2. 50 THE JOURNAL OF APPLIED BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE March 2004
of appeals to altruism or guilt, this view stresses the utility of their service for employ-
ers, rather than employees whose interests in turn seem largely irrelevant.
Our goal in this article is to initiate critical discussion within the organizational sci-
ence community about the OP consulting industry. In so doing, we do not report find-
ings from an empirical investigation of current OP practices. Instead, we address the
dominant concept around which the service has been marketed to corporate America.
Through an examination of works written by OP proponents, a body of literature
largely crafted by those employed within the industry, we find that the articulated
product definition for OP closely parallels Goffman’s (1952) metaphor of “cooling-
out the mark.” In describing the concerns that the service is said to address and the
common tactics that its practitioners say they employ, we specifically observe that OP
is depicted in this literature as a highly rationalized attempt to influence terminations
to the ultimate benefit of employers by cooling-out the terminated and other entities
who might identify with them.
To a great extent, the utilitarian value of OP has been conveyed to employers by
those who are commonly called upon to coordinate the termination process within
their companies. OP advocates have primarily reached this audience of human
resource (HR) specialists, who must “be able to demonstrate to top management why
outplacement is good business” (Simon, 1988, p. 52) through various books and arti-
cles contributed to HR journals and magazines. In reviewing these works, we discov-
ered that virtually none touted OP as a humanitarian service (for an exception, see
Mirabile, 1985); they were instead consistent in describing from a managerial stand-
point the source and nature of termination problems and how OP could overcome
these problems.
BACKGROUND: THE OUTPLACEMENT
CONSULTING INDUSTRY
OP practitioners, variously called in the vernacular “consultants,” “counselors,” or
simply “outplacers,” are hired by “sponsors” or “corporate clients” (terminating
employers) to work with “clients” or “candidates” (terminatees). Outplacers do not
necessarily get jobs for clients. Rather, they are supposed to smooth the transition from
job loss to reemployment as they ostensibly help terminatees manage their emotions
following dismissal and offer advice and aid relative to job search and procurement.
Although now supplied by some employers in certain situations through their in-house
HR function, OP has been commonly provided in the past by external consultants.
The OP consulting industry within the United States has grown from several firms
in 1970 to more than 200 companies today, with annual earnings in excess of $650 mil-
lion (Cowden, 1992). About half of all corporations provided OP to at least some of
their employees terminated during the mid-1980s (American Management Associa-
tion, 1987), and over three fourths of the largest thousand gave OP to displaced execu-
tives and managers (Kirkpatrick, 1991). OP also has been used by firms in Europe
(e.g., Bikerstaffe, 1980) and has been offered on a limited basis by government and
university employers (e.g., McDaniels, 1983; Schlossberg & Leibowitz, 1980).
3. Miller, Robinson / MANAGING JOB TERMINATION 51
OP was first directed only to those within the higher reaches of corporate structures.
By the early 1970s, sharp international competition, rising debt, and the common
occurrence of merger and reorganization began having significant impact on manag-
ers and professionals—groups previously insulated from job loss to a great extent.
These trends have encouraged widespread “downsizing” and “delayering” since then,
and given such dynamics, firms also have become less reluctant to fire, rather than
“shelf-sit” or demote, unproductive employees (e.g., Bearak, 1982; Gallagher, 1979).
Although the industry developed in relation to the new vulnerability of this elite,
such workers are not alone today in receiving assistance. Corporations have increas-
ingly turned to it in response to terminations at all levels. Full-service OP, entailing
personalized counseling and consulting from dismissal to reemployment, is still lim-
ited to those above middle management in light of cost (usually 15% of the client’s
annual salary). However, OP is also available in less intensive forms: For example, at
the minimum, it may involve only a meeting or two at which clients en masse are
briefed on coping with job loss trauma, helped with resumes, and given job market
advice (e.g., Simon 1988). Group OP of this sort is directed generally at lower level
personnel and is often provided on an in-house basis, particularly in cases of large lay-
offs (e.g., Daspin, 1985; Filipczak, 1992; Janotta, 1987).
THE COOLING-OUT METAPHOR: GOFFMAN
Relative to criminal fraud, Goffman (1952) observed that operators, following a
confidence game, commonly attempt to “cool-out the mark.” That is, they often try to
reconcile or placate those exploited in the course of the scam, because they are con-
cerned that such people may later harm them in some way (e.g., complain to authori-
ties, become violent, etc.).
Goffman applied the concept to other situations involving adaptation to loss, noting
that marks are cooled-out not only because they have been diminished materially, but
also because they may experience humiliation. Losing a valued role, like falling for a
con, indicates inaccurate self-definition. Those whose self-concepts have been built
up and then shattered are thus the subjects of the cooling-out process, for they may
react to this insult in any number of ways that are problematical for those who have dis-
appointed them. He also pointed out that the utility of the metaphor need not hinge on
deliberate fraud—those sponsoring cooling-out efforts actually may have acted in
“good faith.” Rather, the issue is that parties believe that their interests are at risk as
marks react to loss, and thus they use the strategy to limit the ramifications brought by
such disappointment. Goffman added that organizations especially should attend to
those they frustrate, because they, unlike con artists, cannot “take it on the lam” (1952,
p. 424).
Goffman squarely anticipated a key function of OP by noting that marks may be
pacified by giving them an alternative to loss through the promise of a new status.
Marks may likewise be cooled-out through “ventilation” (dissipating anger by encour-
aging full emotional expression), “stalling” (delaying reaction to the loss by suggest-
ing that it may not actually take place), and “bribery” (helping to avoid further humili-
4. 52 THE JOURNAL OF APPLIED BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE March 2004
ation by agreeing to prevent public knowledge on the condition of leaving quietly).
Goffman also suggested that marks will more likely accept being cooled if their cool-
ers possess higher organizational status.
We should add that little attention has been directed to the concept beyond this ini-
tial analysis. The cooling-out function of junior colleges as they reconcile poor youth
to their failure to obtain a college degree has been examined (Clark, 1960), as has the
process used by waitresses and female patrons of bars to cool-out men making
unwanted advances toward them (Snow, Robinson, & McCall, 1991). Also, cooling-
out opposition within organizations for purposes of fostering managerial control and
efficiency has been observed (Walton & Warwick, 1973) as a growing function of the
practice of organizational development, however, Goffman’s framework was not
employed in this work. Although no research has been subsequently devoted to the
problem of cooling-out terminatees, Goffman did note that job loss is often accompa-
nied by cooling-out activity. Indeed, he used termination, along with other forms of
personal loss, to illustrate relevant techniques. Such efforts were seen as being ad hoc
and informal, nevertheless—effected by employers in a piecemeal, idiosyncratic man-
ner. He certainly did not foresee the creation of an occupational specialty to handle
these tasks.
THE COOLING-OUT METAPHOR AS
THE DOMINANT PRODUCT DEFINITION
Social innovations that become commercialized may be fruitfully analyzed from a
marketing perspective (e.g., Krell, 1981). Any service, of course, should be promoted
on the basis of its capacity to satisfy buyer needs: “The wise marketer must define the
product in terms of the present and potential benefits desired by customers. . . . A better
bundle has strategic advantage because it provides consumers with more reasons to
purchase the product” (Onkvisit & Shaw, 1989, p. 17).
Although perhaps first perceived by employers as merely the “right thing to do”
(e.g., McIntosh, 1973; Scherba, 1973) or as a way to alleviate “corporate guilt” (e.g.,
Welles, 1978), OP has been increasingly marketed in pragmatic, buyer-oriented terms
that are consistent with the cooling-out metaphor. The dominant product definition
centrally holds that a critical need exists for the service in that dismissal not only
involves personal loss, but also the common perception of having been “taken.” More-
over, in many instances, the dismissed will not be alone in being disturbed: Distress
may radiate outward, prompting sympathetic others to likewise react in oppositional
ways; even employers and supervisors themselves may have difficulty with dismissal.
In all, as we will show, the dominant definition makes OP appear to be viable for
minimizing a variety of termination costs.
Terminated Workers
From Goffman’s perspective, it is apparent why OP first came to be focused on
upper level employees. They are thought to be far more emotionally distressed by ter-
5. Miller, Robinson / MANAGING JOB TERMINATION 53
mination than others, given their greater time, financial, and ego-identity investments
in career (e.g., Kaufman, 1982; Latack & Dozier, 1986). They have also been tradi-
tionally regarded as being exempt from termination without cause. Indeed, the product
definition holds that they have been tied to their employers through a special “psycho-
logical contract”—an implicit understanding that competence, hard work, and loyal
service would result in lifetime employment. Hence, given their perception that
employers have treated them unfairly by terminating them, they are apt to become
resentful and retaliate (e.g., Axmith, 1981; Brockner, 1992; Knowdell, 1983; Latack
& Dozier, 1986; Latack & Kaufman, 1988; Morin & Yorks, 1982; Rice & Dreilinger,
1991; Sweet, 1989).
Although theft, sabotage, violence, and even “bad-mouthing” are of concern,
employers are warned in particular about litigation: many terminatees “sue their for-
mer companies not simply to gain a few months extra severance pay, but instead to
express their anger and bitterness at the way that they have been treated” (Axmith,
1981, p. 36). And, according to advocates (e.g., Gibson, 1991; Latack & Dozier, 1986;
Nobile, 1991), the courts have come more than ever to uphold those bringing wrongful
discharge suits as recently enacted laws have progressively undermined the concept of
at-will employment. Job losers also have become increasingly litigious: They are
better informed about their rights and far less fearful of being blackballed. As one OP
legal specialist notes, “the average worker today has an attitude that they [sic] have
nothing to lose by suing an employer” (Nobile, 1991, p. 5). However, the literature is
emphatic in contending that the threat of litigation is minimized with OP (e.g., Associ-
ation of Outplacement Consulting Firms, 1991; Axmith, 1981; Challenger, 1989;
Granholm, 1991; Morin & Yorks, 1982; Nobile, 1991). Indeed, it is said to be often
repeated within the industry that, “People who are speaking to outplacement counsel-
ors are not speaking to attorneys about how they were mistreated” (Sweet, 1989, p.
160), and employers are advised that a prime consideration in selecting a consulting
firm should be the training they give to their outplacers in reducing legal risk (e.g.,
Simon, 1988).
Terminatees are secondly problematical, according to the product definition, in
imposing significant costs through severance expenditures (e.g., Bearak, 1982; Hoban,
1987; Stybel, 1985; Sweet, 1989). The literature argues that employers are often too
generous, possibly out of guilt or the desire to buy off terminatees, and that OP can
bring major savings in this regard. Advocates stress too that excessive severance
reduces job-search motivation, leading in turn to even greater corporate expense
should it continue to be paid until new work is obtained. Severance oversight is finally
believed to be crucial because anything delaying reemployment heightens the likeli-
hood of retaliation (e.g., Burdett, 1988; Challenger, 1989). Although these remarks
are largely appropriate to displaced managers and professionals, minimizing the job-
less period for blue-collar workers is likewise thought to be important as state govern-
ments are requiring terminating employers to bear greater unemployment compensa-
tion costs (e.g., Hoban, 1987; Leana & Ivancevich, 1987).
Given this discussion, it is apparent why the literature counsels against allowing
terminatees to select their own OP consultants. Some advocates (e.g., Sweet, 1989)
hold that employers have a paternal obligation (i.e., the dismissed lack the knowledge
6. 54 THE JOURNAL OF APPLIED BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE March 2004
or the composure under the circumstances to make the best selection), but others are
blunt about the primacy of corporate interests. Perhaps the point is most explicitly
stated in one prominent advocate’s suggestion that HR officers should ponder two
questions before letting terminatees make a choice: Will it help “the company avoid
possible litigation? [And] . . . will it substantially add to the amount of severance the
company must pay?” (Challenger, 1989, p. 28). Moreover, central to the industry is the
prescription that OP should be in place prior to termination notice. As the Association
of Outplacement Consulting Firms notes in its promotional brochure: “Much of the
value of outplacement is in the planning and training prior to a termination, and espe-
cially in meeting with the employee immediately after the termination occurs. . . . It is
also during this time that the stage is set to diffuse the idea of potential law suits”
(1991, p. 8).
Bystanders
Although Goffman viewed the mark as the only object to which cooling-out efforts
need be directed, OP advocates stress that others should be likewise addressed, partic-
ularly in situations of large layoffs or reduction in forces. “Workplace survivors” are
held to be the most threatening to employers, especially if they have identified closely
with the dismissed (e.g., Brockner, 1992; Simon, 1988; Weinstein & Leibman, 1991).
Those remaining on the job “watch the way management treats a terminated employee,
and they take this as a signal of how they will be treated” (Guinn, 1988, p. 49). They
may experience any of several reactions, ranging from “survivor’s guilt” to anxiety
about their own jobs and diminished trust in employers. Accordingly, productivity
may be damaged as survivors become reluctant to extend effort and take risks for their
firms and as the best workers flee to more attractive employers. Advocates, therefore,
agree that “If you . . . are to help employees function effectively after downsizing, you
must re-establish employees’ feelings of security and their belief that they can still
count on the organization for fairness and justice” (Rice & Dreilinger, 1991, p. 42).
The OP literature also points out that terminations have broader implications.
Recruitment can prove difficult for firms once they become known for holding little
promise of job security or dealing coldly with their employees (e.g., Granholm, 1991;
Latack & Dozier, 1986). Furthermore, mass terminations may lead to negative com-
munity perceptions which could cause profits to fall if offending firms sell their prod-
ucts to the public (e.g., Granholm, 1991; Kingsley, 1984).
For reasons of bystanders, therefore, the literature stresses that OP is valuable as it
will help ensure that the employer is perceived as being socially responsible. Hiring
consultants “demonstrates that the company is committed to doing all that is reason-
ably possible” (Granholm, 1991, p. 221). Indeed, offering assistance may even con-
tribute to a stronger public image: OP can transform terminations into “prime opportu-
nities for the public to see how an effective organization is at retaining productivity and
at treating everyone humanely” (Simon, 1988, p. 54); paradoxically, management can
“show its commitment to its employees, even . . . in the process of separating them
from the organization” (Brockner, 1992, p. 22).
7. Miller, Robinson / MANAGING JOB TERMINATION 55
Terminators
Finally, those responsible for dismissal may require assistance. Employers are not
necessarily eager to terminate—they may fear the repercussions, as discussed, and
they may have genuine concerns about their employees’ welfare. Terminating agents
are likely to have even greater problems: If they know termination candidates on a
personal level, the anticipation as well as the conduct of dismissal may be quite
stress-provoking. Anxiety, guilt, and anger are held to be commonly associated with
the event (e.g., Latack & Kaufman, 1988; Morin, 1977). Supervisors also tend to lack
the expertise to dismiss effectively because they rarely receive relevant training (e.g.,
Brockner, 1992). As a result, terminators frequently procrastinate or otherwise mis-
handle dismissal: The notification meeting often is “evasive, ambiguous, confusing,
demoralizing—or all four . . . it only exacerbates an already unhappy situation”
(Driessnack, 1978, p. 25).
Having a vested interest in termination, the OP consulting industry has thus worked
hard to promote its practice. As shown, advocates have tried to convince employers
that they need not be apprehensive about termination if OP is in place. Also, propo-
nents have sought to relieve corporate consciences by reasoning that dismissal not
only serves company interests, but works to the best for terminatees too provided they
are given OP (e.g., Driessnack, 1978; Kirkpatrick, 1991). Finally, the fact that employ-
ees will get OP, and also that consultants will give training in effective notification
techniques, is believed to make dismissal far less stressful for terminating agents (e.g.,
Morin & Yorks, 1982).
THE OUTPLACEMENT MICROPROCESS
Minimizing retaliation and severance are both accomplished through the OP
microprocess by shifting clients’ attention from lost jobs to reemployment. Full-
service OP, of course, represents the most thorough effort to preempt complications.
The value of group OP, on the other hand, appears to lie more in the realm of public
relations than in its ability to deal with terminatees. We direct attention to full-service
assistance here to illustrate the entire OP strategy that can be practiced on clients. Our
synthesis of the literature suggests that such efforts comprise a highly rationalized pro-
cess marked by five central tasks largely effected in temporal sequence (Table 1).
Preparatory Advisement
Termination is invariably proposed to be less problematical if consultants collabo-
rate early with terminators (e.g., Association of Outplacement Consulting Firms,
1991; Kingsley, 1984; Morin & Yorks, 1982). For obvious reasons, outplacers do not
themselves execute dismissal. However, they do desire to engage in significant
pretermination consultation, the professed objective of which “is to make the separa-
tion as humane as possible, while retaining thoroughness and efficiency” (Gibson,
1991, p. 4).
8. 56 THE JOURNAL OF APPLIED BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE March 2004
TABLE 1
The Outplacement Microprocess
Task Tactic
Employer-directed
Preparatory advisement Dismissal technique instruction
Review severance terms and legal defensibility of dismissal
Devise cover stories
Terminatee-directed
Affect neutralization Ventilation
Crisis counseling
Objectification of emotional stages of job loss
Situational redefinition Minimization of blame
Definitional transformation
Generation of complicity
Embarrassment management
Bribery
Identity reconstitution Client self-assessment
Self-esteem counseling
Self-marketing advice
Reemployment facilitation Job search advice and encouragement
Support services
Periodic review and supportive advice
Diagnostic interview, including role playing and personal counseling
During this phase, practitioners generally function as “technical advisers,” offering
instruction on how to most rationally dismiss those who will soon be their clients.
They review severance packages and are especially concerned with ensuring that dis-
missals are legally defensible should the cooling-out process fail. Outplacers likewise
devote considerable attention to coaching terminators on the specifics of providing
notice, for example, advising them about such details as the best time and place and the
importance of being explicit and brief in communicating the dismissal decision (e.g.,
Gibson, 1991; Macklin & Minsuk, 1991; Stybel, Cooper, & Peabody, 1982). In
attempting to calm apprehensions, outplacers may even rehearse agents for the event
by role playing (e.g., Cuddihy, 1974).
Finally, outplacers may help employers develop the rationale for termination that
will be communicated to relevant parties. The reference letter “cover story” should be
as positive as possible; certainly, it should not lessen prospects for timely reemployment.
Announcements to coworkers, on the other hand, should be especially concerned with
the issue of fairness, and as well should allay fears of impending termination. As one
proponent reasons, “The in-house story will be a safety net for the terminated
employee to help him or her get another job” (Kingsley, 1984, p. 162).
Neutralization of Affect
Advocates of OP are unanimous in contending that employees are traumatized
upon being notified of termination. Outplacers are especially concerned with defusing
9. Miller, Robinson / MANAGING JOB TERMINATION 57
the hostility that surfaces with dismissal not only because it fuels retaliation, but also
because it may deflect attention from job goals and color interaction with prospective
employers, thereby prolonging unemployment.
During the “crisis management period” (Gibson, 1991, p. 4) clients accordingly
begin confronting the reality of job loss. In addition to generating ill-feelings about ex-
employers and concerns over finances, termination commonly damages self-concept,
particularly among management personnel for whom work and the organization tend
to be central to identity. Unemployment also entails an abrupt break from regimented
activity, and the loss of such structure may exacerbate negative affect: “anger, depres-
sion, and destructive thinking . . . tend to come to a boil if people have nothing but time
on their hands” (Filipczak, 1992, p. 48). OP thus begins serving immediately as an
important support resource, according to advocates, with the outplacer in the role of
“helping hand,” leading terminatees “through the harrowing and frightening emotional
stages” (Kingsley, 1984, p. 98).
Affect-neutralization primarily involves managing clients’ first reactions, while
also impressing on them that dismissal is real and irrevocable. Outplacers are sup-
posed to contact terminatees immediately after notice in order to contain harmful reac-
tions, a goal which may be facilitated by relocating them at neutral sites within firms or
in consultants’ offices (e.g., Macklin & Minsuk, 1991; Stybel et al., 1982, p. 79). Prac-
titioners have been known also to go home with especially anxious or distraught cli-
ents to help with any acute fall-out that might result within the family (e.g., Bearak,
1982; Kingsley, 1984). Additionally, consultants may engage in more structured
counseling with spouses and children through “family goal-setting conferences” in
order to minimize trauma and gain support (e.g., Stybel et al., 1982).
Outplacers attempt to defuse negative affect largely by encouraging client ventila-
tion. Goffman recognized that catharsis is promoted by permitting the mark “to
explode, to break down, to cause a scene, to give full vent to his reactions and feelings”
(1952, p. 457). And indeed, the outplacer is said to serve as “a lightning rod that draws
the anger and dejection of the candidate” (Furler, 1980, p. 369). Accordingly, “The
counselor should be prepared to employ crisis counseling techniques with these cli-
ents. Open-ended questions, accepting behaviors, restatement, and silence are the fun-
damental tools of such counseling” (Morin & Yorks, 1990, p. 181). Aside from dissi-
pating rage, ventilation may be useful as well in providing uncensored information
and insights about client concerns that can be addressed later (e.g., Morin & Yorks,
1990).
Finally, affect-neutralization may be served through the objectification of dismissal
response, that is, by informing clients about patterns of emotional reaction they are
likely to experience. Confronting job loss is held to be similar to learning that one has a
terminal disease (Finley & Lee, 1981). Both events entail successive responses of
denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance—and like the ill, job losers
“may benefit from knowing that there is a typical psychological progression. Under-
standing that one’s reactions are typical rather than abnormal can reduce stress”
(Latack & Dozier, 1986, p. 386).
10. 58 THE JOURNAL OF APPLIED BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE March 2004
Redefinition of the Situation
Outplacers are said to be highly concerned with redefining dismissals so they are
defensible for both clients and ex-employers. Essentially involving, to borrow from
Goffman, “instruction in the philosophy of taking a loss” (1952, p. 452), redefinition
aims to bring clients to accept the fact of termination and the idea that they gain noth-
ing through retaliation. Redefinition is also regarded as important in helping them
cope with dismissal in their own minds (unresolved issues deflect attention from
reemployment), and for generating more positive attitudes with which to later impress
job contacts.
Practitioners promote acquiescence by attempting to minimize blame-placing
behavior. Regardless of whether clients blame their situation on former employers (as
they do usually) or themselves, outplacers will instruct them that rarely is any party
entirely at fault, and moreover, that ultimate responsibility is quite irrelevant. As one
consultant notes, “There is a growing awareness of the no-fault character of termina-
tion. . . . There is less emphasis on placing blame than on getting both parties separated
with as little damage to both sides as possible” (quoted by Kingsley, 1984, p. 100).
Indeed, outplacers are said to “best serve most clients by helping them understand that,
whether the problem was caused by them, others, or some combination of both, the
most constructive use of energy is in gaining control of the future” (Morin & Yorks,
1990, p. 208).
Blaming is often muted and attention redirected by redefining the implications of
termination. Outplacers are said to encourage clients to adopt the view that losing a job
is not a personal tragedy nor even a negative event. As one academic proponent
observes,
the outplacement counselor’s role is to try to minimize this blame by focusing on the termination
as actually a solution [italics added]. The termination allows the affected employee to move on to
a new challenge and career satisfaction rather than the frustration of a bad job fit. (Knowdell, 1983,
pp. 22-23)
Thus, outplacers commonly attempt to transform dismissal definitionally from an
ending to a “beginning,” although as one OP executive candidly concedes, “It’s hard to
convince some people that leaving the corporate situation may be the best thing that
ever happened to them” (quoted by Huey, 1992, p. 57).
Another important redefinition tactic flows from the fact that people typically wish
to save face. Therefore, “a major focus of most outplacement programs revolves
around teaching employees how to approach colleagues so that there is least embar-
rassment for all parties concerned” (Stybel, 1985, p. 296). Clients are advised to give
others the cover story so that they may appear to have left by choice and on good terms.
If necessary, they are also warned that negative displays against ex-employers obvi-
ously betray the redefinition. Indeed, practitioners are said to axiomatically respond
that “angry outbursts and disparaging remarks about the company hurt the job-seeker
much more than the company” (Knowdell, 1983, p. 27). Although reemployment may
hinge on effectively conveying the cover story to contacts and potential employers,
such complicity also has an important implication for broader outplacer objectives:
11. Miller, Robinson / MANAGING JOB TERMINATION 59
Given that people generally desire to behave in a manner consistent with the public
commitments they have made (Cialdini, 1984), clients who employ the cover story are
not likely to retaliate later.
Finally, a less subtle form of bribery is evident within situational redefinition
should clients be made to understand that maintaining the illusion of goodwill is criti-
cal for the continuation of favors. For example, outplacers may advise employers dur-
ing the pretermination phase to draw up formal agreements, stipulating that severance
will cease if terminatees try to retaliate (e.g., Granholm, 1991; Stybel et al., 1982).
Outplacers also will emphasize to clients that positive references from former supervi-
sors are contingent on continued cooperation. Moreover, should clients even give hint
of litigation interest, consultants will warn them that such action will jeopardize
chances for reemployment:
They are informed that their counseling cannot continue until the threat of a lawsuit is over. Candi-
dates are reminded that a lawsuit or any adversarial position is contrary to the counseling emphasis,
and are advised that once they have sued, it is difficult for them to be placed. (Brammer &
Humberger, 1984, p. 28)
In sum, situational redefinition and the previous task of affect-neutralization are
intended above all to minimize the potential for retaliation. As such, they clearly serve
the interests of terminating firms—a point succinctly made by two prominent OP
industry leaders:
[The outplacer] must be prepared for whatever reactions the client may exhibit. The sponsor com-
pany expects the counselor to “handle the situation,” which translates into helping the executive
“accept” the termination and preventing him or her from doing anything foolhardy or irrational.
Essentially, the company’s need is to have the aftermath of the event managed and under control
[italics added]. (Morin & Yorks, 1990, p. 179)
Reconstitution of Identity
Dismissal denotes rejection, and rejection generally produces anger. From the OP
perspective, situational redefinition should also facilitate redefinitions of self, serving
in turn to enhance psychological distance from former employers. Certainly, the
potential for retaliation is diminished to the extent that clients define themselves less as
“terminated employees” and more as “unemployed workers.” Rejection also deals a
blow to self-esteem—even if job loss blame is not internalized—and this may compro-
mise one’s ability to secure another job. OP strategists (e.g., Brammer & Humberger,
1984; Furler, 1980; Morin & Yorks, 1982) therefore suggest that identity restoration is
an important precondition to job search efforts. “Counseling is needed to help the indi-
vidual rebuild the feeling of personal competence and the motivation that are essential
for coping with and solving survival and employment problems” (Granholm, 1991,
p. 223). In short, outplacers must convince clients that termination does not equate
with failure.
Identity work essentially entails “redefining the self along defensible lines” (Goffman,
1952, p. 456) and can be coextensive with certain redefinition elements such as blame-
minimizing attempts. A common first step in this process is self-assessment, a tactic
12. 60 THE JOURNAL OF APPLIED BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE March 2004
typically predicated on a survey inventory usually given just after ventilation. Provid-
ing ample material on client strengths, achievements, and life goals with which to later
impress prospective employers, it also has utility for career planning—particularly in
cases where competency is at issue. Furthermore, the survey reportedly meets impor-
tant psychological functions: It can take up to several days to complete, thus serving to
decenter emotional attention from the termination (Knowdell, 1983). More impor-
tantly, it is said to help shift primary focus from the lost status to the potential for a
future status by providing data that outplacers can use as they counsel clients toward
building a sense of self that transcends recent failure (e.g., Kingsley, 1984; Knowdell,
1983). Such information encourages clients to address their entire record, reminding
them they are still skilled and competent, and therefore able to make further contribu-
tions. Within this context, identity work also facilitates situational redefinition, as ter-
mination can then be reframed as only a temporary setback rather than a career-ending
event.
Identity reconstitution finally includes assistance in preparing clients for job-
seeking activities. This comprises, in effect, a “personal marketing campaign plan”
(Morin & Yorks, 1982, p. 167), a self-presentation strategy designed to maximize
reemployment potential. Beyond forging a more attractive client image by helping
with resumes and cover letters, outplacers usually coach them on interview skills and
may even recommend a change in appearance, such as in dress or hair style. In light of
these efforts, clients are held to gain confidence about competing with other job-
seekers: “It is not unusual . . . within 2 weeks of the termination date, to notice physical
changes in the candidate: he is standing straighter, smiling more often, speaking with
more conviction and getting impatient to proceed to the next step” (Furler, 1980,
p. 368).
Facilitation of Reemployment
Given that proponents believe that terminatees are problematic for former employ-
ers to the extent they remain unemployed, outplacers are finally supposed to help them
find jobs:
When a person is in as stressful a situation as termination, it is a big plus to have someone else worry-
ing about the problem, too. That’s really what the outplacement counselor is being paid for—to lead
the individual through the maze of the job search. (Sweet, 1989, p. 148)
OP consultants urge clients to contact friends and colleagues to ferret out leads, in
addition to using traditional techniques like scatter-shot mailings and answering clas-
sified ads. Basic to full-service OP is the provision of office space and “support ser-
vices,” including typing, phone answering, and so on. Importantly, clients are given
advice about how to penetrate and work the “hidden job market.” They are asked to
prepare a list of companies having jobs which they are qualified for. Although such
firms may not have advertised openings, outplacers stress that they could be looking
for people to replace current employees. Clients are urged to ask acquaintances within
these companies to arrange introductions (i.e., informal interviews) with those in hir-
ing positions (e.g., Furler, 1980; Kingsley, 1984).
13. Miller, Robinson / MANAGING JOB TERMINATION 61
During the job search, consultants commonly conduct “periodic reviews.” “Sup-
portive advice” is given on recognition of the approach of serious job offers or on the
methods by which companies sluggish in extending offers may be prompted to do so
(e.g., Morin & Yorks, 1982). Outplacers also attempt to maintain morale and perspec-
tive for less successful job hunters or those having unrealistic expectations. “Diagnos-
tic interviews” are held with clients who have been consistently rejected. Role playing
may remedy interview style; low morale is usually handled through personal counsel-
ing. Where unproductive searches result from procrastination, outplacers attempt to
“remove obstacles to action or clarify goals” (Brammer & Humberger, 1984, p. 102).
OTHER CONSIDERATIONS RELEVANT
TO THE MICROPROCESS
Cooling-out tasks are thought to succeed in proportion to the trust and confidence
instilled in clients. The groundwork for “bonding” is laid during ventilation as
outplacers serve as sympathetic listeners (e.g., Gibson, 1991; Guinn, 1988). And, con-
tinued encouragement and support over the microprocess likewise help build client
“indebtedness”—an attitude which should importantly militate against thoughts of
retaliation (e.g., Sweet, 1989).
Advocates observe that gaining rapport is an important function of consultant iden-
tity. External outplacers are considered to be preferable to in-house specialists for this
purpose because they are less apt to be regarded as the agents of employers (e.g.,
Bearak, 1982; Driessnack, 1978; Gibson, 1991; Morin & Yorks, 1982). Also, in
accord with Goffman’s observation, it is thought that credibility is enhanced if consul-
tants have greater social status than clients—an additional consideration making in-
house OP even less appropriate for handling higher management personnel. This
requirement is said to account as well for the paucity of women in consulting roles
(e.g., Phelps & Mason, 1991) and the tendency among OP firms to bestow the title of
“vice-president” on practitioners (e.g., Knowdell, 1983).
CONCLUSIONS
Arguments concerning the need for termination protection, as well as descriptions
of the strategy and tactics for doing so, can be viewed as attempts to promote the adop-
tion of OP. We have shown that the service is characterized in such marketing efforts as
a functionally rational innovation for enhancing organizational interests by making
terminations nonthreatening, predictable, and cost efficient. These results are accord-
ingly realized by treating various parties, especially those who have been dismissed, as
objects to be reconciled to the fact of termination. Indeed, the dominant definition
holds that the basic value of OP lies in its ability to manage disappointment, and there-
fore, we submit that the service can be meaningfully interpreted through the metaphor
of cooling-out the mark.
14. 62 THE JOURNAL OF APPLIED BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE March 2004
The practice of OP as described by proponents, nevertheless, goes well beyond ear-
lier ideas about the cooling-out process. Goffman (1952) did not anticipate the patent
formalization of cooling-out efforts, much less the development of a large industry
dedicated to their pursuit; nor did he foresee that cooling-out tactics might become
closely integrated and function in temporal sequence. Cooling-out the mark appeared
for him rather to border on an art form, involving the application of special behavioral
insights and a degree of interpersonal finesse practicable by few. Yet, as shown, OP is
institutionalized and packaged. It constitutes a well-defined process at the microlevel,
and it is held, in addition, to be effective in neutralizing adverse responses from
bystanders.
Analysis of this service as a cooling-out device leads us to question the extent to
which it can be “mutually beneficial,” as industry advocates claim, actually promoting
the interests of terminatees and employers alike. OP, no doubt, has helped many termi-
nated workers to get on with their lives. However, its fundamental utility arises from
the fact that the goals of both are often incompatible: Firms are obviously at odds with
terminatees who attempt to gain justice by pressing workplace grievances. And
although the dismissed want jobs that are no less than those which they left, ex-
employers may be more concerned with helping them obtain quick reemployment
than quality reemployment. The industry does report sensitivity to the dilemma that
practitioners may encounter as they pursue their craft; for example, its ethical code
takes note of “the unique dual relationship” involving consultants, stating that they
should be “mindful of the need to professionally provide service to each public with-
out compromising the other” (Association of Outplacement Consulting Firms, no
date). Nonetheless, as indicated in this article, advocates have been explicit about
whose interests are of priority, having marketed their service through the HR literature
as a vehicle for termination management.
If consulting and counseling practices are driven, in fact, by the dominant defini-
tion, we would contend that the industry is incapable of attending objectively to
terminatees. Proponents’ descriptions of the microprocess, as shown, provide detailed
instruction on the ways by which outplacers can maneuver workers, even against their
own intentions, into serving employers’ ends after job loss. Deception, in particular,
seems intrinsic to this strategy—and doubtless, terminatees would be far less receptive
to OP if they knew that their consultants had helped to get rid of them and were also
formally committed to limiting their severance and grievance potential.
In light of this analysis, we urge the HR professional community to contemplate the
adoption of outplacement concepts that would explicitly respect terminated workers.
Splitting the dual consulting role of outplacers so that they would serve only one client,
and thus not be open to a conflict of interest seems to be a relevant first step. In this
regard, the feasibility of granting terminatees greater control, allowing them to either
select their own consultants or draw additional severance pay in lieu of OP, should be
closely examined. Where OP continues to be provided directly by employers, on the
other hand, the ethical implications of doing so merit full exploration. At the mini-
mum, the issue of informed consent seems critical: Employer-contracted OP would be
less morally objectionable, in our opinion, if the dismissed would at least receive clear
instruction about consultant goals and means.
15. Miller, Robinson / MANAGING JOB TERMINATION 63
Although the dominant definition reflects the industry’s opinion of the most prag-
matic way to sell OP, our conclusions about it should not be taken as an indictment of
either individual practitioners or those who have used the service. Future research may
find that many consultants sincerely want to promote the best interests of the dis-
missed and do not operate as outlined. It may well be also that HR officers are com-
monly guided by humane values in trying to secure OP for termination candidates, yet
feel compelled to use arguments based on corporate instrumentalism in advocating the
service to senior management.
Even if actual OP practices are more benign than suggested in this article, we
remain troubled about the dominant definition. Clearly, the marketing message has
trivialized layoffs and firings—stressing that their social and economic costs are negli-
gible with the provision of OP. In light of this view of OP as a panacea, and given the
absence of hard research on service effectiveness which might refute it, employers
may be less apt to fully weigh termination against nontermination alternatives in seek-
ing to solve workforce problems. Should this be the case, we would conclude that
advocates have made the decision to dismiss far easier to reach, and thus have
contributed substantially to the current prominence of termination among corporate
management tactics.
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