1. E uropEan V iEw Volume 3 - Spring 2006
TransnaTional ParTies and euroPean democracy
Wilfried Martens Editorial • Jan Peter Balkenende European Va-
lues and Transnational Cooperation as Cornerstones of Our Fu-
ture European Union • Luciano Bardi EU Enlargement, Euro-
pean Parliament Elections and Transnational Trends in European
Parties • José de Venecia The Expansion of International Party Coo-
peration: CDI Creating Bonds among Asian Centrist Parties
• Afonso Dhalakama Political Parties in Africa as Instruments of
Democracy • David Hanley Keeping it in the Family? Natio-
nal Parties and the Transnational Experience • Thomas Jansen
The Emergence of a Transnational European Party System
• Kostas Karamanlis European Parties and Their Role in Building De-
mocracy: The Case of the Western Balkans • Ernst Kuper Towards a
European Political Public: The Role of Transnational European Parties
• Robert Ladrech The Promise and Reality of Euro-par-
ties • Doris Leuthard The Swiss Referendum: A Political Mo-
del for the European Union? • Gutenberg Martínez Ocamica Par-
ty Cooperation between Continents: ODCA and a Proposal for the
EPP • Annemie Neyts The Evolution and Function of the European
Liberal Democrat and Reform Party • John Palmer The Future of
European Union Political Parties • Hans-Gert Pöttering The EPP and
the EPP-ED Group: Success through Synergy • Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
The Future of the Party of European Socialists • Fredrik Reinfeldt Eu-
ropean Parties and Party Cooperation: A Personal View • Ivo Sanader
Transnational Parties in Regional Cooperation: The Impact of the EPP
on Central and South-East Europe • Justus Schönlau European Party
Statute: Filling the Half-full Glass? • Steven Van Hecke On the Road
towards Transnational Parties in Europe: Why and How the European
People’s Party Was Founded • Andreas von Gehlen Two Steps to Euro-
pean Party Democracy • Alexis Wintoniak Uniting the Centre-right of
Europe: The Result of Historical Developments and Political Leadership
A Journal of the Forum for European Studies

3. EUROPEAN VIEW
European View is a journal of the Forum for European Studies, published by the European People’s
Party. European View is a biannual publication that tackles the entire spectrum of Europe’s political,
economic, social and cultural developments. European View is an open forum for academics,
experts and decision-makers across Europe to debate and exchange views and ideas.
EDITORIAL BOARD
Chairman:
Wilfried Martens, President of the European People’s Party, former Prime Minister, Belgium
Carl Bildt, former Prime Minister, Sweden
Elmar Brok, Member of the European Parliament, Germany
John Bruton, former Prime Minister, Ireland
Mário David, Member of Parliament, Portugal
Vicente Martínez-Pujalte López, Member of Parliament, Spain
Loyola de Palacio, former Vice-President of the European Commission, Spain
Chris Patten, former Member of the European Commission, United Kingdom
Jan Petersen, former Foreign Minister, Norway
Hans-Gert Pöttering, Chairman of the EPP-ED Group in the European Parliament, Germany
Alexander Stubb, Member of the European Parliament, Finland
József Szájer, Vice-Chairman of the EPP-ED Group in the European Parliament, Hungary
Andrej Umek, former Minister for Science and Technology, Slovenia
Per Unckel, former Minister of Education and Science, Sweden
Yannis Valinakis, Deputy Foreign Minister, Greece
ADVISORY BOARD
Antonio López-Istúriz, Christian Kremer, Luc Vandeputte, Kostas Sasmatzoglou, Ingrid Goossens,
Guy Volckaert
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Tomi Huhtanen
Assistant Editors:
Galina Fomenchenko, Mélanie Dursin, Marvin DuBois, Maureen Epp, Richard Ratzlaff, John Lunn
For editorial inquiries please contact:
European View
Editor-in-Chief
Rue d’Arlon 67
1040 Brussels
email: thuhtanen@epp-eu.org
Tel. +32 2 285 41 49
Fax. +32 2 285 41 41
Url: www.epp-eu.org/europeanview
The Forum for European Studies is a think-tank dedicated to Christian Democrat and like-minded
political values, which is engaged in open, comprehensive and analytical debate.
European View and its publishers assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this
publication. Articles are subject to editing and final approval by the Editorial Board.
This publication is partly funded by the European Parliament.
2
European View

4. cONtENts
• Editorial ..........................................................................................................................................................................................................5
Wilfried Martens
• European Values and Transnational Cooperation as Cornerstones of Our
Future European Union ......................................................................................................................................................................7
Jan Peter Balkenende
• EU Enlargement, European Parliament Elections and Transnational Trends
in European Parties.............................................................................................................................................................................13
Luciano Bardi
• The Expansion of International Party Cooperation: CDI Creating Bonds among
Asian Centrist Parties .........................................................................................................................................................................21
José de Venecia
• Political Parties in Africa as Instruments of Democracy...........................................................................................31
Afonso Dhalakama
• Keeping it in the Family?
National Parties and the Transnational Experience....................................................................................................35
David Hanley
• The Emergence of a Transnational European Party System ...................................................................................45
thomas Jansen
• European Parties and Their Role in Building Democracy: The Case of the Western Balkans .......57
Kostas Karamanlis
• Towards a European Political Public: The Role of Transnational European Parties ............................63
Ernst Kuper
• The Promise and Reality of Euro-parties ..............................................................................................................................73
Robert Ladrech
• The Swiss Referendum: A Political Model for the European Union? ..................................................................81
Doris Leuthard
• Party Cooperation between Continents: ODCA and a Proposal for the EPP ...............................................87
Gutenberg Martínez Ocamica
• The Evolution and Function of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party .............................93
Annemie Neyts
• The Future of European Union Political Parties...........................................................................................................101
John Palmer
• The EPP and the EPP-ED Group: Success through Synergy..................................................................................111
Hans-Gert Pöttering
• The Future of the Party of European Socialists ..............................................................................................................121
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
3
Volume 3 - Spring 2006

5. • European Parties and Party Cooperation: A Personal View ................................................................................129
Fredrik Reinfeldt
• Transnational Parties in Regional Cooperation: The Impact of the EPP on Central
and South-East Europe...................................................................................................................................................................135
Ivo sanader
• European Party Statute: Filling the Half-full Glass? ...................................................................................................143
Justus schönlau
• On the Road towards Transnational Parties in Europe:Why and How the European
People’s Party Was Founded .......................................................................................................................................................153
steven Van Hecke
• Two Steps to European Party Democracy ..........................................................................................................................161
Andreas von Gehlen
• Uniting the Centre-right of Europe: The Result of Historical Developments and
Political Leadership...........................................................................................................................................................................173
Alexis Wintoniak
• ANNEx
The EU regulation governing political parties at European level and the rules regarding
their funding .........................................................................................................................................................................................179
4
European View

6. Wilfried Martens
Editorial
By Wilfried Martens
One year after the French and only if two conditions are met. First,
Dutch referenda on the European European parties must propose valid
Constitution, the potent political answers in the ongoing debate on
message of its rejection continues the identity, the development and
to resound: Europe will not be the borders of the EU of the future.
shaped automatically. As long as Second, to put those answers into
the European Union cannot count on a greater action, European parties must have sufficient
degree of support from its citizens, it will input into the European decision-making
remain a fragile edifice. Established by treaties, process; the parties must also be provided with
the institutions of the European Union cannot, the necessary legal and financial foundation for
by their nature, fully and flexibly respond to playing their role at the European level.
the challenge of this unique moment in the
history of the European Union. The only way In order to justify their existence, the European
to ensure the success of our common European political parties are obliged to continuously
future is for European political leaders and develop alternative policies which can stimulate
their political parties to take full responsibility the unification process. It is up to us, the
for this challenge and show the way forward European politicians, to come up with a
for Europe. In order to carry out this task, the comprehensible plan for Europe’s development
political parties at the European level have for and deepening and also to communicate this
years been developing their role, transforming plan clearly to the citizens of Europe. Shaping
themselves from umbrella organizations to a clear vision for Europe is the common
dynamic actors in European politics, not only responsibility of all European parties. Most of
through European elections, but also in all other the European level parties are committed to
aspects of European political life. providing new impetus to Europe. But goodwill
is not sufficient. For a political party, it is
Today, European parties are actively engaged, at necessary to count quantitatively if it is to have
all levels, in the major institutions of the EU: the sufficient weight in the current decision-making
Council, Commission, Parliament, Committee of process to implement its vision: few things are
Regions, etc. For example, the European People’s possible without political parties.
Party (EPP) organises its own summit of heads
of government and opposition leaders prior to Transnational European parties, some of which
each European Council summit. Such informal have been in existence for many years, have
meetings are also taking place at the various gone through different stages of development.
other levels of the EU. These meetings are For example, the process of integrating new
becoming increasingly important for European member parties into the EPP was essential, if
political development as the EU becomes more highly controversial. How else was the EPP to
multidimensional and parallel political dynamics escape marginalisation? How else would the EPP
in different EU Member States need to be taken have been able to make the kind of difference
to account. it has made—I think particularly of our initiative
in establishing the European Convention and
But political parties can succeed in this huge the EPP’s subsequent vital participation? How
task of convincing European citizens of the else will it be able to go on making a difference,
importance of our common European future today and in the future?
5
Volume 3 - Spring 2006

7. Editorial
Transnational parties, by definition, have to legal. Henceforth, abuses or the improper use
undergo a profound debate on the matter of public funds will be almost impossible. The
of their core principles. For the EPP, being a work is far from finished, however, as a full
select but weak club of so-called pure Christian fledged ‘statute’ for European level parties is not
Democrats, isolated from a separate conservative yet complete.
force—a situation that could only have had the
effect of weakening our own position and that of Together with the changing European political
the centre-right as a whole—was no real option. system, the role of European parties is changing
‘Unity in diversity’ remained—and remains—the and becoming more important. European parties
motto that the EPP needs to implement. Thus I did play an essential role in facilitating and even
fully accept the process of opening up the EPP managing EU enlargement; now their role has
to other traditions. This has to be managed with been highlighted by the challenges Europe
a measure of caution; it is necessary to maintain is facing. This development is not limited to
the identity of the EPP itself. When Europe is Europe.
changing, however, European political parties
need to change as well. Regional cooperation between parties from
different countries is growing on other continents.
Apart from the particular situation in which the Global party cooperation is becoming both richer
EPP finds itself today, I am quite convinced that in content and greater in importance. Decision-
all political parties at the European level find makers, the media and academics are showing
themselves in a better position to exercise their a growing interest in the newly developing role
huge responsibility than they were in 15 years of transnational parties. In this new context,
ago. This is due primarily to the improvement European parties and their evolution are on the
of the legal and financial basis on which they front line of a phenomenon which, I believe,
can build their organisation and develop their may one day become an example for global
activities. political development.
Thanks to the Regulation on European level
Political Parties,1 political parties can now count
on public funding. They have legal status, Wilfried Martens is the President of the European
through obtaining legal personality in the People’s Party.
country where they are registered. This should
be considered a great step forward in building a
European political space with real transnational
parties. A strong impetus has been given to the
Europeanisation of the democratic party system
and the politicising of the European decision-
making process.
Thus the EPP has had legal personality since
2004 and receives public funds directly from
the European Parliament—a minimum amount
and additional funds a rato based on the
percentage of votes it receives—as do all the
other recognised European level parties. The
system is now transparent and completely
1
No 2004/2003 of the Council and the European Parliament of November 2003.
6
European View

8. Jan Peter Balkenende
European Values and Transnational Cooperation
as Cornerstones of Our Future European Union
By Jan Peter Balkenende
In a comparatively integration has come to a standstill. Personally,
short space of time, the I don’t believe that at all. The majority of
European Union has Europeans—including the ‘no’ voters—support
undergone tremendous European integration. Polls have shown that,
change and has been in many areas, EU citizens want even closer
confronted with chal- cooperation than their governments are
lenges that are unique in its relatively short ready for—for instance, in the fight against
history. Since the turn of the millennium, the international terrorism. There can be no doubt
Union has expanded significantly (it now that, even without a Constitution, the EU will
accounts for over a quarter of the world’s GNP) continue to exist and seek solutions that serve
and made a huge success of the reunification the interests of its own people and the rest of
of the European continent. It has also altered the world. Fortunately we are still managing
its role and position within a changing global to make progress on key issues, like the deal
arena, with countries like China and India on on the new financial perspectives for the next
the rise and challenges ahead such as energy seven years and on the start of accession talks
supply. At the same time, it has recently had to with Turkey.
face up to terrorist attacks and growing internal
differences, and it was unable to convince its The European Union will emerge from this period
citizens to take the next step towards a closer of reflection even stronger if we have the courage
Union by accepting the proposed Constitutional to communicate more openly and honestly with
Treaty. each other. Our future Europe will be shaped by
civil society, business, NGOs, and cultural and
After the French and Dutch rejection of the academic entities, not just by politicians and
Treaty, the Member States agreed to a period of policymakers in Europe’s capitals and Brussels’
reflection during which all these different and institutions. European values and transnational
diverse developments could be given proper cooperation will become a central theme.
consideration, so that European citizens could
be given a sound and satisfactory response. current state of affairs
It is already clear that this response will deal
with not just traditional policy-oriented, top- At the start of the twenty-first century, it is clear
down political initiatives, but also a new way of that the concept of partly sharing sovereignty
‘communicating Europe’ by giving the people with a supranational organisation (the European
a more central role in the debate. ‘The people’ Commission), combined with upholding
have often been absent in the elitist European intergovernmental primacy in other fields, has
decision-making of the past decades. That will been successful. Even the harshest critics of the
not be possible anymore. EU have to concede that the seeds of peace,
freedom, prosperity and stability have taken root
Far from being the end of the road, the Union’s across the European continent. In fact, despite
current impasse is therefore in fact a new the current political debate within the EU,
beginning. Some people have concluded from the winds of change are blowing these seeds
the French and Dutch ‘no’ votes that European further eastward into Turkey and the Balkans.
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Volume 3 - Spring 2006

9. European Values and Transnational Cooperation as Cornerstones of Our Future European Union
More recently we have seen positive results in integration matters. The ever-increasing
Ukraine and Georgia as well. You could call it influence of EU decision-making and legislation
the post-modern European dynamic: differences is recognised by the public; but the politically
at all levels are settled at the negotiating table, elitist method of reaching agreement, which has
not on the battlefield. We have been there and grown historically, needs to be revised in this
do not want to go there ever again. This principle new era: people want more public involvement
is already endorsed by twenty-five Member and information.
States with a combined population of over
455 million—with more countries yet to come. The other debate centres on the sharing of
Together they constitute not just an economic, power and sovereignty within the Union. The
but also a democratic space in which people European Union is not a ‘superstate’. It is based
can move and trade freely. For me personally, on the principle of subsidiarity. This means
this is Europe’s greatest achievement. that decisions are taken at the closest possible
level of government to the public: wherever
However, this should not lead to complacency possible at local or national level, and only
and a passive approach to European issues. The at international level when the scale of the
French and Dutch ‘no’ votes were clear signals to problem calls for joint action. So the European
continue and intensify our public debate on the Union should not concern itself with the content
future of Europe. Both highlighted a change in of education, social security and tax policy. But
the public’s attitude towards Europe. The desire it does exist to deal with state aid to businesses
for peace and stability is no longer a convincing and environmental standards for cars. In a
argument for further European integration. Sixty common market, these issues transcend national
years is apparently such a long time that we have boundaries. If effective action can be taken at
begun to take peace and prosperity for granted. local or national level, the European Union does
Similar processes can, to a lesser extent, be not need to be involved. It only needs to act if
witnessed in Central and Eastern Europe, even a transnational approach is the only solution.
though the memory of oppression is still fresh. Member States must formulate a clear overview
This approach is clearly no longer sufficient. of the current distribution of power, including
Here, the Union is faced with a dilemma. In a the possibility of ‘renationalising’ some parts of
way the EU has fallen victim to its own success: traditional ‘European’ policies.
people do recognise the added value of closer
European cooperation in a globalising world, The relatively positive outcome of the
but they no longer accept the way the European Eurobarometer and other polls after the Dutch
project is being communicated to them. ‘no’ vote is one of the reasons why I’m convinced
that these negative referendum results stemmed
A similar development can be seen in the from developments beneath the surface, which
Netherlands. Despite the result in the Dutch had been neglected by too many decision-
referendum, more than three-quarters of Dutch makers for far too long. We have had a rude
people still answer ‘yes’ to the question ‘do awakening, but it may have been just the wake-
you support EU membership?’ The question up call we needed. From this positive starting
for Dutch citizens seems to be not whether the point, we shouldn’t blame each other or force
European Union should continue to widen and Member States to take a specific position, but
deepen, but how this should be done. Two think about how we can make the most of this
different debates are important here. The first opportunity for reflection and reform. In the
centres on the very policy-oriented way political following paragraphs I would like to give an
decision-makers have communicated with the outline of my own view of where the Union
public over the last few decades on European currently stands.
8
European View

10. Jan Peter Balkenende
What is at stake? for the EU, from six Member States to twenty-
five. But how many Dutchmen or Britons could
At a time of rapid globalisation, in order to find Slovenia on a map? And what percentage
remain successful, nations have to act together of Slovaks know where Belgium is? Moreover,
even more intensively than before. We can immigrants now make up 10% of the Dutch
only combat terrorism and international crime population. In the cities, half of all young people
by joining forces. We can only secure jobs and are the children of newcomers. We see the same
prosperity through economic cooperation and by ethnic and cultural diversity in France, Belgium,
making rules that create the same opportunities Germany, the Baltic States and elsewhere.
for all. We can only avoid the dangers of climate In other words, people don’t feel European.
change and rising sea levels by taking joint Europe is perceived as an abstract construct, as
action. We can only tackle air and water pollution being distant and not representing the wishes
by acting together. Countries cannot solve these of the people.
problems on their own: transnational challenges
require transnational solutions. Diversity is a good thing; it enriches society.
However, it has a downside as well: it can lead
It is in our common interest to push Europe to uncertainty and conflicting ideas. Sometimes
beyond simply the consolidation of national it even leads to distrust and, as we have sadly
vested interests. We should pursue the reforms witnessed, to violence. It’s not just the diversity
needed, display solidarity with less prosperous of countries within the Union that has grown.
people both inside and outside the EU, and listen Diversity within the Member States themselves
better and communicate more transparently has also increased dramatically. As I said at the
with our citizens. The Union should do so along Collège d’Europe in Bruges in April last year,
two lines. our challenge now is not preventing countries
from drifting apart, but preventing people from
The EU must intensify and improve its drifting apart.
implementation of the policies that will guide
us through the coming decades. These are It is interesting to note that one of the EU’s
policies in the areas of research, innovation, founding fathers, Jean Monnet, mentioned this
international environmental issues, immigration, important element of successful integration. He
energy (supply and security) and the fight understood two things quite clearly. First, peace
against transnational crime—indeed, all policy demands our constant attention, even in times
areas that stem from a globalising world and of peace and prosperity. For this idea Monnet
that, by their very nature, call for a transnational is often quoted and praised. However, he put
approach. However, this policy-oriented forward a second very important element as
approach is at best only part of the solution, well: conflicts and violence can only be resolved
if not part of the problem. I’m fully convinced if nations move beyond nationalism. Lasting
that the current debate on the future of Europe peace only has a chance if Member States and
goes deeper. nations are willing and able to cooperate and
build something that stands above borders:
The European Union’s tremendous economic transnational cooperation as a cornerstone for
growth has made it possible to spread prosperity lasting European integration. His words are as
and stability to the new Member States. At the true today as they were half a century ago.
same time it has led to an increase in cultural,
political and social diversity. As this diversity There is also another factor in the mix. My
has grown, it has weakened people’s sense generation—the baby boom generation—grew
of belonging to a larger whole. The last few up with an image of Europe as an economic
decades have been a time of spectacular growth enterprise: a business partnership. Far less
9
Volume 3 - Spring 2006

11. European Values and Transnational Cooperation as Cornerstones of Our Future European Union
was said about the other side of European need Europeans.” We have learned that this takes
integration: Europe as a political project time. One cannot expect 450 million Europeans
designed to preserve common values and put in 25 different countries with over 20 different
them into practice. A rapidly expanding Union, languages to feel closely connected with one
increasing diversity and an image of Europe as another. What’s more, many people are afraid
an economic enterprise: these three factors have that the Union has too much influence over their
helped weaken people’s sense of commitment daily lives. Many have difficulty identifying with
to the European project. We run the risk of an expanding European Union, the euro and
ending up with a European house that looks potential new Member States. These factors may
strong from the outside, but is crumbling on the well undermine the European Union from within.
inside. That is why we Europeans should continue
to give careful thought to what binds us. We
During the Dutch EU Presidency in 2004, we should be able to have an EU-wide debate on
drew attention to European values and what they the core values of European integration. These
meant for our future. The Netherlands organised core European values are at the foundation of
a series of international conferences where this everything we do in Europe—from our security
theme was debated by a range of thinkers from strategy to the Lisbon agenda. If we don’t make
around the world. There was general agreement those values explicit, how can we expect people
that, even on this diverse continent, certain to get excited about Europe? We should think of
values bind us together. Freedom, respect for values as our inspiration. If we don’t talk about
human rights and the rule of law, solidarity and our common inspiration, we will never be able
equality—these values are universal. And it is to act boldly on the major issues of our time:
precisely these values that make it possible to security, sustainable economic growth and the
live in a Europe that encompasses so many integration of newcomers. And we will never
differences. A number of guidelines for action feel European!
emerged from the conferences:
People don’t get enthusiastic about complex
• European governments and the European explanations on interinstitutional agreements by
Union must take a firm stand against any politicians. People don’t start to feel European
individuals or groups who attack our rights because European decision-makers tell them to.
and the values on which they are based. People want to be inspired by new concepts
• We must strengthen the vital role of education of cooperation. People demand European
in transmitting values and improve mobility solutions to transboundary problems. People
in Europe. People, ideas and knowledge are want European political leadership.
still not circulating enough.
• There is still an urgent need to ‘communicate Where do we go from here? How do we put this
Europe’ to our citizens. new dynamism into daily practice? The maxim
of the European Union is “unity in diversity”.
All these issues are currently high on the This implies that Europeans are united in
European agenda. I would like to present a working together for peace and prosperity
general overarching approach as a basis for our despite their many different cultures, traditions
joint actions in the future. and languages. The scholar Amitai Etzioni,
whose ideas I agree with firmly, compares it to
From unity in diversity towards diversity a mosaic, with many different colours within a
within unity? single frame. This framework consists of shared
core values. Values are an element that binds.
The former Polish foreign minister and current Values are guidelines, which must not be taken
member of the European Parliament Bronislaw for granted. Democracy, freedom, solidarity,
Geremek once said, “We have Europe. Now we respect, equity and tolerance are at the heart
10
European View

12. Jan Peter Balkenende
of my view of our future Europe: a European have partly shifted their focus to the regional,
society with peacefully coexisting minorities transboundary level. National boundaries are
sharing a common set of core values. tending to fade, and European concepts are
considered to be at least one step too far. This
In other words, to uphold these common values, development has influenced both national and
we need to invest in serious community building. European political parties. A perfect example:
We have to actively translate these values into the committee that will write the CDA election
concrete proposals and actions. These proposals programme for next year’s national elections
and actions will create the necessary equilibrium. no longer consists solely of Dutch Christian
The EU should make ‘diversity within unity’ the Democrats. We take great pride in the fact that
central theme of its communication strategy for Mr Peter Altmaier of the German CDU will
EU citizens. We will only see a coherent and actively take part in the drafting process and is
unified Europe in the twenty-first century if all a full member of our election committee. It’s just
concerned—politicians, companies, NGOs, civil an example, but to my mind a highly revealing
society and academics—invest in and endorse one. This is the way forward in Europe: shared
European values. As Etzioni has said, if the values within transnational groupings, based
EU is not to deteriorate into little more than a on core values shared by other minorities, all
free trade zone, serious community-building accepting European values as their common
measures are essential. These measures would basis.
aim ultimately at ordinary people transferring
to the European community and to their region
more of the kind of commitment, loyalty and
sense of identity they now attach to their nation. Jan Peter Balkenende is the Prime Minister of the
Until this is done, the current structure will not Netherlands.
be able carry the heavy loads being imposed
on it.1
This is where transnational cooperation comes
into play. European citizens are increasingly being
confronted with transnational developments.
Transboundary cooperation in a growing
number of policy areas can be seen. European
integration has enabled people to cross internal
borders extensively. However, their values don’t
change when they cross the border.
European citizens seek a new kind of
representation that coincides with their interests
and demands. National parties no longer have
a monopoly, or the authority to act as the sole
source of representation. On the other hand,
people don’t feel European yet. European
political parties are still considered distant—
notwithstanding the excellent work of our
European People’s Party in and outside the
European Parliament. In other words, people
1
Amitai Etzioni, “How to build a European Community”, U.S.-Europe Analysis Series, July 2005.
11
Volume 3 - Spring 2006

14. Luciano Bardi
EU Enlargement, European Parliament Elections
and Transnational Trends in European Parties
By Luciano Bardi
This article aims to assess to date of other important party components,
the impact that the direct such as central and territorial organisational
elections to the European structures. Especially the latter are completely
Parliament (EP) have absent from the Europarty literature, not only in
had on the development empirical analyses (which is hardly a surprise,
of genuine European, given that such structures are non-existent), but
transnational political parties (Europarties also in more prescriptive works. In this case the
henceforth). Our focus on Europarties is justified omission is more serious, if it is accepted that
by the fact that they have been considered Europarties should be a link between European
important actors in the European Community’s citizens and EU institutions.
(EC) and subsequently in the European Union’s
(EU) development; this has been true at least Transnational federations are undoubtedly very
since Ernst Haas suggested that the growth of weak institutions in terms of visibility, number
Europarties provides an essential analytical focus of members, professionalisation and financial
for an assessment of the EU’s political system.1 resources. Far more than the parliamentary
Especially since the EP’s first elections based on groups, the transnational federations have
universal suffrage were held in 1979, scholarly suffered from the need to respect the specificities
interest in the development and potential role of and objectives of their national components.
EU-specific parties has been conspicuous. Within the two largest federations, the European
People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European
Academic books and articles on the topic are Socialists (PES), the national components often
too numerous to be individually discussed here. seem to be concerned about justifying their
On balance, however, we can affirm that most actions at the national level. This limits their
have found a positive association between EP ability to act decisively at the European level.
elections based on universal suffrage and the
development of Europarties. The important role played by federations,
above all in working out common positions
Such views are often based on the simple at intergovernmental conferences, has
consideration that elections are the necessary overshadowed their growing internal
prerequisite for the development of a democratic differences. Their lack of cohesion is due to
system and, consequently, also of the elements, the ever-larger number of delegations of which
such as political parties, that are essential they are composed, the result of successive EU
components of democratic systems. As a result, enlargements and the extension of membership
most authors do not elaborate on the desirable to parties of diverse traditions. This is particularly
characteristics of would-be Europarties; others true of the EPP, which has added a large
limit themselves to considering the EP party conservative component to its original Christian-
groups, that is, the party structures directly and Democratic nucleus. The European Liberals,
visibly produced by EP elections. This certainly is Democrats and Reformists (ELDR), now the
an important limitation that has led to the neglect group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats
1
E. B. Haas, The Uniting of Europe: Political, Social and Economical Forces 1950–1957 (London: Stevens & Sons, 1958).
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15. EU Enlargement, European Parliament Elections and Transnational Trends in European Parties
for Europe (ALDE), have also had problems EP elections are a necessary prerequisite,
of cohesion as a result of diverse ideological but they are certainly not sufficient for
orientations and the general weakness of Europarty development, that is, for their
their national components. For the Greens- effective transnationalisation; moreover, in
EFA, on the other hand, the widespread anti- some circumstances, they can also disrupt the
bureaucratic attitude and the clear preference for process of Europarty institutionalisation. There
decentralised, more grassroots decision-making is agreement in the literature, albeit sometimes
of many of its delegations have translated into only implicit, that the institutionalisation of the
an evident reluctance to create a full-fledged Europarty system requires very stable, inclusive
transnational party organisation. This has made and cohesive EP party groups; that is, EP party
it easier for the Green federation to maintain groups exhibiting a durable composition and
a pan-European nature, that is, its openness to structure, capable of attracting the largest
Green parties in countries outside the EU. possible number of national party delegations
from individual Member States and displaying
More generally, however, the difficult growth of a homogeneous ideological orientation and
transnational federations can be explained by voting behaviour.
the lack of a ‘demand for Europe’ from the base.
Aware of this, the national parties that make There is evidence that EP party groups have
up the basic components of the federations proven capable of great progress in response
find it more productive to represent their to the incentives (material resources as well as
electorate directly through representatives at the better positions in parliamentary committees
European level (ministers) than to strengthen and other components of the EP) provided for
the federations. At the moment, this is the main their formation and functioning.2 Positive trends
obstacle to the rise of Europarties able to carry in the consolidation of EP party groups have
out effectively the representative function at the indeed been observed in the course of the first
European level. five terms following direct elections to the EP,
but the process of party group consolidation
When the focus is on EP party groups as seems to have also suffered interruptions and
a whole, however, the general impression even reversals resulting from EP elections
one gets from the literature is a positive one. results.3
Since the direct elections, we have witnessed
the strengthening of EP party groups, which There are several possible explanations for
appear to be more lasting and more inclusive these reversals. For one thing, the fragmentation
than their pre-elections predecessors; this is of the electoral arena permits the survival at the
taken to indicate that direct elections have European level of practically every relevant—and
been good for Europarty development. Here, sometimes even not so relevant—component of
consistent with a research focus that I have most national party systems. This makes the EU
been following for several years, I will present a party system very sensitive to individual national
slightly different view, which takes into account party system realignments and to Member State
the discontinuities that EP elections may cause specific voter opinion trends. Moreover, the
in Europarty institutionalisation. I will also try to very high proportionality of many of the 25
extend my analysis, albeit briefly, to the extra- electoral laws contributes to this phenomenon.
parliamentary components of Europarties. Even parties with negligible support on an EU-
2
F. Attinà, ‘The voting behaviour of European Parliament members and the problem of the Europarties’, European Journal of
Political Research, 29 (17), 1990, pp. 557–79; F. Jacobs, R. Corbett & M. Shackleton, The European Parliament, 5th ed. (London:
Cartermill, 2003); T. Raunio, The European Perspective: Transnational Party Groups in the 1989-1994 European Parliament
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997).
3
See L. Bardi, ‘Parties and party systems in the European Union’, in K.R. Luther & F. Mueller-Rommel (Eds.), Political Parties in
a Changing Europe: Political and Analytical Challenges (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) pp. 292–322.
14
European View

16. Luciano Bardi
wide level can obtain seats in the EP because of for the first time, will give a strong impetus to
the over-representation of the smaller Member the development of the extra-parliamentary
States. Second, the continuing expansion of organisational structures of the Europarties.
the EU can be either a positive or a negative
factor for Europarty evolution. Previously EU Enlargement and the 2004 elections
isolated national delegations may find allies to
form a party group among the representatives As we had anticipated, the 2004 elections were
of newly incorporated Member States. But the an unprecedented event in the history of the
incorporation of new delegations into existing Europarty system in terms of the sheer numerical
party groups can prove to be problematic. In impact of the delegations from the new Member
some cases, EP elections can be very disruptive, States on the existing party groups, and also
especially for the more recent and smaller EP because of what we could broadly define as
party groups; as a result, elections can be a qualitative differences between the newcomers
negative factor in party system consolidation. and the longer-established parties from the
older Member States. Both factors could have
On balance, however, these two sets of factors, an impact on Europarty development. Whilst
which have their effects during the parliamentary we can only speculate on the consequences
term as well as at election time and both favour of the latter, we are able to study empirically
and potentially hinder Europarty development, the effects of the former. We know from the
have produced an overall positive trend in EP literature that the institutional development of
party group consolidation. EP party groups can be assessed by monitoring
their inclusiveness and cohesion.
In the last two years, the general context in
which Europarties are developing has undergone The inclusiveness of the groups in the EP
some significant changes. With the sixth direct can be observed from diachronic changes in
elections to the EP held in June 2004, the group membership and, more specifically, from
effects of the latest EU enlargement from 15 to trends in the number of members and number
25 countries came to bear on the EP and on of countries represented. The cohesion of the
the Europarty system. The 732 member strong groups, on the other hand, can be observed
EP now represents approximately 455 million from the degree of agreement shown in roll-
European citizens whose cultural and political call votes by the MEPs composing the groups.
milieus reflect unprecedented diversity. As a Empirical studies of these phenomena have
result, it was anticipated that the disturbances cumulatively produced a positive assessment
to the party system normally associated with of EP group institutionalisation.5 Here we will
elections would be even greater than in the perforce limit ourselves to updating the analysis
past. Furthermore, although the implications of of inclusiveness as it is too early in the term
this were contested, Europarties were for the to collect sufficient data for an assessment of
first time regulated by a new statute defining cohesion. We will also consider, through an
their role and organisation, even outside of the analysis of appropriate indicators, the impact of
EP.4 It is expected that the new statute, perhaps the 2004 elections on the Europarty system.
4
Statute for European political parties, EP and Council regulation No 2004/2003, 4 November 2003.
5
For a summary of these results, see L. Bardi, ‘Parties and party systems in the European Union’ (see n. 3).
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17. EU Enlargement, European Parliament Elections and Transnational Trends in European Parties
tABLE 1 Europarty system indicators 1979–2006
% of non- PES, EPP-ED,
No EP One-
Effective attached MEPs ELDR/ALDE
No Parties party Party
Term Parties** or in One-Party Total Seat
groups* Groups***
Groups**** percentage
EP I 1979–1984 54 58 8 8 5.2 5.0 3 3 33.9 19.6 63.4 64.5
EP II 1984–1989 76 88 9 9 5.3 5.2 4 3 29.3 18.5 62.4 63.1
EP III 1989–1994 99 101 11 9 5.0 3.8 4 2 20.8 11.4 67.6 77.8
EP IV 1994–1999 88 106 10 9 4.6 4.3 6 4 21.2 11.8 70.2 73.0
EP V 1999–2004 122 122 9 8 4.2 4.2 0 0 1.3 5.1 73.9 73.5
EP VI 2004–2006 169 8 4.4 0 4.4 75.7
Adapted from (Bardi, 2002). The last update reflects EP composition in March 2006.
Note: For EP I – EP V, the first figure in each cell refers to the beginning and the second to the end
of the relevant term.
* Non-attached counted as one group
1
** N = ------- where si represents the seat shares of the i parties in the system
∑ si2
(Laakso and Taagepera, 1979).
*** In 1994–1999 the non-attached AN and FN delegations are included as individual one-party
groups. In EP V no non-attached delegations had enough members (10) to qualify as one-party
groups.
**** Includes non-attached MEPs.
tABLE 2 Number of Member states represented in the five largest EP party groups
1979–2004
1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004
EPP-ED 7/9 9/10 12/12 12/12 15/15 25/25
PES 9/9 9/10 12/12 12/12 15/15 23/25
ELDR/ALDE 8/9 7/10 10/12 10/12 10/15 20/25
EUL/NGL 4/12 5/12 10/15 14/25
7/12 7/12 12/15 13/25
GREENS-EFA
EP official sources
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European View

18. Luciano Bardi
The groups connected to the three historic A general indication emerging from the data
transnational federations—the PES, EPP-ED and is that the Europarty system is on the path to
the ELDR/ALDE—certainly represent the core of consolidation. Despite the large number of
the Europarty system; their overall inclusiveness national parties that obtain representation in the
must be considered a positive indicator of its EP, the number of EP party groups has remained
institutionalisation. The figures in Table 1 clearly fairly stable. In fact, the party/EP-group ratio
show the ability of these groups to absorb the has risen constantly over the years: 21.1:1 in
national party delegations from old and new 2004, as compared to a low of 6.8:1 in 1979. The
Member States, even as they more than tribled party groups are thus demonstrating the ability
(from 54 to 169) between 1979 and 2004. Above to incorporate new parties. The Europarty core
and beyond the absolute number of MEPs has grown, even if not dramatically, from slightly
belonging to the three groups, of significance is under two thirds to just above three quarters of
the percentage with respect to the total number the EP’s total membership. At the same time,
of MEPs: close to 76%. the relative weight of the larger party groups
has increased, as demonstrated by the effective
Table 2 shows that the EPP-ED has MEPs from parties indicator, which declined markedly
all Member States, while the PES and the ELDR/ between 1984 and 2004. The disappearance of
ALDE, penalised in some countries by electoral one-party groups and the impressive decline
thresholds that they find difficult to surpass, are since 1979 in the percentage of MEPs that
represented in 23 and 20 respectively of the 25 belong to one-party groups or are non-attached
Member States. These figures also indicate an confirm this impression. Within this fairly clear-
overall positive trend towards inclusiveness. The cut picture, a contrast can be observed between
Greens-EFA and the EUL/NGL have grown out the values immediately following an election
of two groups that have a long history in the EP, and those registered at the end of each term.
the Rainbow group and the Communists. They Generally, all party-system institutionalisation
have gone through innumerable changes and indicators are much more positive at the end of
in some cases real transformations. In general, each term than at its beginning.
they include fewer national components than
transnational groups. Nonetheless, the figures Overall, these findings, based on post-election
relative to these groups in Table 2 point to and end-of-term data for the first five elected
reassuring levels of inclusiveness. EPs and only post-election results for the sixth,
confirm the research hypotheses suggested by
Table 1 also provides data for a discussion of the literature. The hypothesis that institutional
the evolution of the Europarty system. The table and political pressures in the course of the
includes values for five measures of EU party legislative term favour inter-group cooperation
system institutionalisation. The operationalisation and eventually foster group integration is
indeed consistent with the data. At the same
of the number of parties and groups is self-
time, the hypothesis that elections can produce
explanatory. One-party group scores and the
very disruptive effects on the Europarty system
percentage of MEPs not belonging to transnational
appears to be confirmed, although recent
or multi-party groups, that is, one-party group
elections show a possible reversal in this trend.
members plus the non-attached, are included in
Finally, single-party groups—for as long as they
the table as a measure of overall MEP resistance have existed—have represented a real obstacle to
to Europarty incorporation. Conversely, total the institutionalisation of the Europarty system,
seat percentages for the three transnational- as have the non-attached MEPs. They could re-
party groups are included to monitor the size emerge in the future, but it is more likely that
of the Europarty system’s core. Finally, Laakso’s the category will become permanently extinct,
index for the effective number of parties once even though a residual group of non-integrated
the total number of parties is known adequately national party delegations will probably survive
measures the relative size of parties. among the non-attached.
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19. EU Enlargement, European Parliament Elections and Transnational Trends in European Parties
It would thus seem that the 2004 elections or at least maintain their numerical force in the
have not had a measurable negative impact enlarged EP and, as we shall see in our discussion
on the Europarty system. The quantitative of the new statute, a source of possible financial
measurements of a number of indicators are in advantage. In the 2004–09 parliament, the new
line with those of previous parliaments, when entries account for 158 out of the 732 seats or
EU membership was much smaller. It might be almost 22% of the total—a percentage that no
too soon, however, to discount the possible Europarty can afford to ignore.
qualitative effects of enlargement. The majority
of the countries involved had to simultaneously The statute for European political parties,
convert to democracy, develop capitalist and approved in November 2003, is a concise
pluralist societies, adopt full national sovereignty document that defines the role of European
and meet EU conditions within a relatively short political parties and the requirements for
period of time. From this perspective, the efforts receiving funding from the European Union.
of Europarties to proactively bring the political Much space is dedicated to the aspects directly
forces of future Member States into the European linked to financing, perhaps because the statute
mainstream had important implications both was in part justified by the need to use public
for themselves and for party and party-system funds to promote democracy in the new member
development in the candidate countries. countries.
Paradoxically, the success that Europarties have The statute’s provisions may well be able to
demonstrated in attracting the overwhelming consolidate more effectively than has been the
majority of the new national party delegations case up to now the various party components
might cause a further weakening of their operating at the European level: transnational
identity and cohesiveness. It is still unclear, in federations, parliamentary groups and national
fact, whether such efforts have been able to parties. In fact, even if the statute practically
overcome the cultural and value differences identifies Europarties with federations, the
articulated in the parties and party systems provisions for their constitutions and for their
of the new, developing Member States. These access to financing link them with the other
may well spill over into broader EU political two components. The preamble reiterates the
processes with unpredictable effects on wording of Article 191 TEC on the importance
Europarty development. of Europarties in shaping a European
consciousness and for expressing the political
EU enlargement, the statute governing will of EU citizens.
European political parties and Europarty
federations The requirements for the recognition of
Europarties, in addition to a desire to participate
Whatever its effects on EP party groups, EU in the EP elections, are the following: legal
enlargement may lead to a strengthening of status in the country in which the Europarty has
the party federations.6 Because of the EU’s size its headquarters (almost inevitably Belgium);
following the entry of the ten new members, representatives elected to the EP, the national or
the federations may find new incentives and the regional parliaments in at least one quarter of
opportunities for action. In fact, the federations the member countries or at least 3% of the votes
see the inclusion of the parties coming from the in the last EP elections in at least one quarter of
new member countries as a way to strengthen the Member States;7 and respect shown in the
6
Bardi and Ignazi, Il parlamento europeo, 2nd ed. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004) pp. 126-8.
7
This clause, and the fact that the total financing also depends on the party’s size, constitutes an incentive for Europarties to
attract kindred parties from new Member States.
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European View

20. Luciano Bardi
party’s platform and actions for the principles statute is that it does not address the issue of
of freedom and democracy, respect for human how to effectively link Europarties to European
rights, the fundamental freedoms and the rule citizens and their societies, beyond the general
of law on which the EU is founded. These are statement that such linkage is the main reason for
not particularly restrictive conditions and, even the existence of the federations. This function is
if the statute prohibits the financing of national still performed exclusively through the national
parties with European funds, few will renounce parties, who therefore remain the principal
the financial opportunities offered by the new gatekeepers of EU-level representation. It is
regime. This has already led to an increase in therefore unlikely that the federations, even if
the number of Europarties. The Party of the more integrated, will play a primary role in the
European United Left was founded in Rome in Europarties in the near future.
May 2004; others could follow suit. That such a
large share of resources—85% of the total—is In conclusion, both EU enlargement and the
allotted to parties with representatives elected to statute for European political parties seem to
the EP should lead to the consolidation of links favour a further expansion of Europarties and
to parliamentary groups. Greater integration of of the number of transnational federations.
the various components should foster greater While this would be a positive outcome,
institutionalisation. fostering greater integration among the various
components of the Europarties, it is unlikely
This undoubtedly positive picture is that this would challenge the primacy and
counterbalanced by two provisions, one reduce significantly the autonomy of national
contained directly in the statute, the other in its political parties, even at the European level.
implementation rules, which keep the federations This is destined to be the state of affairs as long
in a subordinate position with respect to their as national parties are able to reap the rewards
national components and the parliamentary of the direct representation of the interests
groups. In fact, the latter have been made of citizens through the intergovernmental
directly responsible for the management of the institutional circuit and to take the place of
funds for party financing. This was done at the federations in linking civil society to European
insistence of the EP since the funds are taken institutions.
from the budget of the EP rather than that of
the EU, as the federations would have preferred
(this would have given them greater financial
autonomy). Luciano Bardi is Professor of Political Science
at the University of Pisa. He is the author of
Furthermore, the provision of the statute that several articles on European Parties. Recently he
makes the allocation of public funds conditional has been co-author of ‘Il parlamento europeo’
on 25% co-financing from other sources makes (2004) and editor of ‘Partiti e sistemi di partito’
national parties, above all the stronger and richer (2006).
ones, decisive in constituting and maintaining
Europarties. These resources can only be found
at the national level, either directly through
contributions from member parties—up to a
ceiling of 40% of the total, which is in any case
more than the amount needed for co-financing—
or through the party’s contacts among the public
and in the business sector. These are in general
very weak, a situation not likely to improve in
the near future. The biggest shortcoming of the
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22. José de Venecia
The Expansion of International Party Cooperation:
CDI Creating Bonds among Asian Centrist Parties
By José de Venecia
The world’s centre of Muslim League. Alongside these historic parties
gravity is shifting to there are also young parties—South Korea’s Uri
the Asia Pacific. The Party, Thailand’s Thai Rak Thai and our own
Centrist Democrat Lakas Christian-Muslim Democrats—which
International (CDI) is are as new as Asia’s eminence in the global
expanding into Asia community.
because it recognises the continent’s increasing
prominence in the global community. The other political parties are: UMNO of
Malaysia; Funcinpec and the Cambodia People’s
The end of the ‘Cold War’ has not just seen Party, Cambodia; and the Party of the People’s
a seismic shift in the configuration of global Unity of Kazakhstan.
political power; it has also seen a revolutionary
change in the global economy. The emergence On this occasion, I think it fit and proper for our
of China, India, Russia, Brazil and other once- grouping to explain its motives, purposes and
closed economies has redrawn the map of ideals as forces of the middle and to proclaim
world trade. These emerging economies are the political principles that have brought us
radically changing the relative prices of labour, together.
capital, goods and assets around the globe. And
because the largest of them are Asian, they are Twelve political principles
also shifting the world’s centre of economic and
political gravity from the Atlantic Ocean to the At the CDI Asia-Pacific and the CDI Executive
Pacific. Since early 2005, Asia has produced a Committee meetings in Manila last January,
full third of the gross global product. I unveiled 12 major political principles that
encompass initiatives through which the
In Asia today are to be found both the fastest CDI’s Asian parties and 110 political parties
growing economies and the rising powers of worldwide can hopefully make some significant
our time. Well before 2040, China is likely to contributions to Asia and the world. I reiterate
become the largest economy and India the third these 12 principles, which I hope the centrist
largest, after that of the United States. Japan political parties will address in addition to their
should then be fifth, after the European Union. existing programs and platforms:
Moreover, today’s Asia has become the focal
point of humanity’s fears of nuclear war and its 1. find common ground between the forces
hopes for a hundred years of peace. of capitalism and the forces of socialism;
2. reconcile the forces of extremism and
Asia’s first transnational party excessive fundamentalism with the forces
of moderation as an antidote to terrorism;
In January 2006, eight political parties from seven 3. reach out to the forces of the Extreme Left
Asian states met in Manila to launch the Asia and the Extreme Right;
Pacific’s first centrist transnational party, whose 4. bridge the social and income gaps between
eventual goal is to organise Asian solidarity. the rich and poor by creating an Asian
middle class and ensuring opportunities
Among the CDI Asia-Pacific’s founding parties for all;
are the nationalist icons of Asia’s struggle for 5. reconcile the principles of politics with
independence, represented initially by Pakistan’s the principles of religion—the role of the
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23. The Expansion of International Party Cooperation: CDI Creating Bonds among Asian Centrist Parties
state and the role of the Church must be in a state ruled by law. And we see our central
delineated; task as making democracy in Asia work for
6. reconcile the forces of spirituality with ordinary people—by serving their needs, wants
the forces of secularism; public life can and hopes.
be empty without a moral purpose, and
society can be rootless without some Defeating the forces of extremism
transcendent foundation;
7. rationalise relations between strong central The historian Eric Hobsbawm has described
governments, distant provinces and outer the period in which we live as “The Age of
islands in the case of nations with pluralist Extremes”. And it is true that the twentieth
and multi-ethnic societies; century was one of both great creativity and
8. rationalise the needs of development with great destructiveness. The past hundred years
the need to care for the environment; have raised great hopes, but they have also
9. bring together the great religions, great destroyed many illusions and ideals.
civilisations and great cultures to avert a
clash of religions and a clash of civilisations We in the CDI Asia-Pacific do not see ourselves
through Interfaith dialogues; as living in a world of binary opposites: in a
10. reconcile the forces of nationalism with world of mutually exclusive alternatives. On
the forces of globalisation; the contrary, we believe that our work is to
11. rationalise the workings of the market confront the forces of extremism with the forces
with the social responsibilities of the state; of moderation.
and
12. build strong family values and faith in a There are two main extremist positions in
living God to mirror the great Asian and our time. One is that of those who would use
CDI community we envision. terrorism in the name of religion. And the other
is held by those who would defeat terrorism
Democracy must work for ordinary people even if it means deploying arbitrary police
powers, curtailing the civil liberties of their
As centrist political parties, we see our role as own people and even waging pre-emptive war.
that of helping to broaden and deepen Asian The harsh response by Western powers to the
democracy. We reject every type of extremist terrorist threat has helped create this frightening
politics, whether on the Right or on the Left. We world we now find ourselves living in.
are acutely aware that unrestrained zeal to make
the world better could make it worse. And we Terror: a true crime against humanity
accept that we cannot be for democracy only
when the majority rule works in our favour. We regard the use of terror for political
and military means as a true crime against
We believe that it is through mutual tolerance, humanity—and terrorism as a barbaric act that
conciliation and compromise that the business no appeal to religion can ever justify. But we
of government is carried out, civic order agree with Pope John Paul II that the culpability
maintained and the common purpose served. of terrorists is always personal—and cannot be
And we believe democracy to be more than just extended to the nation, ethnic group or religion
a set of procedures for holding elections and to which the terrorists may belong.
passing laws. We regard democracy as a whole
system of political and social values. Procedural We further believe that, while injustices existing
democracy and formal entitlements for citizens in the world can never be used to excuse acts
are a beginning. But they are not enough. We of terrorism, the anti-terrorist coalition is also
believe authentic democracy to be possible only duty-bound to alleviate the poverty, oppression
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European View

24. José de Venecia
and marginalisation of peoples which facilitate with basic human needs. And because no single
terrorist recruitment. We condemn just as policy will spur development, the effort to grow
strongly every arbitrary means that governments needs a comprehensive approach. Development
resort to in their counter-terrorist campaigns, just must be both socially inclusive and flexible
as we condemn every form of discrimination enough to adapt to changing circumstances.
and prejudice against minority and migrant
populations. Making poverty history
Reconciling the ‘two nations’ Since the eighteenth century, social reformers—
inspired by scientific progress, the political
We believe that our urgent need is to bridge revolutions in Europe and the promise of the
the income and social gap between the rich new international economy—have believed it
and the poor in national society—and between possible to protect people against the hazards
the rich and poor countries in the international of poverty and insecurity. But until now, the
community. spectre of widespread want still haunts our
countries.
In Asia, Latin America and Africa, the ‘Privileged’
and the ‘People’ are still culturally as well as Over these past 250 years, parts of the world
economically separate. Yet development, if it is have so improved their material conditions
to be meaningful, should leave no one behind. that they find it hard to imagine the poverty
in which so many of their fellows still live. Yet
We of the Asia Pacific must also speak out for even now, one-quarter of all the people in the
fair global trade. We must oppose every form world still subsist on less than the equivalent
of discrimination against migrant groups as well of one American dollar a day. What is worse is
as minority religions and ethnicities in hybrid that some countries are growing even poorer—
societies made up of a plurality of populations. relatively, and sometimes absolutely. Yet given
And we must do all we can to prevent the the revolution in information and communication
collapse of weak states in the Third World, for technology, it has also become more and more
failed states will export their rage, their violence difficult to segregate poverty and wealth—to
and their plagues to the rest of global society. prevent the poor from realizing the possibilities
of modernisation. Thus, in the end, the peace
Development must focus on basic human and prosperity of the rich depend on the well-
needs being of all the poor.
We recognise that, as Asia’s economies To remove poverty from among us, our overriding
mature, governments must begin to make key concern must be to make the economy grow.
development policies with more sophistication, Nowadays the poor benefit from growth just as
and accuracy, than those based on the traditional much as everyone else because economies have
measures of GDP growth and a rise in individual changed in ways that allow them to participate
incomes. more fully during times of growth.
We regard the task of reducing poverty as a Our national parties must help keep the Asia
moral challenge to political leaderships in the Pacific focused on development. Between 1990
developing countries. Hence, we recognise that and 2002, more than 280 million East Asians—a
our basic task must be to make our economies number equivalent to the entire population of
grow, so that they can lift up the common life. the United States—pulled themselves out of
Because growth trickles down too slowly, the extreme poverty: 233 million in China alone and
state’s efforts at development must deal directly 48 million in Southeast Asia.
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25. The Expansion of International Party Cooperation: CDI Creating Bonds among Asian Centrist Parties
Practical programs for the alleviation of Fair global trade
poverty
The poor countries’ proportionate share of global
We believe that, in our interdependent world, trade has been declining, partly because of
the peace and prosperity of the rich depend continuing protectionism in the rich economies.
on the well-being of all the others. For this Yet an end to unfair trade practices, particularly
reason we endorse the proposal for a Debt-for- in agriculture, by the rich countries could lift
Equity Program that the Philippines has made millions of the world’s poorest peoples out of
to the United Nations, the rich countries and the destitution. It would also strengthen the rules-
international lending agencies. The UN Secretary based multilateral trading system if the rich
General, Kofi Annan, gave this proposal his countries would give up the subsidies they pay
endorsement as an imaginative approach to their farmers.
fighting poverty, and the Italian government of
Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi was one of the This year these subsidies run to some one billion
G8 powers to give it immediate support. During dollars a day; and they are, in reality, paid not
a visit to Washington, DC in mid-September by rich-country treasuries, but by the farmers of
last year, I gave senior officials of the World poor countries, in the form of lower prices for
Bank and the International Monetary Fund their products.
separate extensive briefings on the details of the
Program. Finding common ground between capitalism
and socialism
The Program calls for the creditor-countries to
plough back into the economies of the debtor- To establish the political and social stability
countries, over an agreed period, fifty percent that we need to pursue our goal of eliminating
of the debt-service payments they receive in poverty and building up our middle classes,
national anti-poverty projects in accordance with we need to find common ground between the
the UN’s Millennium Development Goals. These forces of socialism and the forces of capitalism.
payments would be ploughed back—either as We must seek ways to bring personal interest
equity or social investments—in reforestation, and the interests of the national community into
mass-housing, safe water systems, hospitals, harmony. We must find common ground between
school-buildings, infrastructure, micro-financing market forces and the social responsibilities of
and other anti-poverty programs. the state.
This proposal we endorse as a complement Capitalism triumphant
to the agreement by the G8 countries to write
off multilateral debt owed by the 20 poorest The fall of Communism and the failure of
countries, mostly in Africa. state management of the economy have left
capitalism as the remaining political-economic
We also endorse the proposal for an Asian Anti- ideology. The failed Marxist experiment proved
Poverty Fund and an Asian Monetary Fund made conclusively that the private and the individual
by Cambodia and the Philippines. The Anti- cannot be banished altogether from human
Poverty Fund will back up the micro-banks that life. Capitalism has been better able to adapt
lend working capital to Asia’s entrepreneurial to changing reality, and to deliver a measure of
poor. The Asian Monetary Fund will come to the political stability as well as material prosperity.
aid of Asian countries in crisis—faster and more
substantially than the World Bank-IMF was able Free enterprise has come a long way since a
to do for Thailand and Indonesia in 1997. nineteenth-century British Cabinet debated
whether it was right to restrict the import of
24
European View