia Latin American average 22-Country average
  • 28. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
28
 
 a
 70.2%
 of
 the
 income
 and
 the
 government
 and
 philanthropy
 has
 a
 low
 portion
 with
 14.2%
 and
 17.8%
 respectively.
Even
with
these
numbers
Colombian
nonprofit
 income
from
fees
are
below
the
average
by
4%
sharing
this
 same
 percentage
 with
 an
 higher
 participation
 in
 philanthropy.

 
 As
 we
 can
 see
 in
 figure
 30
 is
 amazing
 to
 see
 how
 the
 22
 countries
 average
 in
 government
 support
 has
 a
 bigger
 participation
than
Latin
America
going
down
from
40.1$
to
 15.5%
having
a
total
difference
of
25%.
 
 The
consulted
research
established
that
 the
 participation
 of
 the
 government
 in
 Colombia
has
been
active
as
a
promoter
 but
not
as
a
funder
and
it
seems
it
has
 specifically
 focused
 to
 the
 social
 services
 and
 development
 areas
 where
 also
 the
 volunteers
 are
 making
 a
 difference
 and
 are
 reconfiguring
 the
 characteristics
 of
 the
 sector
 in
 the
 country.
 
 An
important
conclusion
of
the
research
made
by
Villar
et
al.
(1999)
is
that
the
sector
needs
to
 develop
 capacity
 building
 through
 training
 and
 strengthening
 the
 infrastructure
 of
 the
 organizations.
 Empowering
 new
 leaders
 to
 move
 from
 providing
 services
 to
 advocating
 for
 the
 sector
might
be
a
key
path
to
keep
strengthening
the
sector.
At
the
same
time
it
will
be
necessary
 to
keep
the
strength
of
the
voluntary
force.
It
will
be
important
to
keep
the
clear
distance
among
 the
 government
 and
 the
 nonprofit
 sector
 in
 order
 to
 keep
 the
 organizations
 independent.
 An
 important
 difference
 between
 the
 Mexican
 sector
 and
 the
 Colombian
 is
 that
 even
 that
 the
 Colombian
looks
in
better
shape,
it
will
face
difficult
circumstances
and
Mexican
seems
to
start
a
 “clear”
road
 
 Figure
29.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
 revenue
in
Colombia,
1995
(Villar,
 et
al.,
1999)
 most other countries. In particular: • Fee income dominant. The overwhelmingly dominant source of in- come of nonprofit organizations in Colombia is fees and charges for the services that these organizations provide. As reflected in Figure 21.6, this source alone accounts for 70.2 percent of all nonprofit rev- enue in Colombia. Figure 21.6 Sources of nonprofit revenue in Colombia, 1995 Public Sector Fees, Charges Philanthropy 14.9% 14.9% 70.2% 
 Figure
30.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
cash
revenue,
Colombia,
 Latin
America
and
22
country
average
1995
(Villar,
et
al.,
 1999)
 (14.9 percent vs. 10.4 percent on average), due at least in part to the sig- nificant support provided by corporations and corporate foundations. • Deviation from the global average. While the revenue structure of the Colombian nonprofit sector generally mirrors that elsewhere in Latin America, it differs considerably from that evident elsewhere in the world. Thus, as Figure 21.8 also shows, while fees and charges are the dominant element in the financial base of the nonprofit sector glob- ally, their dominance is considerably less pronounced than it is in Colombia (49.4 percent of total revenue compared to 70.2 percent in Colombia). By contrast, public sector payments comprise a consider- ably larger share of nonprofit income in these other countries on aver- age (40.1 percent vs. 14.9 percent in Colombia), but private giving is weaker (10.5 percent vs. 14.9 percent in Colombia). Quite clearly, a dif- ferent pattern of cooperation has taken shape between nonprofit orga- nizations and the state in these other countries. In Colombia, govern- ment has most often played the role of promoter rather than funder. As noted previously, some of the most widespread nonprofit initiatives have been developed as a result of government-sponsored programs. 422 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR Figure 21.8 Sources of nonprofit cash revenue, Colombia, Latin America, and 22-country average, 1995 14.9% 14.9% 70.2% 15.5% 10.4% 74.0% 40.1% 10.5% 49.4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% Public Sector Philanthropy Fees Colombia Latin America 22-Country average
  • 29. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
29
 
 5. BRAZIL
 As
 with
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 Latin
 American
 Countries,
 the
 Nonprofit
 sector
 in
 Brazil
 is
 also
an
important
economic
force
with
10.6
 billion
 dollars
 in
 expenditures
 and
 represents
a
1.5%
of
the
GDP
and
a
million
 paid
employees
in
the
country.
It
has
more
 employees
than
the
most
important
private
 forprofit
organization
and
with
the
 volunteer
force
it
reaches
near
the
 1.2
billion
full
time
employees.
 
 The
distribution
of
the
workforce
is
 concentrated
 in
 education
 with
 a
 36.9%.
 The
 next
 three
 areas
 of
 importance
 are
 health,
 social
 services
 and
 culture
 with
 a
 17.8%,
 16.4%
 and
 a
 17%
 respectively.
 Culture
 seems
 to
 be
 a
 distinctive
 element
 in
 Brazilian
 Nonprofit
 sector
 due
 to
 the
 Latin
 American
 average
 is
 10.6%.
 Brazilian
 sector
 follows
 Peru
 and
 Colombia
 with
 2.2%of
 the
 total
 workforce.
 As
 in
 Mexico
 the
 role
 of
 the
 church
 has
 determined
the
sector’s
growth
historically.
It
is
a
sector
 growing
 very
 fast
 and
 within
 the
 next
 years
 seems
 to
 become
in
a
greater
force
than
it
was
several
years
ago.
 The
main
income
of
the
sector
is
also
the
fees
with
73.8%
 followed
 by
 the
 public
 sector
 with
 15.5%
 and
 the
 
 Figure
31.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Brazil
,
1995
 (Landim,
L.,
Beres,
N.,
List,
R.,
&
Salamon,
L.M.,
 1999)
 twice as fast as employment in the nation’s overall economy, which ex- perienced only 20 percent growth. • More employees than in the largest private firm. Put somewhat differ- ently, nonprofit employment in Brazil easily outdistances the employ- ment in the largest private business in the country, and does so by a factor of 16. Thus, compared to the 1 million paid workers in Brazil’s nonprofit organizations, Brazil’s largest private corporation, Brade- sco, employs only 62,450 workers (see Figure 20.1). • Volunteer inputs. Even this does not capture the full scope of the non- profit sector in Brazil, for the sector also attracts a considerable amount of volunteer effort. Indeed, an estimated 16 percent of the Brazilian population reports contributing their time to nonprofit or- ganizations. This translates into another 139,216 full-time equivalent employees, which boosts the total number of full-time equivalent em- ployees of nonprofit organizations in Brazil to nearly 1.2 million, or 2.5 percent of total employment in the country (see Figure 20.2). • Religion. The inclusion of religion, moreover, would boost these to- tals by another 93,837 paid employees and 195,882 FTE volunteers. Brazil 395 Table 20.1 The nonprofit sector in Brazil, 1995 $10.6 billion in expenditures — 1.5 percent of GDP 1.0 million paid employees — 2.2 percent of total nonagricultural employment — 7.8 percent of total service employment — 19.4 percent of public sector employment Figure 20.1 Employment in nonprofits vs. largest firm in Brazil, 1995 
 Figure
 32.
 Composition
 of
 the
 Nonprofit
 Sector,
 Brazil,
 Latin‐American
 and
 22‐country
 average
 (Landim,
 et
 al,
 1999)
 tablished by other religious groups such as Kardecist spiritism and by immigrants such as the Lebanese and Israelis. Notably, in the culture and recreation field, sports organizations account for 95 percent of employment. Brazil 401 Figure 20.5 Composition of the nonprofit sector, Brazil, Latin America, and 22- country average, 1995 30.2% 19.6% 18.3% 14.4% 6.5% 5.8% 3.1% 2.2% 44.4% 12.2% 10.3% 10.6% 12.4% 7.0% 1.2% 1.9% 36.9% 17.8% 16.4% 17.0% 9.6% 1.1% 0.9% 0.4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Education Health Social svcs Culture Professional Development Environ/ Advocacy Other fields % of nonprofit employment Brazil Latin American average 22-Country average 
 Figure
33.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
revenue
 in
Brazil,
1995
(Landim,
et
al,
1999)
 404 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR Figure 20.7 Sources of nonprofit revenue in Brazil, 1995 Public Sector Fees, Charges Philanthropy 15.5% 10.7% 73.8% Public Sector Philanthropy 14.5% 16.3%
  • 30. The
Civil
Society
in
Latin‐American
reality:
a
possible
path
for
strengthening
the
sector
from
the
Jesuit
Universities
 
 Regis
University
‐
Master
in
Nonprofit
Management

 Page
30
 
 philanthropy
with
10.7%.
The
distribution
of
 the
income
in
Brazil
fits
almost
completely
to
 the
 average
 in
 Latin
 American
 countries
 as
 we
 can
 see
 in
 figure
 34.
 The
 philanthropy
 percentage
fits
with
the
22
countries
where
 the
 study
 was
 applied,
 the
 difference
 is
 marked
 by
 the
 fees
 and
 government
 participation
by
a
25%
difference.
 
 The
conclusions
of
the
study
showed
that
the
 sector
needed
to
gain
visibility
and
developing
collaborations
between
the
government
and
the
 nonprofits.
 It
 is
 necessary
 to
 develop
 leaders
 able
 to
 lobby,
 this
 will
 bring
 a
 better
 legal
 atmosphere
and
as
a
consequence
the
sector
will
grow.
 
 6. ARGENTINA
 Argentina
Nonprofit
sector
is
the
second
largest
in
 Latin
 America.
 It
 has
 12
 billion
 dollars
 in
 expenditures
 and
 represents
 4.7%
 of
 the
 GDP
 of
 the
country.
It
is
also
a
major
workforce
with
3.7%
 full
time
employees
of
the
total
population.
If
the
 volunteer
force
is
included
the
GDP
grows
to
5.6%
 and
 the
 full
 time
 employees
 to
 6%
 doubling
 the
 average
percentage
of
Latin
America.
The
main
source
of
 income
 is
 the
 fees
 with
 73%
 of
 income,
 19.5%
 from
 government
 support
 and
 7.5%
 from
 philanthropy.
 The
 distribution
of
the
sector,
as
we
can
see
in
figure
36
is
 lead
 by
 the
 education
 institution
 with
 a
 41.3%
 of
 the
 total
 workforce
 followed
 by
 culture,
 health
 and
 social
 services
 with
 a
 15.1%,
 13.4%
 and
 10.7%.
 Development
 takes
 5.7%
 the
 same
 that
 the
 22
 studied
 countries
 represent.
 

 
 Figure
34.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
cash
revenue,
 Colombia,
Latin
America
and
22
country
average
 1995
(Landim,
et
al,
1999)
nonprofit revenues. Evidently, the public sector’s relative disinterest in the work of nonprofit institutions in Brazil has yielded a very differ- ent pattern of nonprofit finance, one that is far more dependent on private fees, charitable donations, and volunteering. • Variations by subsector. Even this does not do full justice to the com- plexities of nonprofit finance in Brazil, however. This is so because im- portant differences exist in the finances of nonprofit organizations by subsector. In fact, three quite distinct patterns of nonprofit finance are evident among Brazilian nonprofits, as shown in Figure 20.11: Fee-dominant fields. Fee income is the dominant source of income in six of the nine fields of nonprofit action for which data were gathered (professional, international, health, culture, education, and civic and advocacy). This is understandable enough in the case of professional associations and unions, as well as cultural and sports groups, where membership dues and fees for the services they provide are the pri- mary sources of income. Perhaps surprisingly, this is also the case for international-oriented and civic and advocacy groups, which organize as membership associations. Furthermore, as might be expected, edu- cational and health institutions receive fees for the services they pro- vide, though they also receive payments from the public sector. 406 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY: DIMENSIONS OF THE NONPROFIT SECTOR Figure 20.10 Sources of nonprofit cash revenue in Brazil, Latin America, and 22-country average, 1995 15.5% 10.7% 73.8% 15.5% 10.4% 74.0% 40.1% 10.5% 49.4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% Public Sector Philanthropy Fees Brazil Latin America 22-Country average 
 Figure
35.
Nonprofit
Sector
in
Argentina
,
1995
 (Roitter,
M.,
List
R.,
&
Salamon,
L.M.,
1999)
 lion (about 12 billion Argentine pesos) in 1995, or 4.7 percent of the country’s gross domestic product, a quite significant amount.3 • A major employer. Behind these expenditures lies a sizable workforce that includes the equivalent of 395,000 full-time equivalent paid work- ers. This represents 3.7 percent of all nonagricultural workers in the country, 9.4 percent of service employment, and the equivalent of nearly one-third as many people as work for government at all levels— federal, provincial, and municipal (see Table 19.1). • More employees than in the largest private firms. Put somewhat differ- ently, nonprofit employment in Argentina easily outdistances the employment in the largest private businesses in the country. Thus, compared to the 395,000 paid workers in Argentina’s nonprofit orga- nizations, Argentina’s 100 largest private corporations together em- ploy approximately 280,000 workers (see Figure 19.1). • Volunteer inputs. Even this does not capture the full scope of the non- profit sector in Argentina, for this sector also attracts a considerable amount of volunteer effort. Indeed, an estimated 20 percent of the Argentina 375 Table 19.1 The nonprofit sector in Argentina, 1995 $12.0 billion in expenditures — 4.7 percent of GDP 395,000 paid employees — 3.7 percent of total nonagricultural employment — 9.4 percent of total service employment — 30.9 percent of public sector employment Figure 19.1 Employment in nonprofits vs. largest private firms in Argentina, 1995 
 Figure
35.
Sources
of
Nonprofit
 revenue
in
Argentina,
1995
(Roitter,
et
 al
1999)
 ability of development, advocacy, and social service organizations to at- tract volunteers. 5. Most revenue from fees, not philanthropy or public sector The Argentine nonprofit sector receives the bulk of its revenue not from private philanthropy but from fees and charges, and does so to an even greater extent than do nonprofit organizations in most other countries outside of Latin America. In particular: • Fee income dominant. The overwhelmingly dominant source of in- come of nonprofit organizations in Argentina is fees and charges for the services that these organizations provide. As reflected in Figure 19.7, this source alone accounts for nearly three-quarters, or 73.1 per- cent, of all nonprofit revenue in Argentina.5 • Limited support from philanthropy and the public sector. In contrast, private philanthropy and the public sector provide much smaller shares of total revenues. Thus, as Figure 19.7 shows, private philan- thropy—from individuals, corporations, and foundations combined— accounts for only 7.5 percent of nonprofit income in Argentina, while public sector payments, including compulsory payments to the obras sociales which are used to finance health and related social welfare benefits, account for 19.5 percent. • Revenue structure with volunteers. This pattern of nonprofit revenue changes significantly when volunteers are factored into the picture. In Argentina 383 Figure 19.7 Sources of nonprofit revenue in Argentina, 1995 Public Sector Fees, Charges Philanthropy 19.5% 7.5% 73.1%