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Concepts in African-Centered Psychology
    Theories of African American Personality:
      Classification, Basic Constructs and
       Empirical Predictions/Assessment
                                     by
                        Kobi K.K. Kambon, Ph.D.
             Department of Psychology, Florida A & M University
                                     &
                        Terra Bowen-Reid, Ph.D.
              Department of Psychology, Morgan State University




     Through the Prism of Black Psychology:
    A Critical Review of Conceptual and Methodological
   Issues in Africology as Seen Through the Paradigmatic
                  Lens of Black Psychology
                                     by
                           DeReef F. Jamison
                   North Carolina A & T State University



 A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF
       AFRICAN AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGY
            Prepared by the APA Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs
Theories of African American Personality:
     Classification, Basic Constructs and
      Empirical Predictions/Assessment
                                             by

                               Kobi K.K. Kambon, Ph.D.
                    Department of Psychology, Florida A & M University


                                              &

                                Terra Bowen-Reid, Ph.D.
                     Department of Psychology, Morgan State University




Kobi Kambon (kambon@aol.com) is a widely recognized expert in the field of African
Psychology emphasizing personality and cultural oppression. He is currently a Professor of
Psychology in the Department of Psychology at Florida A & M University, where he also has
held the positions of Department Chair & Program Director of the Community Psychology
Graduate Program. He has authored over 60 scholarly publications, including some five books
and several widely used Black personality and mental health assessment instruments. He is a
former National President of The Association of Black Psychologists and holds the Ph.D. in
Personality and Social Psychology from the University of Colorado in Boulder.

Terra Bowen-Reid (terra.bowenreid@morgan.edu) is an Associate Professor in the Department
of Psychology at Morgan State University. Her research interests are in the areas of African
American mental health, race-related stress, spirituality and cancer prevention. Dr. Bowen-
Reid’s most recent publications have appeared in the Handbook of African American
Psychology, Journal of Black Psychology, Journal of Urban Health and the Western Journal of
Black Studies.




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                  The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
Abstract: This article represents a brief overview and review of the state of contemporary
theories of African American personality. A slight modification of an earlier scheme put forth
by Kambon (1992, 1998) provides the organizational framework for the analysis. The scheme
comprises three classifications of such theories: Eurocentric Approaches, Transitional
Africentric Approaches and Africentric Approaches. The addition of the Transitional Africentric
Approach is designed to better capture approaches that represent more or less a hybrid or diffuse
version including basic aspects of both the Eurocentric and Africentric approaches, yet reflecting
at the same time a slowly but definite movement away from the Eurocentric toward the
Africentric approach (“Transitioning”). A more or less composite of the Eurocentric Approach
is presented, while the William Cross model of Nigrescence is discussed as representative of the
Transitional Africentric Approach. Much of the discussion of the Africentric approach is taken
from previous manuscripts by the authors (Kambon, 1998; Kambon & Bowen-Reid, 2009) and
emphasizes Kambon’s African Self-Consciousness model as representative. The major thrust of
the article emphasizes what are the key-central constructs of the representative models (both core
and peripheral), as well as the changes that have occurred in these models over the past quarter
of a century or more since their introduction, and the general status of the research that is
associated with the main paradigms involved. Finally, we give some limited consideration to
some of the seemingly pressing issues in the short-term future outlook for the field.


I. Introduction
        Perhaps no other area of African/Black Psychology has such a legacy of controversy and
strident intellectual debate than the area of Theories of African American (AA) personality
(Belgrave & Allison, 2006; Cross, 1991; Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006; Thomas & Sillen, 1972;
Wilcox, 1971). This has not only been because of the legacy of the notorious contentiousness of
the literature on AA intelligence, but also the subsequent literature on AA self-concept/racial
identity and self-esteem, as well as the focus on AA motivation (i.e., achievement motivation)
and antisocial behaviors such as drug abuse, delinquency, violence and criminality (Belgrave &
Allison, 2006; Cross, 1991; Jones, 1972, 1980, 1991, 2004; Kambon, 1992, 1998; Pettigrew,
1964; Wilson, 1993). Each of these areas of the psychological study of AA personality has
brought to the table their own set of controversial theoretical models, methodologies, data bases,
analyses and conclusions. Through the years and as a result of the accumulation of a relatively
large amount of research data and theoretical constructs, a distinct area of study called AA
Personality has emerged within the African-centered psychological literature (Baldwin, 1976;
Kambon, 1992, 1998) that commands serious consideration in any social policies respectful of
cultural diversity that focus on truly improving the lives of all of the population. Thus, the
growing body of psychological literature focused on African American personality will be
discussed in this article in terms of the following considerations: (1) Classification of Basic
Theoretical Paradigms, (2) Core Constructs and Empirical Predictions and Assessments, and (3)
Future Directions of this important area of focus in African-Centered Psychology.


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                   The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
II. Classification of Theories of African American Personality: Basic
Theoretical Paradigms
What then have emerged as the basic theoretical paradigms in this area of study and knowledge?
Azibo (1990) has used such classifications as Positivists versus Negativist-Pejorativists to
categorize these paradigms, whereas Kambon (1992, 1998) has proposed the categories of
Africentric versus Non-Africentric as more appropriate to capture the distinguishing features of
these paradigms. Kambon’s (1992, 1998) work has been the primary guide in the development
of classification schemes relevant to this area.

More similar to Kambon, but incorporating many features from Azibo’s scheme as well, we
propose that three distinct approaches or paradigms seem to have emerged and have come to
characterize contemporary work in this area. They might best be designated as (1) Eurocentric
Models, (2) Transitional Africentric Models, and (3) Africentric Models. This schematic is
summarized in Table 1.




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                   The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
Table 1. Contrasting Africentric and Non-Africentric Approaches to African American
Personality Theories
_____________________________________________________________________________

 African Personality Paradigms: Modification of Kobi Kambon’s Schematic

PARAMETERS           AFRICENTRIC THEORIES NON-AFRICENTRIC THEORIES


Worldview/
Cultural Framework        African Worldview               European Worldview

Motivation/Psychic        Proactive -                     Reactive -
Energy                    Positive Energy                 Negative Energy
                          Assumption                      Assumption

Standard of               Strengths, Normality,          Weakness, Abnormality,
Referent                  Naturalness/Positive-          Defensiveness in
                          adaptiveness of                behavior & functioning
                          behavior & functioning

Subtypes or                Africentric                    a. Pure Eurocentric
Variants             (African Worldview emphasis)     (European Worldview emphasis)
                                                          b. Pseudo Africentric
                                                    (Diffuse/Predominant EWV emphasis)
                                                          c. Transitional Africentric
                                                     (movement toward AWV emphasis)

Goal/Outcome              Africentric Orientation        1) Eurocentric Orientation

                                                         2) Transracial/Diffuse:
                                                         Universalism emphasis

                                                         3) Some Pro-Black with Diversity
                                                         & Universalism emphasis

Optimal                Fulfilling the African    Fulfilling the European
Functioning            Survival Thrust             Survival Thrust
______________________________________________________________________________
Adapted from Kambon, 1998.



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                The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
A. Eurocentric and Pseudo-Africentric Models
        Following Kambon’s (1992, 1998) earlier scheme, theories whose racial-ethnic and
philosophical orientation is of European/European-American descent and thus asserts the
European Worldview (EWV)-cultural reality are classified as “Pure Eurocentric” because of its
Caucasian authorship and exclusive emphasis on the EWV as the conceptual framework (i.e., the
absence of the African Worldview). And in a related vein, we define the Pseudo-Africentric
Models as those theories whose ethnic- philosophical orientation is of AA descent, yet asserts the
European Worldview-cultural reality as the conceptual framework of analysis (Kambon, 1992,
1998).
        In the case of the Pure Eurocentric Approach, it, of course, has represented one of the
oldest traditions in Eurocentric social sciences concerned with such theoretical formulations of
AA personality (Kambon, 2006). These theories therefore are distinguished philosophically and
ideologically from other approaches by their imposition of the European Worldview (being their
natural cultural orientation) as the appropriate conceptual framework for explaining AA
personality or some important aspects of it. While no independent models in the Eurocentric
tradition have ever been proposed as a definitive model of African American personality
(Kambon, 1998, 2006; Thomas & Sillen, 1972), a variety of seemingly highly eclectic theoretical
perspectives derived from Eurocentric speculations and stereotypes about Blacks drawing from
psychological, bio-physiological and medical, sociological and anthropological knowledge bases
(Ferguson, 1916; Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951; Pettigrew, 1964), came to represent a kind of
general-eclectic paradigm. This paradigm, as articulated by Kambon (1998), posits a generally
negative psychological picture forming the AA personality profile. The negative constructs of
AA self-hatred, low or exaggeratedly high self-esteem, negative reference group identification,
low intelligence and low-achievement motivation, low frustration-stress tolerance (inability to
delay gratification) and faulty coping skills, high anger, aggression and hostility, anti-social and
criminally bent behaviors, low sense of personal causation/fate-control (high externality), among
many others, have all been articulated either separately or in combinations as the core content
emphasis of such theories (Dreger & Miller, 1968, 1972; Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006; Pettigrew,
1964; Thomas & Sillen, 1972).

        The Pseudo-Africentric Models, on the other hand, represent those theories of AA
personality developed by AAs and others of African descent (Fanon, 1967) who manifest a
seemingly unwitting allegiance to the basic paradigms of Eurocentric Psychology and behavioral
science as their basis for interpreting the self-concept, identity and motivation of Black people
(Azibo, 1990; Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006). This group has been led in large part by such
notables as Kenneth B. Clark (1965), Frantz Fanon (1967), Alvin Poussaint (1972), James
Comer (Comer & Poussaint, 1982, 1995),William Cross’ (1971, 1991) earlier works on Black
racial identity, Janet Helms (1985), and a host of others (Azibo, 1990; Kambon, 1998, 2006).
This paradigm, as articulated by Kambon (1992, 1998), also posits a generally negative cultural-
psychological picture of the AA personality profile.


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                   The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
For example, they fail by and large to address African cultural reality as a positive presence
(protective factor) in the psychology of AAs. Rather, they accept the monolithic cultural
paradigm of Eurocentric psychology and thus see AA personality as driven by the same
Eurocentric motivational forces as White Americans, such as achievement driven, individualism,
materialism and power-dominance driven, assertiveness-aggression as optimal motivation, along
with an emphasis on differences, competitiveness, violence, victory-driven, conflict, strife,
anxiety avoidance, shame and guilt all as critical psychological elements in normal personality
operation (Azibo, 1990; Kambon, 1992, 1998). As a result, such theories assert great emphasis
on attempting to explain negative constructs of African American personality like self-hatred,
low or exaggeratedly high self-esteem, negative reference group identification, low intelligence
performance and low-achievement motivation, low frustration-stress tolerance (inability to delay
gratification) and faulty coping skills, high anger, aggression and hostility, anti-social and
criminally bent behaviors, low sense of personal causation/fate-control (high externality), etc.
(Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006).


1. Common Theoretical Components of Eurocentric and Pseudo-Africentric
Models
       Some of the major emphasis and key constructs articulated in this approach are the
following:

Core Elements/Factors/Psychological Infrastructure (Structural and Motivation-Functional
Emphasis): Chief among the Core factors emphasized in the Eurocentric models are Negative
racial identity (Negative Personal and Reference Group -racial/ethnic- identity) - Black self-
hatred, Envy of Whites/White Preference, low self-esteem and/or exaggerated (compensatory)
high self-esteem, and a host of other anti-Black values and beliefs, and pathology-leaning
psychological and emotional traits.

Peripheral Elements/Factors (Attitudinal and behavior patterns resulting from response to
oppression or European American cultural reality forces): The Peripheral factors, or those
behavioral factors presumably generated by or emanating from the Core factors, represent a
composite theme of “Anti-Black” attitudes and behaviors among other dysfunctional-
maladaptive, anti-social and ineffective behaviors.

Psychological Dynamics: The primary motivational emphasis associated with these theories
stress psychodynamics reflecting a psychological dissonance over negative racial identity/status
(negative social status) in American society. It emphasizes tension reduction/being driven
toward achieving emotional-psychological comfort with self-identity (personal identity) by
rejecting Black racial-cultural identity (reference group) and by identifying with/adopting White
Identity, or at least a Non-Racial/Universal – Human Identity, as normal-natural African
American identity/personality (Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951; Penn, Gaines & Phillips, 1993;
Thomas & Sillen, 1972).
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                   The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
Developmental Issues: The primary developmental emphasis of these models has focused on
psychologically transitioning from an Anti-Black to Non-Black – racially neutral or Universal -
Human identity. Other constructs like Individualism/Individual Human Identity (achieving an
Individual identity independent of race and culture) have been emphasized and are generally
thrust toward the need to transcend racial identity to achieve an optimal individual-personal
human identity within the framework of European/European American cultural reality.

Outcome Emphasis: Optimal African American personality development and functioning,
according to these models, is viewed as synonymous to achieving a personal identity
indistinguishable from normative (if not “optimal”) European/European American personality.
The individual level adaptation/internalization of a European American racial-cultural identity-
self-concept, as opposed to a Black/African-centered racial-cultural identity/self-concept, etc., is
emphasized as the desired outcome-expression of normal African American personality
development (Kambon, 1992, 1998).


Empirical Predictions and Assessment Based on Pure Eurocentric Models:

        As has been noted elsewhere (Kambon, 1998), these theories have virtually made a living
off of the infamous “Black self-hatred” research model known rather generally as the racial
preference and various racial comparative research literature spanning the mid-1930s through
1970s (Kambon, 1998, 2006). In general, the Eurocentric approach and its various constructs
have predicted a myriad of behavioral anomalies and negative mental health outcomes among
AAs, many of which were alluded to earlier. This list encompasses such notorious findings as
identity confusion and negative personal and reference group identities, negative racial group
perception and stereotyping among AAs; also lower self-esteem and negative self-concept
among AAs compared to Caucasian Americans, both children and adults, lower
intelligence/mental capacity/capabilities compared to Caucasians, white skin preference
expressed in a variety of ways, lower achievement aspirations and less competitiveness than
Whites, more criminally-prone (higher arrest and incarceration rates) than Whites, lower high
school graduation rates, lower college enrollment and graduation rates and higher unemployment
rates than Whites, higher truancy and school drop-out rates, delinquency, teenage parenting, and
so on and so forth (Farley, 2002). Of course a proliferation of culturally biased research
instruments and questionable methodologies have been developed and utilized in this overall
effort, and a notorious collection of contestable findings, including those listed, have been
presented (Kambon, 1998).




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                   The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
B. Pseudo-Africentric and Transitional Models
        The second group of theories, the Transitional Models, are to a large extent a derivation
of the “Pseudo-Africentric or Diffuse approaches.” As noted, they represent those theories under
African/AA authorship that superimpose the European worldview as the conceptual framework,
even though they focus on explaining AA personality or some important aspects of it. These
theories have represented the oldest tradition among Black psychological and social science
theorists in the general field of Black or Africana Studies, from the early works of Martin Delany
(1856), W. E. B. DuBois (1902) and others of their era, to the more contemporary psychological
works of Herman G. Canady in his 1946 manuscript entitled “The Psychology of the Negro”
(Guthrie, 1998) and Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks (1965), and the current studies of
William Cross, Jr. (1991, 1995) and his associates (Cross, Parham & Helms, 1998; Cross &
Vandiver, 2001; Vandiver, Cross, Worrell & Fhagen-Smith, 2002). Azibo (1990) has observed
that while some of these theories emphasize a predominance of negative traits as the basis of
portraying, characterizing and explaining normal and natural AA personality, others emphasize
more positive and perhaps more surface-transient psychological traits/states, dispositions and
behavioral patterns all defined within the European-American cultural context of experience.
These models pay little or no attention to the role/forces of traditional African cultural reality and
philosophy (values, beliefs, behavioral norms, etc.) in driving AA cultural reality in the
contemporary psychosocial dynamics of AA personality (Kambon, 1992, 1998). Rather, they
emphasize coping with and adapting to the European-American cultural reality as the sole
determinant of core AA personality functioning in terms of racial identity and perhaps an African
American personal-social identity void of any substantive African “cultural” infrastructure-
underpinnings. Their motivational emphasis is therefore focused on “reactivity” to the forces of
European American socio-cultural reality and the coping and assimilation demands it places on
African American’s adaptive responses. Although this area of theory in relatively recent times
has been dominated mainly by William Cross’ (1971, 1991, 1995) ideas about AA personality,
other theorists like Charles Thomas (1971), and Ivory Toldson and Alfred Pastuer (1976; Pastuer
& Toldson, 1982), among others (Myers, 1993; Myers, et al., 1991; Myers, et al., 1996; Sellers et
al., 1997) have also contributed to the general Transitional paradigm. While some of these
approaches do recognize and give some limited emphasis to traditional African philosophy and
culture in contemporary AA personality, at least as a conceptual starting point (Myers, 1985,
1993; Pastuer and Toldson, 1982; White & Parham, 1990), they nevertheless emphasize reaction
and adaptation to an European American cultural reality, or, in some instances, adopting a more
multi-cultural and universalistic philosophy (in interpreting Traditional African philosophy) as
forming the basic psychological core of AA personality dynamics and functioning.




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                    The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
In general, these theories in many respects seem to place a predominate emphasis on the
DuBois (1902) theme of “Bi-culturalism,” in the sense of racial and social status conflicts among
Black individuals, and perhaps Fanon’s (1967) complex theme of Existential Universalism
(Bulhan, 1985; Kambon, 1998), rather than on African cultural infrastructure as forming the
psychological core of AA personality (Kambon, 1992).



1. Common Theoretical Components
       Among the major emphasis and key constructs articulated in this approach are the
following:

Core Elements/Factors/Psychological Infrastructure: Racial/Ethnic Identity at both the Personal
identity and Reference Group identity levels (i.e., positive or negative Personal identity versus
positive or negative Reference Group/Racial identity) seems to represent the core emphasis in
these theories. The idea of multiple identities encompassing individual uniqueness void of race
or social emphasis, racial identity with all of the usual racial content emphasis, as well as other
social identities then are seen as forming the core factors of AA personality (Sellers et al., 1997).

Peripheral Elements/Factors: The Peripheral factors emphasized in these models represent those
behavior patterns resulting from the “Response to Oppression” or European American cultural
reality/forces, most of which are negative, maladaptive, or are Eurocentric culturally slanted
(representing assimilationist and bi-cultural identities).

Dynamics/Functional Aspects:       The primary motivational emphasis associated with these
theories represents a kind of psychological dissonance over racial identity conflicts (negative
social status in American society). It emphasizes tension reduction-driven functioning focused
on achieving emotional/psychological comfort between personal/self-identity as Bi-
cultural/Multi-cultural and Reference Group identity.

Developmental Issues: The primary developmental emphasis of this approach has focused on a
normal progression of psychological transitioning from anti-Black to pro-Black to Multi-cultural
Identity, or a broadly applied “Human Identity,” or an all-inclusive “Universal Cultural/Human
Identity.”

Outcome Emphasis: Optimal AA personality development and functioning is generally viewed
in its final form to represent a race neutral or transracial/transethnic/transcultural human
identity (or a “universal human identity”), often comprising a mixture of individualism with
strong existential aspects, along with a strong achievement orientation and a “healthy” altruistic
emphasis in one’s behavior, suggesting the ultimate achievement of self-acceptance/self-
satisfaction or psychological comfort with oneself as a human being in a community of other
human/universal beings.

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                    The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
2. William Cross’ Theory of Nigrescence
        As noted, the most well-known and fully developed of the various models comprising
this group is the theory of “Nigrescence” proposed by William E. Cross, Jr., and his associates
(Cross, 1989, 1991, 1995; Cross, Strauss and Fhaghan-Smith, 1999; Cross & Valdiver, 2001;
Helms, 1989; Parham, 1989). Succinctly, in its original formulation, Cross’ theory (Cross, 1971,
1989) proposes that AA personality is a dynamic psychological/cognitive-emotional process of
systematic stages and/or phases consisting of some five presumably distinct cognitive-emotional
(attitudinal) states in transition from an Anti-Blackness and Pro-White orientation to a conscious
multi-cultural/pro-diversity/”transracial”/inclusively humanistic orientation at its mature-optimal
level of expression. The five stages are identified as (1) Pre-Encounter Stage (Anti-
Blackness/Pro-Whiteness orientation), (2) Encounter Stage (a purely transitioning process
moving away from the Pre-Encounter state provoked by contradicting experience), (3)
Immersion-Emersion Stage (immersing into a pro-Blackness/anti-Whiteness orientation followed
by contradicting experiences provoking an emersion to a more balanced pro-Blackness/pro-
Whiteness orientation), and (4) Internalization Stage (reflecting a post-race nationalism or
racially transcendent orientation - an appreciation of diversity/multi-culturalism and Global-
Third World sensitivity. A fifth stage is possible by transforming the new psychological
orientation of Stage 4 into social action on behalf of all people, regardless of race. Stage 4 is the
more common level reached by most people who successfully negotiate the Nigrescence process,
and thus represents optimal Black personality for the average AA (Cross, 1971, 1978, 1991,
1995).

        It is noteworthy that Cross’ basic model has enjoyed wide appeal for almost two decades
before any meaningful attempts at modification were put forth. Its broad appeal was no doubt
derived in part from it being widely viewed as best capturing the psycho-social dynamics of the
African American racial consciousness movement from the pre-1960s Jim Crow era - through
the 1960s “Black Power” movement, to the post-60s Racial Integration era (Kambon, 1998). A
part of its strong appeal also no doubt derived from it representing for almost a decade the only
fairly well developed model with at least what appeared to be some positive features about
Blacks that had been put forth by an African American psychological theorist along with its
direct appeal to the popular conception of Black identity formation (as a “Bi-cultural”
phenomenon).




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                    The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
Revisions and Extensions of Cross’ Model
        During the mid 1980s, Thomas Parham (1985, 1989) and Janice Helms (1989) proposed
expansions of the basic model. Parham emphasized the recycling of Nigrescence throughout the
individual lifecycle from around mid-adolescence (Cross et al., 1999). Helms, on the other hand,
emphasized the important motivational role of social interaction forces (Interactive Themes)
characterizing different periods of life undergirding Nigrescence, such as Cognitive Dissonance-
Consistency motivation and Transitional Cognitive States, as significant additions in articulating
(interpreting-explaining) the Nigrescence process. Parham and Helms (1981, 1985) also
developed the RIAS-B as one of the earliest instruments designed to empirically assess the
Nigrescence Model (Burlew & Smith, 1991). Although this instrument has received mixed
success as a valid and reliable assessment of the model, it also has seemed to raise more
questions about the theoretical clarity and logical consistency within the original model (Akbar,
1989; Cross, 1991; Kambon, 1998; Kambon & Hopkins, 1993; Nobles, 1989) as it did in
demonstrating the predictive efficacy of the Nigrescence paradigm.

        In his subsequent revisions of the model, Cross (1991, 1995) emphasized the importance
of drawing a clear distinction between Personal Identity (PI) and Racial Group Orientation
(RGO) in relation to the Black Self-Concept within the framework of the Nigresence Model. PI
refers to an individual’s sense of personal uniqueness, whereas RGO refers to one’s attitude and
values associated with her/his social group affiliation and preference. A person can have many
RGOs, such as race, gender, religion, etc. Thus, Cross argues that one’s RGO has little to no
relationship to their PI because their PI does not have to take RGO into consideration
whatsoever. Cross also dropped the Fifth stage (Internalization Commitment Stage) in the
revised Nigrescence Model (Cross, 1991, 1995; Cross & Vandiver, 2001).

       More recent revisions of the model have resulted from the development of the Cross
Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) and the extensive and rigorous psychometric analysis it has
undergone (Cross & Vandiver, 2001), led primarily by his chief collaborator Beverly Vandiver
(2001). Their work has resulted in further revisions in the Nigrescence paradigm, mainly in
terms of a revamping of the stages as “states/traits of AA personality” – racial/ethnic identity-
consciousness. The Pre-Encounter Stage has been revamped into three distinct states; the
Emersion Stage remains relatively unchanged as a transitional process; the Immersion-Emersion
stage expanded into two distinct (yet related) states; and the Internalization Stage has been
revised into three distinct states, making a total of nine states/traits of Nigresence (Cross &
Vandiver, 2001; Vandiver et al., 2002). The revised states/traits are as follows:




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                   The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
Cross’ Revised Nigrescence Model
1) Pre-Encounter (PE) States/Traits
1a. PE Assimilation State – Emphasis on pursuit of American-cultural identity
1b. PE Miseducation State – Emphasis on internalization of Eurocentric stereotypes about Blacks
(RGO)
1c. PE Self-Hatred State – Internalized White supremacy or Anti-Blackness at personal level (PI)


2) The Encounter Stage
The process of reexamining one’s RGO – It is not a State/Trait (Attitude) as are the others.


3) Immersion-Emersion (IE) States/Traits
3a. IE Anti-White State – (Intense anti-Whiteness/anti-White hostility)
3b. IE Black Nationalism State - (Intense Black Involvement)


4) Internalization (I) States/Traits
4a. I-Afrocentrism (Black Self-Determination emphasis, more other-exclusive)
4b. I-Multicultural Inclusive (Humanistic-Universalist/totally inclusive - give equal emphasis to
others)
4c. I-Multicultural Racial (Black Core Emphasis but diversity inclusive - (Bi-culturalist))


All have in common the “pro-Black” element, according to Cross et al., but shift in terms of
other racial-ethnic exclusiveness-inclusiveness.

       As shown, while the revised model consists of all of the states from the original, they
have all been recast, except for the Encounter Stage, as more or less distinct Psychological
Orientations/states or traits (as opposed to stages) of Black personality/Identity. Even with these
additions, however, the basic core of the theory remains unchanged (Cross & Vandiver, 2001;
Kambon, 1998; Vandiver et al., 2002).

        This observation notwithstanding, it is noteworthy nevertheless to recognize that
philosophically, the revised model allows for the existence of a “Pro-Black” (Black self-
affirming/ self-determining) psychological orientation (i.e., the Afrocentrism State/Trait) as an
optimal Black mentally healthy state without the involvement of a Non-Black emphasis, and thus
as sufficient for healthy psychological functioning or Black identity expression (Akbar, 1989;
Kambon & Hopkins, 1993). This aspect alone seems to shift (or rehabilitate) the Nigrescence
model in our view from a strict “Pseudo-Africentric” approach, as it was initially classified,
(Kambon, 1992, 1998), to perhaps a more “Transitional Africentric” emphasis.

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                   The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
While the model still does not in the strictest sense address the worldview or cultural reality
differences factor, which no doubt limits its Africentric value (Akbar, 1989; Kambon, 1998;
Nobles, 1989), this apparent philosophical shift seems to open up the conceptual possibility of an
alternative reality referent for valuating AA psychological functioning and behavior to that of the
dominant/mainstream Eurocentric American reality (Kambon, 1998, 2004, 2006).


Empirical Predictions and Assessment Based on Cross’ Model:

        It has been in the area of empirical assessment of the predictions of Cross’ Nigrescence
model that it has undergone most of its contemporary activity driving the more recent revisions -
expansions. Heuristically speaking, the core predictions emanating from Cross’ model suggest
that contemporary AAs can be found to differ individually in their psychological
states/orientations related to racial-identity/consciousness along the 8-9 dimensions/states or
traits of the Nigrescence process, and certain racially-focused behaviors should be predictable
from (correlated with) them. Led by the extensive psychometric work of Vandiver (2001) in
particular, recent findings have prompted many of the latest revisions and expansions of Cross’
model. Most of this research has been associated with the development and testing of the Cross
Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) that was developed by Cross, Vandiver and colleagues (Cross &
Vandiver, 2001; Vandiver et al., 2002). The main findings to date have been that: (1) The CRIS
has been shown to constitute a multifactored assessment instrument; (2) it has good reliability
and construct validity (convergent, divergent and discriminant validity) for the most part, and its
findings to date, at least for 6 of the 8-9 Nigrescence traits, appear to be theoretically consistent.
There does, however, appear to be some conceptual and empirical issues related to the
formulation of the Immersion-Emersion, Intense Black Involvement (Black Nationalism) and
Internalization Multicultural Racial orientation subscales of the CRIS (Vandiver, Cross, Worrell
& Fhagen-Smith, 2002). This research is ongoing, and appears to be looking at the broader
application of the paradigm to contemporary African American psychological functioning and
behaviors (Holler, 2005; Vandiver et al., 2002).


C. Africentric Models

        The last group of theories, called the Africentric Models, represent those theories under
African/AA authorship, that utilize the African worldview as the conceptual framework for
portraying, characterizing and explaining AA personality or some important aspects of it. They
utilize traditional African philosophical-cultural values, beliefs and behavioral norms for
formulating/constructing the psychological traits, dispositions and behavioral patterns that are
used to represent normal and natural AA personality as distinguished from maladaptive,
abnormal and dysfunctional AA personality (Kambon, 1998; Kambon & Bowen-Reid, 2009).



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These theories represent the most recent-contemporary approach, even though the basic ideas are
quite old in the thinking of African-descent scholars, both in Africa as well as throughout the
Diaspora (Akbar, 2004; Bynum, 1999; Kambon, 1992, 1998; Nobles, 2006; Oshodi, 2004).
While Wade Nobles’ (2006) early and seminal work on the continuing influence of traditional
African philosophy and cultural reality in the behavior and basic functioning of Africans
throughout the Diaspora had some influence on the development of Africentric theories of AA
personality (Kambon, 1998), paradigms constructed by Na’im Akbar (1975, 1976, 1979, 2004),
Robert Williams (1981), and Kobi Kambon (1992,1998, 2003, 2006) in particular represent the
more fully developed models to emerge in this literature. These models, while both similar and
different in some important respects, seem to combine a structural, dynamic and functional
emphasis framed on the African cultural reality within the American socio-cultural context.
Some of their overlapping emphases are as follows:

(a) emphasis on traditional African culture in terms of values, beliefs and behavioral practices
that have persisted in the AA psychological makeup forming the psychological infrastructure
core of normal-natural AA personality;

(b) emphasis on the structure, organization and dynamics of the core in thrusting AA behavior
and functioning toward collective/cultural-affirming outcomes;

(c) emphasis on the psychosocial nature, dynamics and outcome of the interaction between this
normal-natural African-centered thrust or striving and the European American cultural reality in
which the historic and contemporary AA personality finds itself. These theories then clearly
make a positive and proactive assumption about the basic energy driving the African/AA
personality system in its interaction (conflict, adaptations to, and coping) with the imposing,
ever-present and hostile European American cultural reality (Kambon, 1998, 2003; Kambon &
Bowen-Reid, 2009).


1. Common Theoretical Components
Core Elements/Factors/Psychological Infrastructure: In these theories, Racial-Cultural Identity
(Personal and Reference Group Racial-Cultural Identity) is viewed as serving the core function
of Racial-Cultural self-affirmation.

Peripheral Elements/Factors: The Peripheral factors that are emphasized in these theories focus
on the Cultural Behavior/response patterns, individually and collectively, that operate in adapting
to one’s environment as reflecting normal-natural AA Personality Traits – i.e., the Basic Traits of
AA personality. Aberrations/Abnormality/Maladaptation in the basic traits modified by
oppression (i.e., European American cultural reality) forces are also articulated at this level of
the Africentric theories.


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Dynamics/Functional Aspects: The psycho-dynamic aspects of AA personality in Africentric
theories emphasize in one way or another the Natural (inherent) Racial-Cultural Self-
Actualization/Affirmation/Empowerment striving (i.e., the proactive thrust or striving) inherent
in normal/healthy AA personality functioning.

Developmental Issues: Where psychological development is concerned, Africentric theories
seem to emphasize the critical importance of ongoing psychological (inclusive of spirituality)
growth/development/transformations toward a mature and fuller expression of Africanity
throughout the lifecycle of the individual. The vital role and function of African-centered
socialization occurring in African-centered institutions and the specific socio-cultural
infrastructure of African-centered societal-cultural institutions are emphasized as essential to the
normal-natural developmental process of AA personality. Thus, there is a general emphasis in
these theories on the processes involved in transitioning (cognitive and behavioral transitioning)
from lower/weaker to higher/stronger levels (and expressions) of Conscious Africanity over
systematic stages or transitioning phases of development covering the entire life cycle.

Outcome Emphasis: Optimal AA personality development and functioning in the African-
Centered theories emphasizes a congruent pattern of Africentric psychological dispositions (i.e.,
a core nexus of pro-Black/African values, beliefs and attitudes) and behaviors reflecting the
normal-natural African Survival Thrust of the AA personality system.


2. Kobi K. K. Kambon’s Theory as Representative
        Although the works of Na’im Akbar (1975, 1976, 1979; 2004) and Robert Williams
(1981; Kambon, 2006) have made significant statements of their own in these areas, the most
widely known and fully developed model representing this approach is that of Kobi Kambon
(1992, 2003, 2006). Succinctly, Kambon’s model emphasizes two key heuristic constructs in
articulating the structure, dynamics, and behavioral outcomes related to a cultural-centered
understanding of AA psycho-logical functioning and behavior: African Self-Consciousness
(ASC) and Cultural Misorientation (CM). According to the model, African personality consists
of a core system called the African Self-Extension Orientation (ASEO) and African Self-
Consciousness (ASC), and a number of basic traits emanating from the core. ASEO is the
foundation of the Black personality. It is the organizing principle and energy source of the entire
system. It is innate (biogenetically based), unconscious, and operationally defined by the
construct of "Spirituality" - a dynamic communal energy which allows the Self to merge (extend)
into the totality of phenomenal experience. It is also immutable (unchanging in its thrust) and
deeply rooted in the African psychical system. The ASEO manifests in terms of a set of basic
psychological and behavioral traits, or “Africanisms,” expressive of the African spirituality
dynamic (Kambon, 1992). ASC derives from the ASEO and, except for its conscious nature and
ideological content/thrust, is essentially an "undifferentiated process" from the ASEO under
normal-natural conditions.

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That is, a part of the ASEO differentiates into a conscious structure called ASC through
developmental progression under normal-natural conditions. ASC is therefore partly biogenetic,
but because consciousness evolves in large part through experience, it is also partly
environmental-experientially based as well. ASC directs and guides the personality system
toward Africentric goals and objectives; that is, it directs/focuses the “African Survival Thrust”
inherent in the ASEO. Thus, the ASEO defines and energizes the African personality system,
while ASC cognitively directs or focuses the system toward the fulfillment and maintenance of
African survival, affirmation-empowerment (Kambon, 1992).


The ASC Model
        The ASC core is defined operationally by four basic components or competencies
(cognitive-attitudinal and behavioral competencies). They are as follows:

a. Awareness-recognition of one's collective African identity.
b. Priority value placed on African survival, racial-cultural self-knowledge and positive
development.
c. Participation in African cultural institutions and their perpetuation.
d. Practice of resolute resistance against all “anti-African" forces.

Combined, these competencies define the self-affirming, self-determining and self-fortification
thrust of the AA personality’s basic striving for collective self-empowerment.

        We can see then that given the ASC’s core more basic dependence on experiential
development (environmental forces), it is susceptible to change/modification under certain socio-
cultural conditions. Thus, the directional thrust and strength of ASC can vary radically from its
natural tendency under certain unnatural-abnormal experiential conditions. For example,
variability in the actual strength of the manifestation of ASC (in terms of intensity and
pervasiveness or dominance) is explained in terms of experiential variability among individual
Blacks (different racial-cultural psycho-histories, and especially concentrated, long-term
developmental Eurocentric experiences). The strength of ASC then depends on the extent to
which early socialization experiences and/or significant institutional processes actively nurture
and reinforce it (Kambon, 1992, 2003). In a heterogeneous racial-cultural context where
African-centered forces are not dominant (i.e., where an "alien/European worldview" dominates
the socio-cultural reality of AAs), the natural socialization processes undergirding ASC may be
weakened and distorted (Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2003).




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On the other hand, a strengthening-reinforcing effect would be expected in a homogeneous
(natural) racial-cultural context where African-centered socio-cultural forces are more dominant
(Kambon, 1992). Of course, a variety of psychological modifications and/or indoctrinating
circumstances of an institutional nature may also interact with and, in some cases, override
ambiguous individual socialization conditions where racial-cultural identity can be blurred or de-
emphasized, such as in a racially integrated social context where a mixture of some African-
centered and some European-centered socialization experiences occur (Kambon, 2003).

       Hence, ASC can function at different intensities/levels (from Weak to Strong ASC),
depending on the dominant socio-cultural, institutional experiences characterizing the
developmental context of a young AA personality. Moderate-to-Strong ASC thus represents
movement toward the optimal pole of the African mental health continuum more so than does
the condition of Weak ASC, and particularly Severely Weak ASC (Kambon, 1992, 2003).

        Hence, there are many circumstances that can interfere with or distort normal Black
personality functioning in terms of the strength of ASC. These circumstances, where they do
occur, are usually socio-cultural in nature and typically involve the operation of institutionalized
anti-African forces, as in cultural oppression (Kambon, 1998, 2003, 2006). In the unnatural
socio-culturally oppressive context of American society, where ASC is superimposed upon by an
alien and anti-African reality structure, it (ASC) is subject to severe weakening, modification or
distortion from the overriding influence of the alien/anti-African European worldview (Kambon,
2002, 2003, 2006).


The CM Model
        Kambon’s model further proposes that the severe weakening of ASC constitutes (in many
instances) the onset of a basic disorder in the AA personality that is called Cultural
Misorientation/CM (Kambon, 2003). The CM model thus proposes that chronic and severely
weaken ASC can under some circumstances bring about a shift in the core psychological
orientation of AA personality, prompting a process of transitioning (in content) from degraded
African worldview content to the adopting/internalization of European worldview content. In
such an instance, severely degraded ASC qualities (such as a weak African worldview
identification) are no longer adequate, appropriate and applicable to describe and explain the
psychodynamic condition of the AA personality. The psychological parameters of CM thus
become necessary as the more appropriate interpretative framework under these circumstances
for describing and explaining the transformation in the AA personality. Hence, the occurrence of
chronic-severely weakened ASC represents the psychological crossroads whereby the AA
personality undergoes its paradoxical transition from an African-centered to a European-centered
survival thrust or cultural reality framework in its core conscious level functioning (or from an
ASC to a CM psychodynamic). The model thus proposes that only under the severely weakened
ASC condition do the psychological preconditions come about for the transitioning from ASC
dominance to CM dominance to occur.
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Kambon therefore defines Cultural Misorientation (CM) as a psychological orientation in
AAs resulting from European cultural oppression reflecting a European Survival Thrust,
reflecting the basic components or content dimensions of a materialistic, individualistic, alien
and anti-self, self-destructive and racial integration emphasis in one’s thoughts, attitudes and
behaviors (Kambon, 2003, pp. 72-73).

These six components of CM are described as follows:

Materialism Orientation: reflects a physical-material objectification emphasis in life (emphasis
on physical characteristics, clothes, money, things, etc).

Individualism Orientation: reflects an I/Me emphasis in life.

Alien-Self Orientation: reflects a general Eurocentric values emphasis in one’s self-concept and
general approach to life.

Anti-Self Orientation: reflects the Alien-Self emphasis along with negativity and hostility
toward Blackness/Africanity.

Self-Destructive Orientation: reflects an emphasis on self-group injurious and anti-social and/or
criminal thoughts and behaviors.

Integration Orientation: reflects a dominant emphasis on the inclusion/involvement of non-
Blacks (namely Whites) in one’s life.

         CM, according to Kambon (2003), thus represents a Eurocentric - “Anti-African” self-
consciousness among AAs which the European American societal-worldview context (i.e.,
American cultural institutions) allows to masquerade as a normal-natural (mentally healthy) and
functionally effective psychological-cultural orientation among AAs as a consequence of
institutional reinforcement (i.e. socialization, assimilation and societal indoctrination processes).
In other words, CM content is consistent with, and thereby supported and reinforced by
European American culture itself (Kambon, 1998, 2003).

       The CM Model further proposes some three levels of intensity –severity - that can range
from a minimal degree of the disorder to a moderate degree, to a severe degree of the disorder.
Minimal CM represents the weakest level of identification with or internalization of the
European Worldview of the three levels, while Moderate CM represents a much stronger
Eurocentric consciousness than the minimal CM level, but less than the severe CM level, and
Severe CM reflects the strongest and most pervasive European self-consciousness, i.e., an
overwhelming predominance of internalized Eurocentric/anti-African cultural values, beliefs,
attitudes and behaviors, of the three levels (Kambon, 2003).


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As indicated earlier, within the psychosocial context of cultural oppression, the acquisition
of CM can follow a developmental pattern similar to ASC, only emphasizing the opposite
cultural (Eurocentric over Africentric) content. Thus, depending on the levels of Eurocentric
emphasis/exposure, the resulting CM condition can reflect from minimal to severe CM levels
(Kambon, 2003).

The ASC and CM Prediction Models
         Kambon’s (1992, 2003) models also propose a systematic set of propositions related to
both ASC and CM. The focus of these propositions, where ASC is concerned, emphasize
psychological correlates of ASC that involve general psychological dispositions (self-esteem,
personal causation, achievement motivation, etc.), behavioral predictions of ASC that involve
self- affirming (pro-Black) behaviors and opposition to anti-African/anti-Black forces, as well as
background predictors of ASC indicative of Africentric socialization experiences (Kambon,
1992). On the other hand, the opposite predictions, for the most part, emanate from the CM
Construct. In this case, the focus of the propositions suggest that positive relationships would be
expected to occur between CM and such psychological functions and behaviors as poor or sub-
optimal mental health states like low self-esteem, apathy, low motivation, high anxiety, low
stress tolerance, problems in anger control, etc., and such Eurocentric measures of psychological
disorder/mental illness like depression, psychosomatic disorders, schizophrenia and psychopathic
states, paranoia, etc. (Kambon, 2003; Kambon and Rackley, 2005). Some Eurocentric measures
of psychological health/positive-optimal mental health within the European worldview context
would also be expected to correlate positively with CM, such as an internal locus of control
orientation, high need for achievement, competitiveness and aggressiveness. Positive correlations
may also be expected between CM and other African-centered measures of personality disorders
or poor AA mental health (Kambon, 1998, 2003), such as anti-Black attitudes and behaviors,
pro-White attitudes and behaviors, and measures of racial neutrality or a so-called humanistic
orientation. At the same time, however, negative relationships would be expected to occur
between CM and such psychological functions and behaviors as African-centered measures of
healthy/optimal personality such as ASC and an African worldview orientation and pro-Black
attitudes and behaviors (Kambon, 2003; Kambon and Rackley, 2005). Accordingly, a
psychologically healthy AA, as noted earlier, manifests conscious functioning and behavior
reflective of the affirmation and perpetuation of an African/AA Survival Thrust (Kambon, 1992,
1998).

        Again, African Self-Consciousness is reflective of healthy AA personality in Kambon’s
model while Cultural Misorientation is reflective of unhealthy AA personality or personality
disorder (Kambon, 1992, 2003). Hence, the ASC and CM constructs represent those aspects of
the AA personality system that have good heuristic value, and thus assessed through systematic
empirical examination (Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2003). The assessment of ASC and CM is
therefore critical, according to Kambon (1992, 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005), to a substantive
and comprehensive evaluation of contemporary AA behavior and mental health.

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In order to assess the ASC and CM Constructs, the African Self-Consciousness Scale
(ASCS) and the Cultural Misorientation Scale (CMS), respectively, were developed by Kambon
and his associates (see Kambon, 1992, 1996, 2003, 2005). The ASCS and CMS have been
utilized in various research studies involving variables such as personal causation (Kambon,
1992), psychological well-being (Pierre and Mahalik, 2005), health promoting behaviors
(Thompson and Chambers, 2000), anti-Black behavior (Kambon, 2003; Kambon & Rackley,
2005), career decision making (McCowan and Alston, 1998), and male-female relationships
(Bell, Bouie and Baldwin, 1990), among others (Kambon, 1992, 2003; Kambon & Rackley,
2005, in press).


Empirical Assessment Based on Kambon’s Model
        Empirical research has been conducted on Kambon’s model utilizing the ASCS since the
early 1980s (Kambon, 1992, 1998). From these findings: 1) the ASCS has been shown to be a
valid and reliable multi-factored measure of the ASC Construct; 2) its four empirical factors are
consistent with its four conceptual factors; ASCS-F1: Sense of Collective African Identity and
Self-Fortification, ASCS-F2: Resistance/Defense against anti-African Forces, ASCS-F3: Value
for Africentric Institutions and Cultural Expressions, and ASCS-F4: Value for African Culture;
3) it has been shown to be a reliable predictor of both general psychological health factors (self-
esteem, sense of personal causation, etc.) and African-centered psychological health factors and
behavior (pro-Black functioning) across diverse demographics of African-descent populations;
and 4) it has also been shown to be associated with certain background profiles, as well as
demonstrate some effective use in the assessment of clinical interventions with both individuals
and groups of adult AAs (Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005, in progress).

        The CMS, on the other hand, has enjoyed a much shorter period of research activity
given its briefer history (Kambon, 1997; 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005). Since its
development in the mid-1990s (Kambon, 1997), the CMS has been shown to represent a valid
and reliable multi-factored measure of the CM Construct (Kambon, 2003; Kambon & Rackley,
2005; Kwate, 2001) across diverse African-descent demographic profiles. It has also been
shown to be a reliable predictor of general maladaptive and psychologically disordered
functioning (depression, anti-social drug use, violence), as well as more cultural specific based
maladaptive behaviors, such as N-word usage, light skin preference, preference for anti-Black
rap music, etc., among young adult African-Americans in diverse social settings. This research
is also ongoing and shows great promise toward bringing more clarity to the psychological
analysis of AA behavior and mental health.




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Conclusions
        In concluding this brief review, several key questions beg for consideration in projecting
the future status of this vital area of psychological theory and research. What future issues and
concerns will we be confronted as this area of focus continues to unfold and expand its
conceptual and contextual boundaries? One apparent critical issue appears to be the need for our
models to accommodate more of the variety of developmental and socialization circumstances
that the contemporary AA personality might experience (e.g., predominantly Black versus
predominantly White or racially-culturally integrated, or Africentric versus Eurocentric
worldview dominated socialization, or bi-racialism, etc.). There seems to be a continual need to
call for a greater emphasis on the role of cultural reality forces in forming the conceptual
framework and content of our theories, and the importance of including in some systematic ways
the widest possible diversity in the sample populations that we study in our investigations. We
also welcome the addition of more creative and innovative methodologies and instrumentation in
our investigations, as well as encourage the development of both molar (Kambon, 1992, 2003)
and molecular (Sellers et al., 1997) models in these explorations of the AA personality.



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Through the Prism of Black Psychology:
  A Critical Review of Conceptual and Methodological
 Issues in Africology as Seen Through the Paradigmatic
                Lens of Black Psychology
                                               by

                                    DeReef F. Jamison
                           North Carolina A & T State University
                                    dfjamiso@ncat.edu

DeReef Jamison (dfjamiso@ncat.edu) is an Assistant Professor of the African American
Experience in the Division of University Studies at North Carolina A & T State University. His
research interests are African-American cultural and gender identity, community activism among
Black psychologists, the psychological aspects of oppression and liberation, and the intellectual
history and diasporic connections of Africana Psychology. He has taught courses such as: The
Psychology of the African American Experience, The Psychology of Prejudice and Racism in the
African Diaspora, African American Social Science, Africa, African Americans and Pan
Africanism, and Introduction to African American Studies. Dr. Jamison has previously published
articles in the Journal of African American Studies and The Griot.

Abstract
This paper attempts to address the invisibility of Africana psychological theory, research,
and methodology in Africology by synthesizing the competing definitions, schools of
thought, and research agendas in Black Psychology. Attention will be given to the
various ways in which Black psychologists have attempted to deconstruct and reconstruct
traditional psychological thought as well as construct new definitions, theories,
measurements, and conceptual frameworks for understanding and interpreting the
psychological experiences of people of African descent. Although psychology was
identified by Karenga as one of the core components in the emerging discipline of
African-American Studies, very few of the existing institutes, programs, and departments
of African-American Studies include psychology as a major part of their curriculum. As
a psycho-historical endeavor, a primary concern of Africana Psychology is with
understanding how the historical experiences of being an African in America have
impacted African-American psyches. Thus, it is argued that if the discipline of
Africology is attempting to fully understand Africana experiences, Africology must re-
examine the importance of psychology and its role in aiding Africana scholars interpret
and understand the experiences of people of African descent in the Americas and
throughout the diaspora.

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               The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
Although Black [African, Africana and/or African American] psychology was
identified by Maulana Karenga (1992) as one of the core components in the emerging
discipline of Africology [African American, Black, Africana and/or Afro-American
Studies], very few of the existing institutes, programs, and departments of Africology
include Black psychology as a major part of their curriculum. As a psycho-historical
endeavor, a primary concern of Black Psychology is to understand how the historical
experiences of being an African in America have impacted African-American psyches.
Thus, it is argued here that if the discipline of Africology is attempting to fully
understand African American experiences, Africology programs must re-examine the
importance of Black psychology and its role in aiding scholars interpret and understand
the experiences of people of African descent in America. This paper attempts to address
the invisibility of Black psychological theory, research, and practice in Africology by: (1)
providing a brief history of the intellectual antecedents to the field of Black Psychology;
(2) identifying the social and political context in which Black psychological theory,
research and practice emerged; (3) synthesizing the competing definitions, schools of
thought, and research agendas in Black Psychology; and (4) demonstrating the relevance
and applicability of Black Psychology to the future of Africology in particular, and to the
Africana life-world in general.

        Black Psychology is composed of various schools of thought that reflect the
particular theoretical orientations of its practitioners. However, it should be kept in mind
that although the compartmentalization of these various schools of thought is useful for
conceptualization purposes, there is also much overlapping between the various schools.
Karenga (1992) has identified the schools of thought among Black Psychologists as the
traditional school, the reformist school and the radical school. According to Karenga
(1992), the traditional school is characterized by: (1) its defensive and/or reactive
posture; (2) its lack of concern about the existence of and subsequently the development
of a Black Psychology as evidenced by its continued support of “traditional”
(Eurocentric) psychological models with minor changes; (3) its concern with changing
white attitudes; and (4) its being critical without offering alternatives for correcting
problems. One of the leading figures in the traditional school as identified by Karenga
(1992) is Kenneth Clark who was the first and only black to be president of APA and in
collaboration with his wife Mamie Phipps-Clark co-authored the famous doll study that
influenced the Brown vs. Board of Education decision. Other influential scholars were
William Grier and Price Cobbs with their classic text “Black Rage” (1968) and Alvin
Poussaint’s “Why Blacks Kill Blacks” (1972).



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              The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
In spite of the negative connotations explicit in many of the critiques of the
traditional school (Karenga, 1992; Kambon, 1998), these scholars seem to have
contributed significantly to the development of conceptual and methodological issues in
Black Psychology. For example, the Clark study brought attention to the psychological
processes involved in education (particularly issues of identity, self-hatred and self-
esteem) of children of African descent, which in turn had a major impact on how the
educational process was understood and perceived. Most importantly, the Clarks’ studies
demonstrated how social science research could play a role in not only influencing but
also changing social policy.

        Grier and Cobbs (1968) work illustrated the manner in which traditional
(Eurocentric) scholarship could be applied to the conditions facing people of African
descent. They argued that the causes of Black rage may be found in: (1) Blacks
understandable and necessary cultural paranoia; (2) Blacks cultural depression and
cultural masochism reflecting a general “sadness and intimacy with misery”, i.e. Cornell
West’s (1993) concept of Black Nihilism and (3) Blacks cultural anti-socialism, i.e.
disrespect for American laws which are designed to protect whites not Blacks (Karenga,
1992). While very Freudian in their approach, they do begin the process of defining the
clinical issues of what constitutes the complexity and diversity of “psychopathology”
among people of African descent.

        It must also be acknowledged that Poussaint (1972) was among the first Black
psychologists to address the issue of Black on Black violence. Nonetheless, Africologists
should be critical of the fundamental assumptions underlying his question “Why Blacks
Kill Blacks”, since the title can be interpreted as meaning that Blacks are solely
responsible for the violence in their community, and therefore observers may fail to
acknowledge the social and political conditions that contribute to the violence seen in
these Black communities (Wilson, 1998). However, Poussaint does put forth the
argument that there are perhaps four reasons why Blacks kill blacks, which include: (1)
the American cultural experience that teaches ‘crime and violence as a way to success
and manhood; (2) the fact that ‘Americans respect violence and often will not respond to
just demand except through violence’ as with the revolts by people of African descent;
(3) the sense of power violence gives the oppressed and (4) the dehumanizing
transformation in incarceration which perpetuates the cycle of violence (Karenga, 1992).
Thus, Poussaint’s research raised the issue of Black social scientists investigating social
and political issues that impact the quality of life experienced by Black people.




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              The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
The reformist school shares with the traditional school the concern for white
attitudes, but tends to place more emphasis on confronting public policies that maintain
and support institutional racism, according to Karenga, (1992). Black psychologists in
the reformist school “tend to emphasize the American slavery legacies of the continuing
oppression of Blacks and the subsequent creation of a relatively distinct reactive pattern
of adaptation among Blacks in America” (Kambon, 1998, p. 231). Major theorists in the
reformist school were identified as Charles Thomas, Joseph White and William Cross
(Karenga, 1992). These theorists began “to advocate an Afro-centric psychology but still
combine it with traditional focus on appeal for change that would ostensibly benefit
Blacks and whites and thus U.S. society” (Karenga, 1992, p. 325). Thus, members of this
school of thought “stand as bridges between the traditional and radical schools,
attempting a synthesis of the social and discipline criticism of the traditional school and
the demands for and development of new models and professional engagement from the
radical school” (Karenga, 1992, p. 329).

        Similar to the declarations made by Black Psychologists such as Green (1974) and
Smith (1974), Thomas (1979) emphasized the social responsibility of psychologists. He
argued that Black social scientists are responsible for “defining, defending and
developing information systems that will give Blacks increased socio-political power” (p.
7). In addition, Thomas contributes to the re-conceptualization process of
Eurocentric/Western psychology within Black Psychology by critiquing the universalism
embedded in Eurocentric psychology. Thomas reforms the conceptualizations of Merton
(1967), Horney (1945), and Pettigrew (1964), who posited that humans may respond in
various ways to the social, cultural and political conditions they encounter with primary
responses consisting of turning against, turning towards, and turning away. Similarly,
Thomas suggests that the oppression of people of African descent created social roles that
were designed to sustain and maintain oppressive conditions, such as: (1) hybrid or bad
niggers; (2) conformists or good Negroes; (3) marginalists or white middle class Negroes
and (4) rebels or Black militants (Thomas, 1974; Karenga, 1992). Therefore, he takes the
position that “if Blackness came into existence as a healthy support state, it cannot be
logically used as a symptomatology of maladaptive behavior” (Thomas, 1978. pp. 21-22).
Thus, Thomas argues that the psychology of people of African descent not be viewed as
substandard to the European-American experience, pathological, or culturally deficient,
but as a culturally specific psychology that is valuable in and of itself.

        Joseph White (1980) continues this questioning of the conceptual framework as
well as the value of Eurocentric theory and methodology. He asserts that “not all
traditional elite psychological theory is useless” (p. 8). In urging the development of a
Black psychology, White challenges Black social scientists “to come up with more
accurate and comprehensive explanations” (White, 1980, p. 8) in order to gain a better
understanding of the African American life world.


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              The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
Thus, he warns that we should approach Eurocentric psychology with caution and
determine the extent to which it is relevant and can be modified and made applicable to
the life experiences of people of African descent (Thomas, 1980; Karenga, 1992).

        William Cross (1971) took an innovative approach to the study of the
development of Black consciousness for Africans in the United States. He is best known
for his conceptualization of the various stages of Black identity. Building on Erickson’s
(1978) stages of child development that emphasized the contradictions and difficulties
experienced when individuals or groups of people attempted to transition from one stage
to the next stage of personal development, Cross established a theory of Black
psychological development called “Nigrsecence”. The Nigrescence model attempted to
account “for the progression of African Americans through sequential stages to arrive at a
healthy racial identity” (Bellgrave & Allison, 2006, p. 20). The stages in the process of
Nigrescence were identified as: (1) Pre-encounter; (2) Dissonance/Encounter; (3)
Immersion-emersion; (4) Internalization and (5) Internalization-Commitment. According
to the theory, “each stage is characterized by certain affective, cognitive, and behavioral
reactions” (Bellgrave & Allison, 2006, p. 21). Whether scholars were conducting
research that sought to affirm and validate the theory, expanding the theoretical
parameters of the theory, appropriating the theory for use with different diasporic
populations, or countering the claims of the theory by offering alternative interpretations,
a substantial amount of the literature on cultural identity in Black psychology has
responded in some shape, form or fashion to Cross’ theory of Nigrescence (Akbar, 1981;
Azibo, 1988; Banks, 1976; Baldwin, 1979; Cross, Parham, & Helms, 1998).

        While the reform school’s analysis begins with the enslavement period up until
contemporary times, the radical school argues that an authentic psychology of Black folk
must go beyond the shores of the “New World” to discover the African roots of this
American fruit (Nobles, 1974.) The defining characteristic of most of the radical school
of thought is their emphasizing that an African worldview analysis is essential to
understanding the psychology of people of African descent. Major figures within the
radical school that contributed to the development of an African worldview analysis are
Nobles,(1974), Akbar (1994), and Kambon (1998). Nobles’ (1980) article “African
Philosophy: Foundation for Black Psychology” was one of the first articles to articulate
an African philosophical basis for understanding the psychology of people of African
descent.



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              The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
Compared to Black psychologists from the reformist school that focuses on the
psychological consequences of being Black, Nobles argued that:

       Black psychology is something more than the psychology of the so-called
       underprivileged peoples, more than the experience of living in ghettoes or having
       been forced into the dehumanizing condition of slavery. It is more than the
       ‘darker dimension’ of general psychology. Its unique status is derived not from
       the negative aspects of being black in America, but rather from the positive
       features of basic African philosophy that dictate the values, customs, attitudes,
       and behaviors of Africans in Africa and the New World. (Nobles, 1980, p. 23)

        Akbar (1994) posits that traditional Eurocentric psychology distorted the African
definition of psychology from the study of the soul to the study of behavior. The
consequences of this transubstanstive error (Nobles, 1986; Akbar, 1994) is that the focus
of Eurocentric Psychology shifted from the focus of psychology from spiritual aspects to
Western Psychology’s focus on materialism: (1) emphasizing objectification as the only
method of studying; (2) quantifying as the only accepted measure of reality; (3)
essentializing man as only material manifestation, i.e. body and behavior; (4) believing
that there is no superior power or purpose in man; (5) believing that human behavior is
what it is with no significant meaning beyond what is actually observed; (6) viewing
invisible or intangible phenomena as irrelevant; (7) viewing life and consciousness as
identical with physical processes; (8) ignoring the individuality of the person and the
element of transparent awareness; (9) maintaining that humans are a product of biological
determination, personal experiences, and chances; and (10) characterizing the death of
the mind as the death of the body, and that one does not attend to life before or after
death. Furthermore, Akbar suggests that Black social scientists re-examine scientific
paradigms as they relate to psychological methodology (Akbar, 1994), the psychological
legacy of slavery (Akbar, 1990), and the diagnosis of mental illness (Akbar, 1981) among
people of African descent from an African philosophical perspective.

        Baldwin (1980), Kambon, (1992) and Myers (1988) have further articulated the
conceptualization of an African worldview. Kambon argues that an individual’s
definitional system is determined by their particular cultural reality and our worldview
“determine[s] how we experience (perceive and respond to) the various phenomena of the
ongoing process of everyday existence” (Baldwin, 1980, p. 96). He argues that people of
African decent have a worldview that is culturally specific to their experiences.
Furthermore, he asserts that an African cultural consciousness develops out of the
African worldview at a conscious and unconscious level. However, under conditions of
white supremacy domination and control the African worldview can be distorted and
experience cultural misorientation, which is the internalization of the European
worldview by people of African descent (Kambon, 2003).

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              The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
Myers’ theory (1988) is similar to Kambon’s in her worldview focus. The
primary difference in their views is that while Kambon’s worldview analysis is race-
specific, Myers views the African worldview paradigm as having “the cultural and
historical capacity to unite all humanity” (Myers, 1999, xvi). Hence, if Africans are the
original human beings and have historically developed certain cultural traits and
personalities based on their environment (Diop, 1991, Wobogo; 1989), then the
behavioral patterns found among other cultural groups are logical extensions and/or
deviations from the original African archetype (Jung, 1959). Following this reasoning,
Myers (1988) asserts that the African worldview is not only “optimal” for people of
African descent, but for all of humanity, since this humanistic worldview began with
Africans, and based on a result of biological and cultural evolution, extended to all those
who descended from and followed after the African prototype for humanity (Jung, 1959;
Bynum, 1999). According to Myers (1988), an optimal worldview consists of: (1)
viewing the spiritual and material as one, (2) knowing self through symbolic imagery and
rhythm, (3) valuing positive interpersonal relationships among people, (4) emphasizing
the union of opposites, (5) processing the interrelatedness of human and spiritual
networks, (6) identifying the extended self and the multidimensionality of self, (7)
assuming self-worth is intrinsic in being, (8) valuing spiritualism, oneness with nature
and communalism, (9) being positively consistent despite appearances due to relationship
with the source, and (10) having a life space that is infinite and unlimited.

        A major difference between the reform and radical schools is that in contrast to
the traditional school, the radical school does not focus on changing white attitudes about
Black people (Karenga, 1992) and for the most part the radical school emphasizes
African culture and philosophy as the foundation for Black Psychology (Kambon, 1998).
However, a closer examination of the radical school demonstrates that the radical school
is not monolithic and may be in need of critical re-conceptualization. In their
groundbreaking article “Voodoo or IQ: An introduction to African Psychology” (Clark,
McGee, Nobles, & Weems 1975), which was one of the first articles to attempt to define
and introduce the content emphasis of African Psychology, it was argued that Black
psychology was a “radical discipline”. Let us reconsider the particular type of radicalism
they were suggesting. They stated that African psychology was “radical, not in a political
sense per se, but in a scientific and philosophical sense” (Clark, McGee, Nobles, &
Weems, 1975, p. 13). Interestingly, a distinction is proposed between political radicalism
and scientific/philosophical radicalism. Thus, the articulations of the worldview
paradigm by Akbar (1994), Nobles (1972; 1986) and Myers (1988) who have emphasized
the philosophical foundations and dimensions of Black psychology are radical, but not in
the same sense as other black psychologists in the radical school such as Welsing (1970),
Wright (1984), and Wilson (1990; 1993; 1998).



                                           102
This latter group seems to imply a political radicalism that includes critiquing
white supremacy behavior and its influence on people of African descent, as well as
challenging the social and political structures that impact the quality of life experienced
by people of African descent. It is important to note that both philosophical and political
radicalism are important aspects in Black psychology (Kambon, 1998). However, such
distinctions are can be helpful if we are to gain a better understanding and appreciation of
the intricacies involved in Black psychological theory.

        Both Welsing (1970) and Wright (1984) are psychologists from the radical
school that contribute to the deconstruction of Eurocentric psychology’s claim to
universalism. Welsing and Wright do not argue that European psychological theories are
irrelevant. What they argue is that to the extent that major psychological theories were
standardized and normalized on European people, then these theories are more
appropriately viewed as culturally specific to people of European descent. In contrast to
the “Black Rage” (1975) analysis where Grier and Cobbs use standard European
psychological principles to understand Black behavior, Welsing and Wright turn
European psychology on its’ head and apply established Eurocentric theories to
specifically understanding European thought and behavior (Ani, 1994). When Welsing
(1970) uses a psychoanalytical approach to examine the cultural logic underlying white
supremacy, and Wright (1984) uses the Eurocentric criteria of the Diagnostic Statistical
Manual to explain the behaviors of people of European descent in relation to African
people, they are combining reformist school methods with African-centered sensibilities
to form their own unique version of radicalism.

        Inspired by the work of Neely Fuller (1969), who posited that “If you do not
understand White Supremacy (Racism)- what it is, and how it works-everything else that
you understand … will only confuse you” (p. 1), Welsing developed “The Cress Theory
of Color-Confrontation and Racism, i.e. White Supremacy” (1970) as a guide to assist
people of African descent to interpret and understand global White supremacy. The
foundation of Welsing’s theory is based on genetic and social factors. The genetic factor
states that: (1) skin pigmentation has many adaptive functions which lack of pigmentation
does not have (i.e. protection from disease, ultraviolet radiation, etc.) and thus the
absence of color (low melanin concentration) represents a genetic deficiency; (2) the
majority of the world’s population are people of color, and are thus highly melanated
people and are the norm among human beings; and (3) since people of African descent
generally have the highest concentration of melanin among the races in the world, then
they represent the group most despised and feared by whites (Kambon, 1998; Barnes,
1988; Welsing, 1970). Based on the underlying assumptions posited in the genetic factor,
the social factor states that:


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              The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
(1) since the majority of the world’s peoples have more color/pigmentation than White
people, then Whites are the numerical minority among the world’s population and
Blacks, of all the colored races of the world, therefore represent the greatest threat to
White genetic survival (Kambon, 1998; Welsing, 1970); (2) White supremacy hostility
and aggression against people of African descent manifests as psychological defense
mechanisms that mask feelings of inferiority, inadequacy, fear, and envy toward people
of color (Kambon, 1998; Welsing, 1970). In accordance with the genetic and social
factors, Welsing puts forth three Freudian defense mechanisms (repression, reaction
formation, and projection) that people of European descent use to oppress people of
color, and especially African descent groups. These defense mechanisms consist of: (1)
repressing their feelings of inferiority by denying them, (2) discrediting and despising
people of color, (3) sun-tanning, using make-up, enlarging breasts, buttocks, and lips to
acquire the physical characteristics of people of color, (4) elaborating myths about white
genetic superiority, (5) projecting their hate and sexual desires on people of color, while
hypocritically maintaining that it is people of color that lust and desire white people, (6)
obsessing, focusing, and alienating the physical body from sex, (7) dividing and
separating people of color by classifying them as minorities, and (8) imposing birth
control on people of color in order to neutralize/marginalize the reality that people of
color are collectively in the majority of the world’s population (Karenga, 1992; Welsing,
1970).

         Similarly, Wright (1984) argues that because, “Blacks are now a threat and a
liability to the White race… As a consequence, the major research that White scientists
are involved with today is genocidal in nature, e.g., nuclear warfare, population control,
medication control, genetic engineering, psychosurgery, electrical stimulation of the brain
and the highly complex behavioral technology” (p.1). Wright’s theory applies to
Eurocentric psychological criteria to understanding the behaviors characteristic of white
supremacy directed toward peoples of African descent. Wright differentiates between the
psychological functioning of the neurotic, psychotic, and the psychopathic based on the
definition provided by the World Health Organization’s (WHO) International
Classification of Mental Diseases. To rationalize his use of Eurocentric theory, Wright
states WHO’s argument that theories are functionally relevant, “if they (theories) have
concrete reality, i.e. they can be retained if they are useful in understanding and treating
disease” (p. 5). According to the WHO’s classification, Wright posits that the neurotic “is
a person who suffers a great deal over problems that are handled fairly routinely by a well
adjusted personality ...they are characterized by an inordinate amount of anxiety”
(Wright, 1984, p. 4). In contrast the psychotic has an understanding of contact with
reality. Thus, she/he has “a very good reality contact” (Kambon, 1998; Wright, 1984).
Finally, the psychotic “has sever malfunctioning and many times has to hospitalized for
long periods of time” (Wright, 1984, p. 4). As if anticipating the basic tenets of Ani’s
(1994) critical analysis of European thought and behavior, Wright identified the basic
concepts of psychopathology in Whites as:

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              The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
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RBG Communiversity Concepts in African-Centered Psychology, Two Pivotal Essays

  • 1. RBG Communiversity Concepts in African-Centered Psychology Theories of African American Personality: Classification, Basic Constructs and Empirical Predictions/Assessment by Kobi K.K. Kambon, Ph.D. Department of Psychology, Florida A & M University & Terra Bowen-Reid, Ph.D. Department of Psychology, Morgan State University Through the Prism of Black Psychology: A Critical Review of Conceptual and Methodological Issues in Africology as Seen Through the Paradigmatic Lens of Black Psychology by DeReef F. Jamison North Carolina A & T State University A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGY Prepared by the APA Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs
  • 2. Theories of African American Personality: Classification, Basic Constructs and Empirical Predictions/Assessment by Kobi K.K. Kambon, Ph.D. Department of Psychology, Florida A & M University & Terra Bowen-Reid, Ph.D. Department of Psychology, Morgan State University Kobi Kambon (kambon@aol.com) is a widely recognized expert in the field of African Psychology emphasizing personality and cultural oppression. He is currently a Professor of Psychology in the Department of Psychology at Florida A & M University, where he also has held the positions of Department Chair & Program Director of the Community Psychology Graduate Program. He has authored over 60 scholarly publications, including some five books and several widely used Black personality and mental health assessment instruments. He is a former National President of The Association of Black Psychologists and holds the Ph.D. in Personality and Social Psychology from the University of Colorado in Boulder. Terra Bowen-Reid (terra.bowenreid@morgan.edu) is an Associate Professor in the Department of Psychology at Morgan State University. Her research interests are in the areas of African American mental health, race-related stress, spirituality and cancer prevention. Dr. Bowen- Reid’s most recent publications have appeared in the Handbook of African American Psychology, Journal of Black Psychology, Journal of Urban Health and the Western Journal of Black Studies. 83 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 3. Abstract: This article represents a brief overview and review of the state of contemporary theories of African American personality. A slight modification of an earlier scheme put forth by Kambon (1992, 1998) provides the organizational framework for the analysis. The scheme comprises three classifications of such theories: Eurocentric Approaches, Transitional Africentric Approaches and Africentric Approaches. The addition of the Transitional Africentric Approach is designed to better capture approaches that represent more or less a hybrid or diffuse version including basic aspects of both the Eurocentric and Africentric approaches, yet reflecting at the same time a slowly but definite movement away from the Eurocentric toward the Africentric approach (“Transitioning”). A more or less composite of the Eurocentric Approach is presented, while the William Cross model of Nigrescence is discussed as representative of the Transitional Africentric Approach. Much of the discussion of the Africentric approach is taken from previous manuscripts by the authors (Kambon, 1998; Kambon & Bowen-Reid, 2009) and emphasizes Kambon’s African Self-Consciousness model as representative. The major thrust of the article emphasizes what are the key-central constructs of the representative models (both core and peripheral), as well as the changes that have occurred in these models over the past quarter of a century or more since their introduction, and the general status of the research that is associated with the main paradigms involved. Finally, we give some limited consideration to some of the seemingly pressing issues in the short-term future outlook for the field. I. Introduction Perhaps no other area of African/Black Psychology has such a legacy of controversy and strident intellectual debate than the area of Theories of African American (AA) personality (Belgrave & Allison, 2006; Cross, 1991; Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006; Thomas & Sillen, 1972; Wilcox, 1971). This has not only been because of the legacy of the notorious contentiousness of the literature on AA intelligence, but also the subsequent literature on AA self-concept/racial identity and self-esteem, as well as the focus on AA motivation (i.e., achievement motivation) and antisocial behaviors such as drug abuse, delinquency, violence and criminality (Belgrave & Allison, 2006; Cross, 1991; Jones, 1972, 1980, 1991, 2004; Kambon, 1992, 1998; Pettigrew, 1964; Wilson, 1993). Each of these areas of the psychological study of AA personality has brought to the table their own set of controversial theoretical models, methodologies, data bases, analyses and conclusions. Through the years and as a result of the accumulation of a relatively large amount of research data and theoretical constructs, a distinct area of study called AA Personality has emerged within the African-centered psychological literature (Baldwin, 1976; Kambon, 1992, 1998) that commands serious consideration in any social policies respectful of cultural diversity that focus on truly improving the lives of all of the population. Thus, the growing body of psychological literature focused on African American personality will be discussed in this article in terms of the following considerations: (1) Classification of Basic Theoretical Paradigms, (2) Core Constructs and Empirical Predictions and Assessments, and (3) Future Directions of this important area of focus in African-Centered Psychology. 84 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 4. II. Classification of Theories of African American Personality: Basic Theoretical Paradigms What then have emerged as the basic theoretical paradigms in this area of study and knowledge? Azibo (1990) has used such classifications as Positivists versus Negativist-Pejorativists to categorize these paradigms, whereas Kambon (1992, 1998) has proposed the categories of Africentric versus Non-Africentric as more appropriate to capture the distinguishing features of these paradigms. Kambon’s (1992, 1998) work has been the primary guide in the development of classification schemes relevant to this area. More similar to Kambon, but incorporating many features from Azibo’s scheme as well, we propose that three distinct approaches or paradigms seem to have emerged and have come to characterize contemporary work in this area. They might best be designated as (1) Eurocentric Models, (2) Transitional Africentric Models, and (3) Africentric Models. This schematic is summarized in Table 1. 85 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 5. Table 1. Contrasting Africentric and Non-Africentric Approaches to African American Personality Theories _____________________________________________________________________________ African Personality Paradigms: Modification of Kobi Kambon’s Schematic PARAMETERS AFRICENTRIC THEORIES NON-AFRICENTRIC THEORIES Worldview/ Cultural Framework African Worldview European Worldview Motivation/Psychic Proactive - Reactive - Energy Positive Energy Negative Energy Assumption Assumption Standard of Strengths, Normality, Weakness, Abnormality, Referent Naturalness/Positive- Defensiveness in adaptiveness of behavior & functioning behavior & functioning Subtypes or Africentric a. Pure Eurocentric Variants (African Worldview emphasis) (European Worldview emphasis) b. Pseudo Africentric (Diffuse/Predominant EWV emphasis) c. Transitional Africentric (movement toward AWV emphasis) Goal/Outcome Africentric Orientation 1) Eurocentric Orientation 2) Transracial/Diffuse: Universalism emphasis 3) Some Pro-Black with Diversity & Universalism emphasis Optimal Fulfilling the African Fulfilling the European Functioning Survival Thrust Survival Thrust ______________________________________________________________________________ Adapted from Kambon, 1998. 86 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 6. A. Eurocentric and Pseudo-Africentric Models Following Kambon’s (1992, 1998) earlier scheme, theories whose racial-ethnic and philosophical orientation is of European/European-American descent and thus asserts the European Worldview (EWV)-cultural reality are classified as “Pure Eurocentric” because of its Caucasian authorship and exclusive emphasis on the EWV as the conceptual framework (i.e., the absence of the African Worldview). And in a related vein, we define the Pseudo-Africentric Models as those theories whose ethnic- philosophical orientation is of AA descent, yet asserts the European Worldview-cultural reality as the conceptual framework of analysis (Kambon, 1992, 1998). In the case of the Pure Eurocentric Approach, it, of course, has represented one of the oldest traditions in Eurocentric social sciences concerned with such theoretical formulations of AA personality (Kambon, 2006). These theories therefore are distinguished philosophically and ideologically from other approaches by their imposition of the European Worldview (being their natural cultural orientation) as the appropriate conceptual framework for explaining AA personality or some important aspects of it. While no independent models in the Eurocentric tradition have ever been proposed as a definitive model of African American personality (Kambon, 1998, 2006; Thomas & Sillen, 1972), a variety of seemingly highly eclectic theoretical perspectives derived from Eurocentric speculations and stereotypes about Blacks drawing from psychological, bio-physiological and medical, sociological and anthropological knowledge bases (Ferguson, 1916; Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951; Pettigrew, 1964), came to represent a kind of general-eclectic paradigm. This paradigm, as articulated by Kambon (1998), posits a generally negative psychological picture forming the AA personality profile. The negative constructs of AA self-hatred, low or exaggeratedly high self-esteem, negative reference group identification, low intelligence and low-achievement motivation, low frustration-stress tolerance (inability to delay gratification) and faulty coping skills, high anger, aggression and hostility, anti-social and criminally bent behaviors, low sense of personal causation/fate-control (high externality), among many others, have all been articulated either separately or in combinations as the core content emphasis of such theories (Dreger & Miller, 1968, 1972; Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006; Pettigrew, 1964; Thomas & Sillen, 1972). The Pseudo-Africentric Models, on the other hand, represent those theories of AA personality developed by AAs and others of African descent (Fanon, 1967) who manifest a seemingly unwitting allegiance to the basic paradigms of Eurocentric Psychology and behavioral science as their basis for interpreting the self-concept, identity and motivation of Black people (Azibo, 1990; Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006). This group has been led in large part by such notables as Kenneth B. Clark (1965), Frantz Fanon (1967), Alvin Poussaint (1972), James Comer (Comer & Poussaint, 1982, 1995),William Cross’ (1971, 1991) earlier works on Black racial identity, Janet Helms (1985), and a host of others (Azibo, 1990; Kambon, 1998, 2006). This paradigm, as articulated by Kambon (1992, 1998), also posits a generally negative cultural- psychological picture of the AA personality profile. 87 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 7. For example, they fail by and large to address African cultural reality as a positive presence (protective factor) in the psychology of AAs. Rather, they accept the monolithic cultural paradigm of Eurocentric psychology and thus see AA personality as driven by the same Eurocentric motivational forces as White Americans, such as achievement driven, individualism, materialism and power-dominance driven, assertiveness-aggression as optimal motivation, along with an emphasis on differences, competitiveness, violence, victory-driven, conflict, strife, anxiety avoidance, shame and guilt all as critical psychological elements in normal personality operation (Azibo, 1990; Kambon, 1992, 1998). As a result, such theories assert great emphasis on attempting to explain negative constructs of African American personality like self-hatred, low or exaggeratedly high self-esteem, negative reference group identification, low intelligence performance and low-achievement motivation, low frustration-stress tolerance (inability to delay gratification) and faulty coping skills, high anger, aggression and hostility, anti-social and criminally bent behaviors, low sense of personal causation/fate-control (high externality), etc. (Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2006). 1. Common Theoretical Components of Eurocentric and Pseudo-Africentric Models Some of the major emphasis and key constructs articulated in this approach are the following: Core Elements/Factors/Psychological Infrastructure (Structural and Motivation-Functional Emphasis): Chief among the Core factors emphasized in the Eurocentric models are Negative racial identity (Negative Personal and Reference Group -racial/ethnic- identity) - Black self- hatred, Envy of Whites/White Preference, low self-esteem and/or exaggerated (compensatory) high self-esteem, and a host of other anti-Black values and beliefs, and pathology-leaning psychological and emotional traits. Peripheral Elements/Factors (Attitudinal and behavior patterns resulting from response to oppression or European American cultural reality forces): The Peripheral factors, or those behavioral factors presumably generated by or emanating from the Core factors, represent a composite theme of “Anti-Black” attitudes and behaviors among other dysfunctional- maladaptive, anti-social and ineffective behaviors. Psychological Dynamics: The primary motivational emphasis associated with these theories stress psychodynamics reflecting a psychological dissonance over negative racial identity/status (negative social status) in American society. It emphasizes tension reduction/being driven toward achieving emotional-psychological comfort with self-identity (personal identity) by rejecting Black racial-cultural identity (reference group) and by identifying with/adopting White Identity, or at least a Non-Racial/Universal – Human Identity, as normal-natural African American identity/personality (Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951; Penn, Gaines & Phillips, 1993; Thomas & Sillen, 1972). 88 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 8. Developmental Issues: The primary developmental emphasis of these models has focused on psychologically transitioning from an Anti-Black to Non-Black – racially neutral or Universal - Human identity. Other constructs like Individualism/Individual Human Identity (achieving an Individual identity independent of race and culture) have been emphasized and are generally thrust toward the need to transcend racial identity to achieve an optimal individual-personal human identity within the framework of European/European American cultural reality. Outcome Emphasis: Optimal African American personality development and functioning, according to these models, is viewed as synonymous to achieving a personal identity indistinguishable from normative (if not “optimal”) European/European American personality. The individual level adaptation/internalization of a European American racial-cultural identity- self-concept, as opposed to a Black/African-centered racial-cultural identity/self-concept, etc., is emphasized as the desired outcome-expression of normal African American personality development (Kambon, 1992, 1998). Empirical Predictions and Assessment Based on Pure Eurocentric Models: As has been noted elsewhere (Kambon, 1998), these theories have virtually made a living off of the infamous “Black self-hatred” research model known rather generally as the racial preference and various racial comparative research literature spanning the mid-1930s through 1970s (Kambon, 1998, 2006). In general, the Eurocentric approach and its various constructs have predicted a myriad of behavioral anomalies and negative mental health outcomes among AAs, many of which were alluded to earlier. This list encompasses such notorious findings as identity confusion and negative personal and reference group identities, negative racial group perception and stereotyping among AAs; also lower self-esteem and negative self-concept among AAs compared to Caucasian Americans, both children and adults, lower intelligence/mental capacity/capabilities compared to Caucasians, white skin preference expressed in a variety of ways, lower achievement aspirations and less competitiveness than Whites, more criminally-prone (higher arrest and incarceration rates) than Whites, lower high school graduation rates, lower college enrollment and graduation rates and higher unemployment rates than Whites, higher truancy and school drop-out rates, delinquency, teenage parenting, and so on and so forth (Farley, 2002). Of course a proliferation of culturally biased research instruments and questionable methodologies have been developed and utilized in this overall effort, and a notorious collection of contestable findings, including those listed, have been presented (Kambon, 1998). 89 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 9. B. Pseudo-Africentric and Transitional Models The second group of theories, the Transitional Models, are to a large extent a derivation of the “Pseudo-Africentric or Diffuse approaches.” As noted, they represent those theories under African/AA authorship that superimpose the European worldview as the conceptual framework, even though they focus on explaining AA personality or some important aspects of it. These theories have represented the oldest tradition among Black psychological and social science theorists in the general field of Black or Africana Studies, from the early works of Martin Delany (1856), W. E. B. DuBois (1902) and others of their era, to the more contemporary psychological works of Herman G. Canady in his 1946 manuscript entitled “The Psychology of the Negro” (Guthrie, 1998) and Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks (1965), and the current studies of William Cross, Jr. (1991, 1995) and his associates (Cross, Parham & Helms, 1998; Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Vandiver, Cross, Worrell & Fhagen-Smith, 2002). Azibo (1990) has observed that while some of these theories emphasize a predominance of negative traits as the basis of portraying, characterizing and explaining normal and natural AA personality, others emphasize more positive and perhaps more surface-transient psychological traits/states, dispositions and behavioral patterns all defined within the European-American cultural context of experience. These models pay little or no attention to the role/forces of traditional African cultural reality and philosophy (values, beliefs, behavioral norms, etc.) in driving AA cultural reality in the contemporary psychosocial dynamics of AA personality (Kambon, 1992, 1998). Rather, they emphasize coping with and adapting to the European-American cultural reality as the sole determinant of core AA personality functioning in terms of racial identity and perhaps an African American personal-social identity void of any substantive African “cultural” infrastructure- underpinnings. Their motivational emphasis is therefore focused on “reactivity” to the forces of European American socio-cultural reality and the coping and assimilation demands it places on African American’s adaptive responses. Although this area of theory in relatively recent times has been dominated mainly by William Cross’ (1971, 1991, 1995) ideas about AA personality, other theorists like Charles Thomas (1971), and Ivory Toldson and Alfred Pastuer (1976; Pastuer & Toldson, 1982), among others (Myers, 1993; Myers, et al., 1991; Myers, et al., 1996; Sellers et al., 1997) have also contributed to the general Transitional paradigm. While some of these approaches do recognize and give some limited emphasis to traditional African philosophy and culture in contemporary AA personality, at least as a conceptual starting point (Myers, 1985, 1993; Pastuer and Toldson, 1982; White & Parham, 1990), they nevertheless emphasize reaction and adaptation to an European American cultural reality, or, in some instances, adopting a more multi-cultural and universalistic philosophy (in interpreting Traditional African philosophy) as forming the basic psychological core of AA personality dynamics and functioning. 90 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 10. In general, these theories in many respects seem to place a predominate emphasis on the DuBois (1902) theme of “Bi-culturalism,” in the sense of racial and social status conflicts among Black individuals, and perhaps Fanon’s (1967) complex theme of Existential Universalism (Bulhan, 1985; Kambon, 1998), rather than on African cultural infrastructure as forming the psychological core of AA personality (Kambon, 1992). 1. Common Theoretical Components Among the major emphasis and key constructs articulated in this approach are the following: Core Elements/Factors/Psychological Infrastructure: Racial/Ethnic Identity at both the Personal identity and Reference Group identity levels (i.e., positive or negative Personal identity versus positive or negative Reference Group/Racial identity) seems to represent the core emphasis in these theories. The idea of multiple identities encompassing individual uniqueness void of race or social emphasis, racial identity with all of the usual racial content emphasis, as well as other social identities then are seen as forming the core factors of AA personality (Sellers et al., 1997). Peripheral Elements/Factors: The Peripheral factors emphasized in these models represent those behavior patterns resulting from the “Response to Oppression” or European American cultural reality/forces, most of which are negative, maladaptive, or are Eurocentric culturally slanted (representing assimilationist and bi-cultural identities). Dynamics/Functional Aspects: The primary motivational emphasis associated with these theories represents a kind of psychological dissonance over racial identity conflicts (negative social status in American society). It emphasizes tension reduction-driven functioning focused on achieving emotional/psychological comfort between personal/self-identity as Bi- cultural/Multi-cultural and Reference Group identity. Developmental Issues: The primary developmental emphasis of this approach has focused on a normal progression of psychological transitioning from anti-Black to pro-Black to Multi-cultural Identity, or a broadly applied “Human Identity,” or an all-inclusive “Universal Cultural/Human Identity.” Outcome Emphasis: Optimal AA personality development and functioning is generally viewed in its final form to represent a race neutral or transracial/transethnic/transcultural human identity (or a “universal human identity”), often comprising a mixture of individualism with strong existential aspects, along with a strong achievement orientation and a “healthy” altruistic emphasis in one’s behavior, suggesting the ultimate achievement of self-acceptance/self- satisfaction or psychological comfort with oneself as a human being in a community of other human/universal beings. 91 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 11. 2. William Cross’ Theory of Nigrescence As noted, the most well-known and fully developed of the various models comprising this group is the theory of “Nigrescence” proposed by William E. Cross, Jr., and his associates (Cross, 1989, 1991, 1995; Cross, Strauss and Fhaghan-Smith, 1999; Cross & Valdiver, 2001; Helms, 1989; Parham, 1989). Succinctly, in its original formulation, Cross’ theory (Cross, 1971, 1989) proposes that AA personality is a dynamic psychological/cognitive-emotional process of systematic stages and/or phases consisting of some five presumably distinct cognitive-emotional (attitudinal) states in transition from an Anti-Blackness and Pro-White orientation to a conscious multi-cultural/pro-diversity/”transracial”/inclusively humanistic orientation at its mature-optimal level of expression. The five stages are identified as (1) Pre-Encounter Stage (Anti- Blackness/Pro-Whiteness orientation), (2) Encounter Stage (a purely transitioning process moving away from the Pre-Encounter state provoked by contradicting experience), (3) Immersion-Emersion Stage (immersing into a pro-Blackness/anti-Whiteness orientation followed by contradicting experiences provoking an emersion to a more balanced pro-Blackness/pro- Whiteness orientation), and (4) Internalization Stage (reflecting a post-race nationalism or racially transcendent orientation - an appreciation of diversity/multi-culturalism and Global- Third World sensitivity. A fifth stage is possible by transforming the new psychological orientation of Stage 4 into social action on behalf of all people, regardless of race. Stage 4 is the more common level reached by most people who successfully negotiate the Nigrescence process, and thus represents optimal Black personality for the average AA (Cross, 1971, 1978, 1991, 1995). It is noteworthy that Cross’ basic model has enjoyed wide appeal for almost two decades before any meaningful attempts at modification were put forth. Its broad appeal was no doubt derived in part from it being widely viewed as best capturing the psycho-social dynamics of the African American racial consciousness movement from the pre-1960s Jim Crow era - through the 1960s “Black Power” movement, to the post-60s Racial Integration era (Kambon, 1998). A part of its strong appeal also no doubt derived from it representing for almost a decade the only fairly well developed model with at least what appeared to be some positive features about Blacks that had been put forth by an African American psychological theorist along with its direct appeal to the popular conception of Black identity formation (as a “Bi-cultural” phenomenon). 92 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 12. Revisions and Extensions of Cross’ Model During the mid 1980s, Thomas Parham (1985, 1989) and Janice Helms (1989) proposed expansions of the basic model. Parham emphasized the recycling of Nigrescence throughout the individual lifecycle from around mid-adolescence (Cross et al., 1999). Helms, on the other hand, emphasized the important motivational role of social interaction forces (Interactive Themes) characterizing different periods of life undergirding Nigrescence, such as Cognitive Dissonance- Consistency motivation and Transitional Cognitive States, as significant additions in articulating (interpreting-explaining) the Nigrescence process. Parham and Helms (1981, 1985) also developed the RIAS-B as one of the earliest instruments designed to empirically assess the Nigrescence Model (Burlew & Smith, 1991). Although this instrument has received mixed success as a valid and reliable assessment of the model, it also has seemed to raise more questions about the theoretical clarity and logical consistency within the original model (Akbar, 1989; Cross, 1991; Kambon, 1998; Kambon & Hopkins, 1993; Nobles, 1989) as it did in demonstrating the predictive efficacy of the Nigrescence paradigm. In his subsequent revisions of the model, Cross (1991, 1995) emphasized the importance of drawing a clear distinction between Personal Identity (PI) and Racial Group Orientation (RGO) in relation to the Black Self-Concept within the framework of the Nigresence Model. PI refers to an individual’s sense of personal uniqueness, whereas RGO refers to one’s attitude and values associated with her/his social group affiliation and preference. A person can have many RGOs, such as race, gender, religion, etc. Thus, Cross argues that one’s RGO has little to no relationship to their PI because their PI does not have to take RGO into consideration whatsoever. Cross also dropped the Fifth stage (Internalization Commitment Stage) in the revised Nigrescence Model (Cross, 1991, 1995; Cross & Vandiver, 2001). More recent revisions of the model have resulted from the development of the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) and the extensive and rigorous psychometric analysis it has undergone (Cross & Vandiver, 2001), led primarily by his chief collaborator Beverly Vandiver (2001). Their work has resulted in further revisions in the Nigrescence paradigm, mainly in terms of a revamping of the stages as “states/traits of AA personality” – racial/ethnic identity- consciousness. The Pre-Encounter Stage has been revamped into three distinct states; the Emersion Stage remains relatively unchanged as a transitional process; the Immersion-Emersion stage expanded into two distinct (yet related) states; and the Internalization Stage has been revised into three distinct states, making a total of nine states/traits of Nigresence (Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Vandiver et al., 2002). The revised states/traits are as follows: 93 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 13. Cross’ Revised Nigrescence Model 1) Pre-Encounter (PE) States/Traits 1a. PE Assimilation State – Emphasis on pursuit of American-cultural identity 1b. PE Miseducation State – Emphasis on internalization of Eurocentric stereotypes about Blacks (RGO) 1c. PE Self-Hatred State – Internalized White supremacy or Anti-Blackness at personal level (PI) 2) The Encounter Stage The process of reexamining one’s RGO – It is not a State/Trait (Attitude) as are the others. 3) Immersion-Emersion (IE) States/Traits 3a. IE Anti-White State – (Intense anti-Whiteness/anti-White hostility) 3b. IE Black Nationalism State - (Intense Black Involvement) 4) Internalization (I) States/Traits 4a. I-Afrocentrism (Black Self-Determination emphasis, more other-exclusive) 4b. I-Multicultural Inclusive (Humanistic-Universalist/totally inclusive - give equal emphasis to others) 4c. I-Multicultural Racial (Black Core Emphasis but diversity inclusive - (Bi-culturalist)) All have in common the “pro-Black” element, according to Cross et al., but shift in terms of other racial-ethnic exclusiveness-inclusiveness. As shown, while the revised model consists of all of the states from the original, they have all been recast, except for the Encounter Stage, as more or less distinct Psychological Orientations/states or traits (as opposed to stages) of Black personality/Identity. Even with these additions, however, the basic core of the theory remains unchanged (Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Kambon, 1998; Vandiver et al., 2002). This observation notwithstanding, it is noteworthy nevertheless to recognize that philosophically, the revised model allows for the existence of a “Pro-Black” (Black self- affirming/ self-determining) psychological orientation (i.e., the Afrocentrism State/Trait) as an optimal Black mentally healthy state without the involvement of a Non-Black emphasis, and thus as sufficient for healthy psychological functioning or Black identity expression (Akbar, 1989; Kambon & Hopkins, 1993). This aspect alone seems to shift (or rehabilitate) the Nigrescence model in our view from a strict “Pseudo-Africentric” approach, as it was initially classified, (Kambon, 1992, 1998), to perhaps a more “Transitional Africentric” emphasis. 94 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 14. While the model still does not in the strictest sense address the worldview or cultural reality differences factor, which no doubt limits its Africentric value (Akbar, 1989; Kambon, 1998; Nobles, 1989), this apparent philosophical shift seems to open up the conceptual possibility of an alternative reality referent for valuating AA psychological functioning and behavior to that of the dominant/mainstream Eurocentric American reality (Kambon, 1998, 2004, 2006). Empirical Predictions and Assessment Based on Cross’ Model: It has been in the area of empirical assessment of the predictions of Cross’ Nigrescence model that it has undergone most of its contemporary activity driving the more recent revisions - expansions. Heuristically speaking, the core predictions emanating from Cross’ model suggest that contemporary AAs can be found to differ individually in their psychological states/orientations related to racial-identity/consciousness along the 8-9 dimensions/states or traits of the Nigrescence process, and certain racially-focused behaviors should be predictable from (correlated with) them. Led by the extensive psychometric work of Vandiver (2001) in particular, recent findings have prompted many of the latest revisions and expansions of Cross’ model. Most of this research has been associated with the development and testing of the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) that was developed by Cross, Vandiver and colleagues (Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Vandiver et al., 2002). The main findings to date have been that: (1) The CRIS has been shown to constitute a multifactored assessment instrument; (2) it has good reliability and construct validity (convergent, divergent and discriminant validity) for the most part, and its findings to date, at least for 6 of the 8-9 Nigrescence traits, appear to be theoretically consistent. There does, however, appear to be some conceptual and empirical issues related to the formulation of the Immersion-Emersion, Intense Black Involvement (Black Nationalism) and Internalization Multicultural Racial orientation subscales of the CRIS (Vandiver, Cross, Worrell & Fhagen-Smith, 2002). This research is ongoing, and appears to be looking at the broader application of the paradigm to contemporary African American psychological functioning and behaviors (Holler, 2005; Vandiver et al., 2002). C. Africentric Models The last group of theories, called the Africentric Models, represent those theories under African/AA authorship, that utilize the African worldview as the conceptual framework for portraying, characterizing and explaining AA personality or some important aspects of it. They utilize traditional African philosophical-cultural values, beliefs and behavioral norms for formulating/constructing the psychological traits, dispositions and behavioral patterns that are used to represent normal and natural AA personality as distinguished from maladaptive, abnormal and dysfunctional AA personality (Kambon, 1998; Kambon & Bowen-Reid, 2009). 95 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 15. These theories represent the most recent-contemporary approach, even though the basic ideas are quite old in the thinking of African-descent scholars, both in Africa as well as throughout the Diaspora (Akbar, 2004; Bynum, 1999; Kambon, 1992, 1998; Nobles, 2006; Oshodi, 2004). While Wade Nobles’ (2006) early and seminal work on the continuing influence of traditional African philosophy and cultural reality in the behavior and basic functioning of Africans throughout the Diaspora had some influence on the development of Africentric theories of AA personality (Kambon, 1998), paradigms constructed by Na’im Akbar (1975, 1976, 1979, 2004), Robert Williams (1981), and Kobi Kambon (1992,1998, 2003, 2006) in particular represent the more fully developed models to emerge in this literature. These models, while both similar and different in some important respects, seem to combine a structural, dynamic and functional emphasis framed on the African cultural reality within the American socio-cultural context. Some of their overlapping emphases are as follows: (a) emphasis on traditional African culture in terms of values, beliefs and behavioral practices that have persisted in the AA psychological makeup forming the psychological infrastructure core of normal-natural AA personality; (b) emphasis on the structure, organization and dynamics of the core in thrusting AA behavior and functioning toward collective/cultural-affirming outcomes; (c) emphasis on the psychosocial nature, dynamics and outcome of the interaction between this normal-natural African-centered thrust or striving and the European American cultural reality in which the historic and contemporary AA personality finds itself. These theories then clearly make a positive and proactive assumption about the basic energy driving the African/AA personality system in its interaction (conflict, adaptations to, and coping) with the imposing, ever-present and hostile European American cultural reality (Kambon, 1998, 2003; Kambon & Bowen-Reid, 2009). 1. Common Theoretical Components Core Elements/Factors/Psychological Infrastructure: In these theories, Racial-Cultural Identity (Personal and Reference Group Racial-Cultural Identity) is viewed as serving the core function of Racial-Cultural self-affirmation. Peripheral Elements/Factors: The Peripheral factors that are emphasized in these theories focus on the Cultural Behavior/response patterns, individually and collectively, that operate in adapting to one’s environment as reflecting normal-natural AA Personality Traits – i.e., the Basic Traits of AA personality. Aberrations/Abnormality/Maladaptation in the basic traits modified by oppression (i.e., European American cultural reality) forces are also articulated at this level of the Africentric theories. 96 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 16. Dynamics/Functional Aspects: The psycho-dynamic aspects of AA personality in Africentric theories emphasize in one way or another the Natural (inherent) Racial-Cultural Self- Actualization/Affirmation/Empowerment striving (i.e., the proactive thrust or striving) inherent in normal/healthy AA personality functioning. Developmental Issues: Where psychological development is concerned, Africentric theories seem to emphasize the critical importance of ongoing psychological (inclusive of spirituality) growth/development/transformations toward a mature and fuller expression of Africanity throughout the lifecycle of the individual. The vital role and function of African-centered socialization occurring in African-centered institutions and the specific socio-cultural infrastructure of African-centered societal-cultural institutions are emphasized as essential to the normal-natural developmental process of AA personality. Thus, there is a general emphasis in these theories on the processes involved in transitioning (cognitive and behavioral transitioning) from lower/weaker to higher/stronger levels (and expressions) of Conscious Africanity over systematic stages or transitioning phases of development covering the entire life cycle. Outcome Emphasis: Optimal AA personality development and functioning in the African- Centered theories emphasizes a congruent pattern of Africentric psychological dispositions (i.e., a core nexus of pro-Black/African values, beliefs and attitudes) and behaviors reflecting the normal-natural African Survival Thrust of the AA personality system. 2. Kobi K. K. Kambon’s Theory as Representative Although the works of Na’im Akbar (1975, 1976, 1979; 2004) and Robert Williams (1981; Kambon, 2006) have made significant statements of their own in these areas, the most widely known and fully developed model representing this approach is that of Kobi Kambon (1992, 2003, 2006). Succinctly, Kambon’s model emphasizes two key heuristic constructs in articulating the structure, dynamics, and behavioral outcomes related to a cultural-centered understanding of AA psycho-logical functioning and behavior: African Self-Consciousness (ASC) and Cultural Misorientation (CM). According to the model, African personality consists of a core system called the African Self-Extension Orientation (ASEO) and African Self- Consciousness (ASC), and a number of basic traits emanating from the core. ASEO is the foundation of the Black personality. It is the organizing principle and energy source of the entire system. It is innate (biogenetically based), unconscious, and operationally defined by the construct of "Spirituality" - a dynamic communal energy which allows the Self to merge (extend) into the totality of phenomenal experience. It is also immutable (unchanging in its thrust) and deeply rooted in the African psychical system. The ASEO manifests in terms of a set of basic psychological and behavioral traits, or “Africanisms,” expressive of the African spirituality dynamic (Kambon, 1992). ASC derives from the ASEO and, except for its conscious nature and ideological content/thrust, is essentially an "undifferentiated process" from the ASEO under normal-natural conditions. 97 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 17. That is, a part of the ASEO differentiates into a conscious structure called ASC through developmental progression under normal-natural conditions. ASC is therefore partly biogenetic, but because consciousness evolves in large part through experience, it is also partly environmental-experientially based as well. ASC directs and guides the personality system toward Africentric goals and objectives; that is, it directs/focuses the “African Survival Thrust” inherent in the ASEO. Thus, the ASEO defines and energizes the African personality system, while ASC cognitively directs or focuses the system toward the fulfillment and maintenance of African survival, affirmation-empowerment (Kambon, 1992). The ASC Model The ASC core is defined operationally by four basic components or competencies (cognitive-attitudinal and behavioral competencies). They are as follows: a. Awareness-recognition of one's collective African identity. b. Priority value placed on African survival, racial-cultural self-knowledge and positive development. c. Participation in African cultural institutions and their perpetuation. d. Practice of resolute resistance against all “anti-African" forces. Combined, these competencies define the self-affirming, self-determining and self-fortification thrust of the AA personality’s basic striving for collective self-empowerment. We can see then that given the ASC’s core more basic dependence on experiential development (environmental forces), it is susceptible to change/modification under certain socio- cultural conditions. Thus, the directional thrust and strength of ASC can vary radically from its natural tendency under certain unnatural-abnormal experiential conditions. For example, variability in the actual strength of the manifestation of ASC (in terms of intensity and pervasiveness or dominance) is explained in terms of experiential variability among individual Blacks (different racial-cultural psycho-histories, and especially concentrated, long-term developmental Eurocentric experiences). The strength of ASC then depends on the extent to which early socialization experiences and/or significant institutional processes actively nurture and reinforce it (Kambon, 1992, 2003). In a heterogeneous racial-cultural context where African-centered forces are not dominant (i.e., where an "alien/European worldview" dominates the socio-cultural reality of AAs), the natural socialization processes undergirding ASC may be weakened and distorted (Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2003). 98 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 18. On the other hand, a strengthening-reinforcing effect would be expected in a homogeneous (natural) racial-cultural context where African-centered socio-cultural forces are more dominant (Kambon, 1992). Of course, a variety of psychological modifications and/or indoctrinating circumstances of an institutional nature may also interact with and, in some cases, override ambiguous individual socialization conditions where racial-cultural identity can be blurred or de- emphasized, such as in a racially integrated social context where a mixture of some African- centered and some European-centered socialization experiences occur (Kambon, 2003). Hence, ASC can function at different intensities/levels (from Weak to Strong ASC), depending on the dominant socio-cultural, institutional experiences characterizing the developmental context of a young AA personality. Moderate-to-Strong ASC thus represents movement toward the optimal pole of the African mental health continuum more so than does the condition of Weak ASC, and particularly Severely Weak ASC (Kambon, 1992, 2003). Hence, there are many circumstances that can interfere with or distort normal Black personality functioning in terms of the strength of ASC. These circumstances, where they do occur, are usually socio-cultural in nature and typically involve the operation of institutionalized anti-African forces, as in cultural oppression (Kambon, 1998, 2003, 2006). In the unnatural socio-culturally oppressive context of American society, where ASC is superimposed upon by an alien and anti-African reality structure, it (ASC) is subject to severe weakening, modification or distortion from the overriding influence of the alien/anti-African European worldview (Kambon, 2002, 2003, 2006). The CM Model Kambon’s model further proposes that the severe weakening of ASC constitutes (in many instances) the onset of a basic disorder in the AA personality that is called Cultural Misorientation/CM (Kambon, 2003). The CM model thus proposes that chronic and severely weaken ASC can under some circumstances bring about a shift in the core psychological orientation of AA personality, prompting a process of transitioning (in content) from degraded African worldview content to the adopting/internalization of European worldview content. In such an instance, severely degraded ASC qualities (such as a weak African worldview identification) are no longer adequate, appropriate and applicable to describe and explain the psychodynamic condition of the AA personality. The psychological parameters of CM thus become necessary as the more appropriate interpretative framework under these circumstances for describing and explaining the transformation in the AA personality. Hence, the occurrence of chronic-severely weakened ASC represents the psychological crossroads whereby the AA personality undergoes its paradoxical transition from an African-centered to a European-centered survival thrust or cultural reality framework in its core conscious level functioning (or from an ASC to a CM psychodynamic). The model thus proposes that only under the severely weakened ASC condition do the psychological preconditions come about for the transitioning from ASC dominance to CM dominance to occur. 99 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 19. Kambon therefore defines Cultural Misorientation (CM) as a psychological orientation in AAs resulting from European cultural oppression reflecting a European Survival Thrust, reflecting the basic components or content dimensions of a materialistic, individualistic, alien and anti-self, self-destructive and racial integration emphasis in one’s thoughts, attitudes and behaviors (Kambon, 2003, pp. 72-73). These six components of CM are described as follows: Materialism Orientation: reflects a physical-material objectification emphasis in life (emphasis on physical characteristics, clothes, money, things, etc). Individualism Orientation: reflects an I/Me emphasis in life. Alien-Self Orientation: reflects a general Eurocentric values emphasis in one’s self-concept and general approach to life. Anti-Self Orientation: reflects the Alien-Self emphasis along with negativity and hostility toward Blackness/Africanity. Self-Destructive Orientation: reflects an emphasis on self-group injurious and anti-social and/or criminal thoughts and behaviors. Integration Orientation: reflects a dominant emphasis on the inclusion/involvement of non- Blacks (namely Whites) in one’s life. CM, according to Kambon (2003), thus represents a Eurocentric - “Anti-African” self- consciousness among AAs which the European American societal-worldview context (i.e., American cultural institutions) allows to masquerade as a normal-natural (mentally healthy) and functionally effective psychological-cultural orientation among AAs as a consequence of institutional reinforcement (i.e. socialization, assimilation and societal indoctrination processes). In other words, CM content is consistent with, and thereby supported and reinforced by European American culture itself (Kambon, 1998, 2003). The CM Model further proposes some three levels of intensity –severity - that can range from a minimal degree of the disorder to a moderate degree, to a severe degree of the disorder. Minimal CM represents the weakest level of identification with or internalization of the European Worldview of the three levels, while Moderate CM represents a much stronger Eurocentric consciousness than the minimal CM level, but less than the severe CM level, and Severe CM reflects the strongest and most pervasive European self-consciousness, i.e., an overwhelming predominance of internalized Eurocentric/anti-African cultural values, beliefs, attitudes and behaviors, of the three levels (Kambon, 2003). 100 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 20. As indicated earlier, within the psychosocial context of cultural oppression, the acquisition of CM can follow a developmental pattern similar to ASC, only emphasizing the opposite cultural (Eurocentric over Africentric) content. Thus, depending on the levels of Eurocentric emphasis/exposure, the resulting CM condition can reflect from minimal to severe CM levels (Kambon, 2003). The ASC and CM Prediction Models Kambon’s (1992, 2003) models also propose a systematic set of propositions related to both ASC and CM. The focus of these propositions, where ASC is concerned, emphasize psychological correlates of ASC that involve general psychological dispositions (self-esteem, personal causation, achievement motivation, etc.), behavioral predictions of ASC that involve self- affirming (pro-Black) behaviors and opposition to anti-African/anti-Black forces, as well as background predictors of ASC indicative of Africentric socialization experiences (Kambon, 1992). On the other hand, the opposite predictions, for the most part, emanate from the CM Construct. In this case, the focus of the propositions suggest that positive relationships would be expected to occur between CM and such psychological functions and behaviors as poor or sub- optimal mental health states like low self-esteem, apathy, low motivation, high anxiety, low stress tolerance, problems in anger control, etc., and such Eurocentric measures of psychological disorder/mental illness like depression, psychosomatic disorders, schizophrenia and psychopathic states, paranoia, etc. (Kambon, 2003; Kambon and Rackley, 2005). Some Eurocentric measures of psychological health/positive-optimal mental health within the European worldview context would also be expected to correlate positively with CM, such as an internal locus of control orientation, high need for achievement, competitiveness and aggressiveness. Positive correlations may also be expected between CM and other African-centered measures of personality disorders or poor AA mental health (Kambon, 1998, 2003), such as anti-Black attitudes and behaviors, pro-White attitudes and behaviors, and measures of racial neutrality or a so-called humanistic orientation. At the same time, however, negative relationships would be expected to occur between CM and such psychological functions and behaviors as African-centered measures of healthy/optimal personality such as ASC and an African worldview orientation and pro-Black attitudes and behaviors (Kambon, 2003; Kambon and Rackley, 2005). Accordingly, a psychologically healthy AA, as noted earlier, manifests conscious functioning and behavior reflective of the affirmation and perpetuation of an African/AA Survival Thrust (Kambon, 1992, 1998). Again, African Self-Consciousness is reflective of healthy AA personality in Kambon’s model while Cultural Misorientation is reflective of unhealthy AA personality or personality disorder (Kambon, 1992, 2003). Hence, the ASC and CM constructs represent those aspects of the AA personality system that have good heuristic value, and thus assessed through systematic empirical examination (Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2003). The assessment of ASC and CM is therefore critical, according to Kambon (1992, 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005), to a substantive and comprehensive evaluation of contemporary AA behavior and mental health. 101 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 21. In order to assess the ASC and CM Constructs, the African Self-Consciousness Scale (ASCS) and the Cultural Misorientation Scale (CMS), respectively, were developed by Kambon and his associates (see Kambon, 1992, 1996, 2003, 2005). The ASCS and CMS have been utilized in various research studies involving variables such as personal causation (Kambon, 1992), psychological well-being (Pierre and Mahalik, 2005), health promoting behaviors (Thompson and Chambers, 2000), anti-Black behavior (Kambon, 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005), career decision making (McCowan and Alston, 1998), and male-female relationships (Bell, Bouie and Baldwin, 1990), among others (Kambon, 1992, 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005, in press). Empirical Assessment Based on Kambon’s Model Empirical research has been conducted on Kambon’s model utilizing the ASCS since the early 1980s (Kambon, 1992, 1998). From these findings: 1) the ASCS has been shown to be a valid and reliable multi-factored measure of the ASC Construct; 2) its four empirical factors are consistent with its four conceptual factors; ASCS-F1: Sense of Collective African Identity and Self-Fortification, ASCS-F2: Resistance/Defense against anti-African Forces, ASCS-F3: Value for Africentric Institutions and Cultural Expressions, and ASCS-F4: Value for African Culture; 3) it has been shown to be a reliable predictor of both general psychological health factors (self- esteem, sense of personal causation, etc.) and African-centered psychological health factors and behavior (pro-Black functioning) across diverse demographics of African-descent populations; and 4) it has also been shown to be associated with certain background profiles, as well as demonstrate some effective use in the assessment of clinical interventions with both individuals and groups of adult AAs (Kambon, 1992, 1998, 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005, in progress). The CMS, on the other hand, has enjoyed a much shorter period of research activity given its briefer history (Kambon, 1997; 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005). Since its development in the mid-1990s (Kambon, 1997), the CMS has been shown to represent a valid and reliable multi-factored measure of the CM Construct (Kambon, 2003; Kambon & Rackley, 2005; Kwate, 2001) across diverse African-descent demographic profiles. It has also been shown to be a reliable predictor of general maladaptive and psychologically disordered functioning (depression, anti-social drug use, violence), as well as more cultural specific based maladaptive behaviors, such as N-word usage, light skin preference, preference for anti-Black rap music, etc., among young adult African-Americans in diverse social settings. This research is also ongoing and shows great promise toward bringing more clarity to the psychological analysis of AA behavior and mental health. 102 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 22. Conclusions In concluding this brief review, several key questions beg for consideration in projecting the future status of this vital area of psychological theory and research. What future issues and concerns will we be confronted as this area of focus continues to unfold and expand its conceptual and contextual boundaries? One apparent critical issue appears to be the need for our models to accommodate more of the variety of developmental and socialization circumstances that the contemporary AA personality might experience (e.g., predominantly Black versus predominantly White or racially-culturally integrated, or Africentric versus Eurocentric worldview dominated socialization, or bi-racialism, etc.). There seems to be a continual need to call for a greater emphasis on the role of cultural reality forces in forming the conceptual framework and content of our theories, and the importance of including in some systematic ways the widest possible diversity in the sample populations that we study in our investigations. We also welcome the addition of more creative and innovative methodologies and instrumentation in our investigations, as well as encourage the development of both molar (Kambon, 1992, 2003) and molecular (Sellers et al., 1997) models in these explorations of the AA personality. References Akbar, N. (2004). Akbar’s Readings in African Psychology. Tallahassee, FL: Mind Productions. Akbar, N. (1989). Nigrescence and identity: Some limitations. The Counseling Psychologist, 17(2), 258-263. Akbar, N. (1979). African roots of Black personality. In W. D. Smith et al. (Eds.). Reflections on Black Psychology. Washington, DC: University Press of America. Akbar, N. (1976). Rhythmic patterns in Black personality. In L. M. King et al. (Eds.), African Philosophy: Assumptions and Paradigms for Research on Black Persons. Los Angeles: Fanon R & D Center. Akbar, N. (1975). The rhythm of Black personality. Southern Exposure, 3, 14-19. Azibo, D. A. (1990). Advances in Black personality theories. Imhotep: An Afrocentric Review, 2(1), 22-46. 103 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
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  • 27. Penn, M. L., Gaines, S. O. & Phillips, L. (1993). On the desirability of own-group preference. Journal of Black Psychology, 19(3), 303-321. Pettigrew, T. F. (1964). A Profile of the Negro American. Princeton, NJ: D.Van Nostrand Reinhold Pubs. Pierre, M. & Mahalik, J. (2005). Examining African self-consciousness and Black racial identity as predictors of Black men’s psychological well-being. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 11(1), 28-40. Sellers, R. M., Rowley, S. A., Chavous, T. M., Shelton, J. N. & Smith, M. (1997). Multidimen- sional Inventory of Black Identity: Preliminary investigation of reliability and construct validity. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 73, 805-815. Thomas, A. & Sillen, S. (1972). Racism and Psychiatry. Secaucus, NJ: The Citadel Press. Thomas, C. (Ed.), (1971). Boys No More: A Black Psychologist’s View of Community. San Diego, CA: McGraw Hill. Thompson, S. & Chambers, J. (2000). African self-consciousness and health promoting behaviors among African American college students. Journal of Black Psychology, 26(3), 330- 345. Toldson, I. & Pastuer, A. B. (1976). Therapeutic dimensions of the Black aesthetic. Journal of Non-White Concerns, 4(3), 105-117. Vandiver, B.J. (2001). Psychological Nigrescence revisited: Introduction and overview. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 29, 165-173. Vandiver, B., Cross, W., Worrell, F. & Fhagen-Smith, P. ( 2002). Validating the Cross Racial Identity Scale. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 49, 71-85. White, J. L. & Parham, T. (1990). The Psychology of Blacks: An African American Perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Publishers. Wilcox, R. C. (1971). The Psychological Consequences of Being a Black American: A Collection of Research by Black Psychologists. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Williams, R. L. (1981). The Collective Black Mind: An Afrocentric Theory of Black Personality. St. Louis: Williams & Associates. 108 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.8, June 2010
  • 28. Through the Prism of Black Psychology: A Critical Review of Conceptual and Methodological Issues in Africology as Seen Through the Paradigmatic Lens of Black Psychology by DeReef F. Jamison North Carolina A & T State University dfjamiso@ncat.edu DeReef Jamison (dfjamiso@ncat.edu) is an Assistant Professor of the African American Experience in the Division of University Studies at North Carolina A & T State University. His research interests are African-American cultural and gender identity, community activism among Black psychologists, the psychological aspects of oppression and liberation, and the intellectual history and diasporic connections of Africana Psychology. He has taught courses such as: The Psychology of the African American Experience, The Psychology of Prejudice and Racism in the African Diaspora, African American Social Science, Africa, African Americans and Pan Africanism, and Introduction to African American Studies. Dr. Jamison has previously published articles in the Journal of African American Studies and The Griot. Abstract This paper attempts to address the invisibility of Africana psychological theory, research, and methodology in Africology by synthesizing the competing definitions, schools of thought, and research agendas in Black Psychology. Attention will be given to the various ways in which Black psychologists have attempted to deconstruct and reconstruct traditional psychological thought as well as construct new definitions, theories, measurements, and conceptual frameworks for understanding and interpreting the psychological experiences of people of African descent. Although psychology was identified by Karenga as one of the core components in the emerging discipline of African-American Studies, very few of the existing institutes, programs, and departments of African-American Studies include psychology as a major part of their curriculum. As a psycho-historical endeavor, a primary concern of Africana Psychology is with understanding how the historical experiences of being an African in America have impacted African-American psyches. Thus, it is argued that if the discipline of Africology is attempting to fully understand Africana experiences, Africology must re- examine the importance of psychology and its role in aiding Africana scholars interpret and understand the experiences of people of African descent in the Americas and throughout the diaspora. 96 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
  • 29. Although Black [African, Africana and/or African American] psychology was identified by Maulana Karenga (1992) as one of the core components in the emerging discipline of Africology [African American, Black, Africana and/or Afro-American Studies], very few of the existing institutes, programs, and departments of Africology include Black psychology as a major part of their curriculum. As a psycho-historical endeavor, a primary concern of Black Psychology is to understand how the historical experiences of being an African in America have impacted African-American psyches. Thus, it is argued here that if the discipline of Africology is attempting to fully understand African American experiences, Africology programs must re-examine the importance of Black psychology and its role in aiding scholars interpret and understand the experiences of people of African descent in America. This paper attempts to address the invisibility of Black psychological theory, research, and practice in Africology by: (1) providing a brief history of the intellectual antecedents to the field of Black Psychology; (2) identifying the social and political context in which Black psychological theory, research and practice emerged; (3) synthesizing the competing definitions, schools of thought, and research agendas in Black Psychology; and (4) demonstrating the relevance and applicability of Black Psychology to the future of Africology in particular, and to the Africana life-world in general. Black Psychology is composed of various schools of thought that reflect the particular theoretical orientations of its practitioners. However, it should be kept in mind that although the compartmentalization of these various schools of thought is useful for conceptualization purposes, there is also much overlapping between the various schools. Karenga (1992) has identified the schools of thought among Black Psychologists as the traditional school, the reformist school and the radical school. According to Karenga (1992), the traditional school is characterized by: (1) its defensive and/or reactive posture; (2) its lack of concern about the existence of and subsequently the development of a Black Psychology as evidenced by its continued support of “traditional” (Eurocentric) psychological models with minor changes; (3) its concern with changing white attitudes; and (4) its being critical without offering alternatives for correcting problems. One of the leading figures in the traditional school as identified by Karenga (1992) is Kenneth Clark who was the first and only black to be president of APA and in collaboration with his wife Mamie Phipps-Clark co-authored the famous doll study that influenced the Brown vs. Board of Education decision. Other influential scholars were William Grier and Price Cobbs with their classic text “Black Rage” (1968) and Alvin Poussaint’s “Why Blacks Kill Blacks” (1972). 97 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
  • 30. In spite of the negative connotations explicit in many of the critiques of the traditional school (Karenga, 1992; Kambon, 1998), these scholars seem to have contributed significantly to the development of conceptual and methodological issues in Black Psychology. For example, the Clark study brought attention to the psychological processes involved in education (particularly issues of identity, self-hatred and self- esteem) of children of African descent, which in turn had a major impact on how the educational process was understood and perceived. Most importantly, the Clarks’ studies demonstrated how social science research could play a role in not only influencing but also changing social policy. Grier and Cobbs (1968) work illustrated the manner in which traditional (Eurocentric) scholarship could be applied to the conditions facing people of African descent. They argued that the causes of Black rage may be found in: (1) Blacks understandable and necessary cultural paranoia; (2) Blacks cultural depression and cultural masochism reflecting a general “sadness and intimacy with misery”, i.e. Cornell West’s (1993) concept of Black Nihilism and (3) Blacks cultural anti-socialism, i.e. disrespect for American laws which are designed to protect whites not Blacks (Karenga, 1992). While very Freudian in their approach, they do begin the process of defining the clinical issues of what constitutes the complexity and diversity of “psychopathology” among people of African descent. It must also be acknowledged that Poussaint (1972) was among the first Black psychologists to address the issue of Black on Black violence. Nonetheless, Africologists should be critical of the fundamental assumptions underlying his question “Why Blacks Kill Blacks”, since the title can be interpreted as meaning that Blacks are solely responsible for the violence in their community, and therefore observers may fail to acknowledge the social and political conditions that contribute to the violence seen in these Black communities (Wilson, 1998). However, Poussaint does put forth the argument that there are perhaps four reasons why Blacks kill blacks, which include: (1) the American cultural experience that teaches ‘crime and violence as a way to success and manhood; (2) the fact that ‘Americans respect violence and often will not respond to just demand except through violence’ as with the revolts by people of African descent; (3) the sense of power violence gives the oppressed and (4) the dehumanizing transformation in incarceration which perpetuates the cycle of violence (Karenga, 1992). Thus, Poussaint’s research raised the issue of Black social scientists investigating social and political issues that impact the quality of life experienced by Black people. 98 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
  • 31. The reformist school shares with the traditional school the concern for white attitudes, but tends to place more emphasis on confronting public policies that maintain and support institutional racism, according to Karenga, (1992). Black psychologists in the reformist school “tend to emphasize the American slavery legacies of the continuing oppression of Blacks and the subsequent creation of a relatively distinct reactive pattern of adaptation among Blacks in America” (Kambon, 1998, p. 231). Major theorists in the reformist school were identified as Charles Thomas, Joseph White and William Cross (Karenga, 1992). These theorists began “to advocate an Afro-centric psychology but still combine it with traditional focus on appeal for change that would ostensibly benefit Blacks and whites and thus U.S. society” (Karenga, 1992, p. 325). Thus, members of this school of thought “stand as bridges between the traditional and radical schools, attempting a synthesis of the social and discipline criticism of the traditional school and the demands for and development of new models and professional engagement from the radical school” (Karenga, 1992, p. 329). Similar to the declarations made by Black Psychologists such as Green (1974) and Smith (1974), Thomas (1979) emphasized the social responsibility of psychologists. He argued that Black social scientists are responsible for “defining, defending and developing information systems that will give Blacks increased socio-political power” (p. 7). In addition, Thomas contributes to the re-conceptualization process of Eurocentric/Western psychology within Black Psychology by critiquing the universalism embedded in Eurocentric psychology. Thomas reforms the conceptualizations of Merton (1967), Horney (1945), and Pettigrew (1964), who posited that humans may respond in various ways to the social, cultural and political conditions they encounter with primary responses consisting of turning against, turning towards, and turning away. Similarly, Thomas suggests that the oppression of people of African descent created social roles that were designed to sustain and maintain oppressive conditions, such as: (1) hybrid or bad niggers; (2) conformists or good Negroes; (3) marginalists or white middle class Negroes and (4) rebels or Black militants (Thomas, 1974; Karenga, 1992). Therefore, he takes the position that “if Blackness came into existence as a healthy support state, it cannot be logically used as a symptomatology of maladaptive behavior” (Thomas, 1978. pp. 21-22). Thus, Thomas argues that the psychology of people of African descent not be viewed as substandard to the European-American experience, pathological, or culturally deficient, but as a culturally specific psychology that is valuable in and of itself. Joseph White (1980) continues this questioning of the conceptual framework as well as the value of Eurocentric theory and methodology. He asserts that “not all traditional elite psychological theory is useless” (p. 8). In urging the development of a Black psychology, White challenges Black social scientists “to come up with more accurate and comprehensive explanations” (White, 1980, p. 8) in order to gain a better understanding of the African American life world. 99 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
  • 32. Thus, he warns that we should approach Eurocentric psychology with caution and determine the extent to which it is relevant and can be modified and made applicable to the life experiences of people of African descent (Thomas, 1980; Karenga, 1992). William Cross (1971) took an innovative approach to the study of the development of Black consciousness for Africans in the United States. He is best known for his conceptualization of the various stages of Black identity. Building on Erickson’s (1978) stages of child development that emphasized the contradictions and difficulties experienced when individuals or groups of people attempted to transition from one stage to the next stage of personal development, Cross established a theory of Black psychological development called “Nigrsecence”. The Nigrescence model attempted to account “for the progression of African Americans through sequential stages to arrive at a healthy racial identity” (Bellgrave & Allison, 2006, p. 20). The stages in the process of Nigrescence were identified as: (1) Pre-encounter; (2) Dissonance/Encounter; (3) Immersion-emersion; (4) Internalization and (5) Internalization-Commitment. According to the theory, “each stage is characterized by certain affective, cognitive, and behavioral reactions” (Bellgrave & Allison, 2006, p. 21). Whether scholars were conducting research that sought to affirm and validate the theory, expanding the theoretical parameters of the theory, appropriating the theory for use with different diasporic populations, or countering the claims of the theory by offering alternative interpretations, a substantial amount of the literature on cultural identity in Black psychology has responded in some shape, form or fashion to Cross’ theory of Nigrescence (Akbar, 1981; Azibo, 1988; Banks, 1976; Baldwin, 1979; Cross, Parham, & Helms, 1998). While the reform school’s analysis begins with the enslavement period up until contemporary times, the radical school argues that an authentic psychology of Black folk must go beyond the shores of the “New World” to discover the African roots of this American fruit (Nobles, 1974.) The defining characteristic of most of the radical school of thought is their emphasizing that an African worldview analysis is essential to understanding the psychology of people of African descent. Major figures within the radical school that contributed to the development of an African worldview analysis are Nobles,(1974), Akbar (1994), and Kambon (1998). Nobles’ (1980) article “African Philosophy: Foundation for Black Psychology” was one of the first articles to articulate an African philosophical basis for understanding the psychology of people of African descent. 100 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
  • 33. Compared to Black psychologists from the reformist school that focuses on the psychological consequences of being Black, Nobles argued that: Black psychology is something more than the psychology of the so-called underprivileged peoples, more than the experience of living in ghettoes or having been forced into the dehumanizing condition of slavery. It is more than the ‘darker dimension’ of general psychology. Its unique status is derived not from the negative aspects of being black in America, but rather from the positive features of basic African philosophy that dictate the values, customs, attitudes, and behaviors of Africans in Africa and the New World. (Nobles, 1980, p. 23) Akbar (1994) posits that traditional Eurocentric psychology distorted the African definition of psychology from the study of the soul to the study of behavior. The consequences of this transubstanstive error (Nobles, 1986; Akbar, 1994) is that the focus of Eurocentric Psychology shifted from the focus of psychology from spiritual aspects to Western Psychology’s focus on materialism: (1) emphasizing objectification as the only method of studying; (2) quantifying as the only accepted measure of reality; (3) essentializing man as only material manifestation, i.e. body and behavior; (4) believing that there is no superior power or purpose in man; (5) believing that human behavior is what it is with no significant meaning beyond what is actually observed; (6) viewing invisible or intangible phenomena as irrelevant; (7) viewing life and consciousness as identical with physical processes; (8) ignoring the individuality of the person and the element of transparent awareness; (9) maintaining that humans are a product of biological determination, personal experiences, and chances; and (10) characterizing the death of the mind as the death of the body, and that one does not attend to life before or after death. Furthermore, Akbar suggests that Black social scientists re-examine scientific paradigms as they relate to psychological methodology (Akbar, 1994), the psychological legacy of slavery (Akbar, 1990), and the diagnosis of mental illness (Akbar, 1981) among people of African descent from an African philosophical perspective. Baldwin (1980), Kambon, (1992) and Myers (1988) have further articulated the conceptualization of an African worldview. Kambon argues that an individual’s definitional system is determined by their particular cultural reality and our worldview “determine[s] how we experience (perceive and respond to) the various phenomena of the ongoing process of everyday existence” (Baldwin, 1980, p. 96). He argues that people of African decent have a worldview that is culturally specific to their experiences. Furthermore, he asserts that an African cultural consciousness develops out of the African worldview at a conscious and unconscious level. However, under conditions of white supremacy domination and control the African worldview can be distorted and experience cultural misorientation, which is the internalization of the European worldview by people of African descent (Kambon, 2003). 101 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
  • 34. Myers’ theory (1988) is similar to Kambon’s in her worldview focus. The primary difference in their views is that while Kambon’s worldview analysis is race- specific, Myers views the African worldview paradigm as having “the cultural and historical capacity to unite all humanity” (Myers, 1999, xvi). Hence, if Africans are the original human beings and have historically developed certain cultural traits and personalities based on their environment (Diop, 1991, Wobogo; 1989), then the behavioral patterns found among other cultural groups are logical extensions and/or deviations from the original African archetype (Jung, 1959). Following this reasoning, Myers (1988) asserts that the African worldview is not only “optimal” for people of African descent, but for all of humanity, since this humanistic worldview began with Africans, and based on a result of biological and cultural evolution, extended to all those who descended from and followed after the African prototype for humanity (Jung, 1959; Bynum, 1999). According to Myers (1988), an optimal worldview consists of: (1) viewing the spiritual and material as one, (2) knowing self through symbolic imagery and rhythm, (3) valuing positive interpersonal relationships among people, (4) emphasizing the union of opposites, (5) processing the interrelatedness of human and spiritual networks, (6) identifying the extended self and the multidimensionality of self, (7) assuming self-worth is intrinsic in being, (8) valuing spiritualism, oneness with nature and communalism, (9) being positively consistent despite appearances due to relationship with the source, and (10) having a life space that is infinite and unlimited. A major difference between the reform and radical schools is that in contrast to the traditional school, the radical school does not focus on changing white attitudes about Black people (Karenga, 1992) and for the most part the radical school emphasizes African culture and philosophy as the foundation for Black Psychology (Kambon, 1998). However, a closer examination of the radical school demonstrates that the radical school is not monolithic and may be in need of critical re-conceptualization. In their groundbreaking article “Voodoo or IQ: An introduction to African Psychology” (Clark, McGee, Nobles, & Weems 1975), which was one of the first articles to attempt to define and introduce the content emphasis of African Psychology, it was argued that Black psychology was a “radical discipline”. Let us reconsider the particular type of radicalism they were suggesting. They stated that African psychology was “radical, not in a political sense per se, but in a scientific and philosophical sense” (Clark, McGee, Nobles, & Weems, 1975, p. 13). Interestingly, a distinction is proposed between political radicalism and scientific/philosophical radicalism. Thus, the articulations of the worldview paradigm by Akbar (1994), Nobles (1972; 1986) and Myers (1988) who have emphasized the philosophical foundations and dimensions of Black psychology are radical, but not in the same sense as other black psychologists in the radical school such as Welsing (1970), Wright (1984), and Wilson (1990; 1993; 1998). 102
  • 35. This latter group seems to imply a political radicalism that includes critiquing white supremacy behavior and its influence on people of African descent, as well as challenging the social and political structures that impact the quality of life experienced by people of African descent. It is important to note that both philosophical and political radicalism are important aspects in Black psychology (Kambon, 1998). However, such distinctions are can be helpful if we are to gain a better understanding and appreciation of the intricacies involved in Black psychological theory. Both Welsing (1970) and Wright (1984) are psychologists from the radical school that contribute to the deconstruction of Eurocentric psychology’s claim to universalism. Welsing and Wright do not argue that European psychological theories are irrelevant. What they argue is that to the extent that major psychological theories were standardized and normalized on European people, then these theories are more appropriately viewed as culturally specific to people of European descent. In contrast to the “Black Rage” (1975) analysis where Grier and Cobbs use standard European psychological principles to understand Black behavior, Welsing and Wright turn European psychology on its’ head and apply established Eurocentric theories to specifically understanding European thought and behavior (Ani, 1994). When Welsing (1970) uses a psychoanalytical approach to examine the cultural logic underlying white supremacy, and Wright (1984) uses the Eurocentric criteria of the Diagnostic Statistical Manual to explain the behaviors of people of European descent in relation to African people, they are combining reformist school methods with African-centered sensibilities to form their own unique version of radicalism. Inspired by the work of Neely Fuller (1969), who posited that “If you do not understand White Supremacy (Racism)- what it is, and how it works-everything else that you understand … will only confuse you” (p. 1), Welsing developed “The Cress Theory of Color-Confrontation and Racism, i.e. White Supremacy” (1970) as a guide to assist people of African descent to interpret and understand global White supremacy. The foundation of Welsing’s theory is based on genetic and social factors. The genetic factor states that: (1) skin pigmentation has many adaptive functions which lack of pigmentation does not have (i.e. protection from disease, ultraviolet radiation, etc.) and thus the absence of color (low melanin concentration) represents a genetic deficiency; (2) the majority of the world’s population are people of color, and are thus highly melanated people and are the norm among human beings; and (3) since people of African descent generally have the highest concentration of melanin among the races in the world, then they represent the group most despised and feared by whites (Kambon, 1998; Barnes, 1988; Welsing, 1970). Based on the underlying assumptions posited in the genetic factor, the social factor states that: 103 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008
  • 36. (1) since the majority of the world’s peoples have more color/pigmentation than White people, then Whites are the numerical minority among the world’s population and Blacks, of all the colored races of the world, therefore represent the greatest threat to White genetic survival (Kambon, 1998; Welsing, 1970); (2) White supremacy hostility and aggression against people of African descent manifests as psychological defense mechanisms that mask feelings of inferiority, inadequacy, fear, and envy toward people of color (Kambon, 1998; Welsing, 1970). In accordance with the genetic and social factors, Welsing puts forth three Freudian defense mechanisms (repression, reaction formation, and projection) that people of European descent use to oppress people of color, and especially African descent groups. These defense mechanisms consist of: (1) repressing their feelings of inferiority by denying them, (2) discrediting and despising people of color, (3) sun-tanning, using make-up, enlarging breasts, buttocks, and lips to acquire the physical characteristics of people of color, (4) elaborating myths about white genetic superiority, (5) projecting their hate and sexual desires on people of color, while hypocritically maintaining that it is people of color that lust and desire white people, (6) obsessing, focusing, and alienating the physical body from sex, (7) dividing and separating people of color by classifying them as minorities, and (8) imposing birth control on people of color in order to neutralize/marginalize the reality that people of color are collectively in the majority of the world’s population (Karenga, 1992; Welsing, 1970). Similarly, Wright (1984) argues that because, “Blacks are now a threat and a liability to the White race… As a consequence, the major research that White scientists are involved with today is genocidal in nature, e.g., nuclear warfare, population control, medication control, genetic engineering, psychosurgery, electrical stimulation of the brain and the highly complex behavioral technology” (p.1). Wright’s theory applies to Eurocentric psychological criteria to understanding the behaviors characteristic of white supremacy directed toward peoples of African descent. Wright differentiates between the psychological functioning of the neurotic, psychotic, and the psychopathic based on the definition provided by the World Health Organization’s (WHO) International Classification of Mental Diseases. To rationalize his use of Eurocentric theory, Wright states WHO’s argument that theories are functionally relevant, “if they (theories) have concrete reality, i.e. they can be retained if they are useful in understanding and treating disease” (p. 5). According to the WHO’s classification, Wright posits that the neurotic “is a person who suffers a great deal over problems that are handled fairly routinely by a well adjusted personality ...they are characterized by an inordinate amount of anxiety” (Wright, 1984, p. 4). In contrast the psychotic has an understanding of contact with reality. Thus, she/he has “a very good reality contact” (Kambon, 1998; Wright, 1984). Finally, the psychotic “has sever malfunctioning and many times has to hospitalized for long periods of time” (Wright, 1984, p. 4). As if anticipating the basic tenets of Ani’s (1994) critical analysis of European thought and behavior, Wright identified the basic concepts of psychopathology in Whites as: 104 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.2, March 2008