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“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of
comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge
and controversy.”
- MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR
The African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955–1968) refers to the movements in
the United States aimed at outlawing racial discrimination against African Americans
and restoring Suffrage in Southern states. By 1966, the emergence of the Black
Power Movement, which lasted roughly from 1966 to 1975, enlarged the aims of the
Civil Rights Movement to include racial dignity, economic and political self-sufficiency,
and freedom from oppression by white Americans. During the period 1955–1968, acts
of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience produced crisis situations between
activists and government authorities. Federal, state, and local governments,
businesses, and communities often had to respond immediately to crisis situations
which highlighted the inequities faced by African Americans.
Forms of protest and/or civil disobedience
included boycotts such as the successful
Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955–1956) in
Alabama; "sit-ins" such as the influential
Greensboro sit-in (1960) in North Carolina;
marches, such as the Selma to Montgomery
marches (1965) in Alabama; and a wide range of
other nonviolent activities.
 Brown v. Board of Education, 1954
 Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955–1956
 Desegregating Little Rock, 1957
 Sit-ins, 1960
 Freedom Rides, 1961
 Voter registration organizing
 Integration of Mississippi Universities, 1956–1965
 Albany Movement, 1961–1962
 BirminghamCampaign, 1963–1964
 March onWashington, 1963
 St. Augustine, Florida, 1963–1964
 Mississippi Freedom Summer, 1964
 Civil Rights Act of 1964
 Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, 1964
 Dr. KingAwarded Nobel Peace Prize
 Boycott of New Orleans by American Football League players, January 1965
 Selma and theVoting RightsAct, 1965
 Memphis, King assassination and the Poor People's March, 1968
Martin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968) was an American clergyman, activist,
and prominent leader in the African American civil rights movement. His main legacy was to
secure progress on civil rights in the United States, and he has become a human rights icon:
King is recognized as a martyr by two Christian churches.A Baptist minister, King became a
civil rights activist early in his career. He led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped
found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president.
King's efforts led to the 1963 March onWashington, where King delivered his "I Have a Dream"
speech.There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established
himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S. history.
In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end
racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent
means. By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and
theVietnam War, both from a religious perspective. King was assassinated on April 4, 1968, in
Memphis,Tennessee. He was posthumously awarded the Presidential
Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004;
Martin Luther King, Jr. Day was established as a U.S. national holiday
in 1986.
Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's success with non-violent activism, King visited his birthplace
in India in 1959, with assistance from the Quaker group the American Friends Service
Committee.
The trip to India affected King in a profound way, deepening his understanding of non-
violent resistance and his commitment to America's struggle for civil rights.
In a radio address made during his final evening in India, King reflected, "Since being in India,
I am more convinced than ever before that the method of nonviolent resistance is the most
potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity.
In a real sense, Mahatma Gandhi embodied in his life certain universal principles that are
inherent in the moral structure of the universe, and these principles are as inescapable as the
law of gravitation.”
Civil rights movement
In March 1955, a fifteen-year-old school girl,Claudette Colvin, refused to give up her bus
seat to a white man in compliance with the Jim Crow laws. King was on the committee from
the BirminghamAfrican-American community that looked into the case; Edgar Nixon and
Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks
was arrested for refusing to give up her seat.The Montgomery Bus Boycott, urged and
planned by Nixon and led by King, soon followed.The boycott lasted for 385 days, and the
situation became so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this
campaign, which ended with a United States District Court ruling in Browder v. Gayle that
ended racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses.
"I Have a Dream" is the famous name given to the sixteen minute public speech by Martin
Luther King, Jr., in which he called for racial equality and an end to discrimination. King's
delivery of the speech on August 28, 1963, from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial during the
March onWashington for Jobs and Freedom, was a defining moment of the American Civil
Rights Movement. Delivered to over 200,000 civil rights supporters, the speech is often
considered to be one of the greatest and most notable speeches in human history and was
ranked the top American speech of the 20th century by a 1999 poll of scholars of public
address. According to U.S. Representative John Lewis, who also spoke that day as the
President of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, "Dr. King had the power, the
ability, and the capacity to transform those steps on the Lincoln Memorial into a monumental
area that will forever be recognized. By speaking the way he did, he educated, he inspired, he
informed not just the people there, but people throughout America and unborn generations.”
At the end of the speech, King departed from his prepared text for a partly improvised
peroration on the theme of "I have a dream", possibly prompted by Mahalia Jackson's cry, "Tell
them about the dream, Martin!” He had delivered a speech incorporating some of the same
sections in Detroit in June 1963, when he marched onWoodward Avenue withWalter Reuther
and the Reverend C. L. Franklin, and had rehearsed other parts.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a
great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night
of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the
chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred
years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a
shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the
Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men
as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted
on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad
check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the
tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation
to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make
justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an
invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam
and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the
Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful
place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must
forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and
again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as
evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is
inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the
unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the
highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be
satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a
Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until
"justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you
have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You
have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama,
go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation
can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table
of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed
into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification"
-- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked
places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our
nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to
stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to
speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the
words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
The Civil Disobedience Movement led by M K Gandhi, in the year 1930 was an important milestone in the
history of Indian Nationalism. There are three distinct phases that mark the development of Indian
Nationalism. In the first phase, the ideology of the moderates dominated the political scenario. This was
followed by the prominence of the extremist ideologies. In the third phase of Indian Nationalism the most
significant incident was the rise of MK Gandhi, popularly known as Mahatma Gandhi, to power as the
leader of Indian National Movements. Under his spirited guidance, the National Movements of the country
took shape.
The Indians learnt how apparently philosophical tenets like non violence and passive resistance, could be
used to wage political battles.The programs and policies adopted in the movements spearheaded by
Mahatma Gandhi reflected his political ideologies of
ahimsa and satyagraha. While the Non-Co-Operation
Movement was built on the lines of non violent non co
operation, the essence of The Civil Disobedience
Movement was defying of the British laws. Through his
leadership to the National Movements, he not only
buttressed his political stance but also played a crucial
role in unification of the country, awakening of the
masses, and bringing politics within the arena of the
common man.
The Civil Disobedience Movement led by M K Gandhi, in the year 1930 was an important milestone in the
history of Indian Nationalism. There are three distinct phases that mark the development of Indian
Nationalism. In the first phase, the ideology of the moderates dominated the political scenario. This was
followed by the prominence of the extremist ideologies. In the third phase of Indian Nationalism the most
significant incident was the rise of MK Gandhi, popularly known as Mahatma Gandhi, to power as the
leader of Indian National Movements. Under his spirited guidance, the National Movements of the country
took shape.
The Indians learnt how apparently philosophical tenets like non violence and passive resistance, could be
used to wage political battles.The programs and policies adopted in the movements spearheaded by
Mahatma Gandhi reflected his political ideologies of
ahimsa and satyagraha. While the Non-Co-Operation
Movement was built on the lines of non violent non co
operation, the essence of The Civil Disobedience
Movement was defying of the British laws. Through his
leadership to the National Movements, he not only
buttressed his political stance but also played a crucial
role in unification of the country, awakening of the
masses, and bringing politics within the arena of the
common man.
Noted legislative achievements during this phase of the Civil Rights Movement were
passage of Civil Rights Act of 1964, that banned discrimination based on "race, color,
religion, or national origin" in employment practices and public accommodations; the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, that restored and protected voting rights; the Immigration and
Nationality Services Act of 1965, that dramatically opened entry to the U.S. to
immigrants other than traditional European groups; and the Fair Housing Act of 1968,
that banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. African Americans re-entered
politics in the South, and across the country young people were inspired to action.

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Civil rights movement

  • 1. “The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.” - MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR
  • 2. The African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955–1968) refers to the movements in the United States aimed at outlawing racial discrimination against African Americans and restoring Suffrage in Southern states. By 1966, the emergence of the Black Power Movement, which lasted roughly from 1966 to 1975, enlarged the aims of the Civil Rights Movement to include racial dignity, economic and political self-sufficiency, and freedom from oppression by white Americans. During the period 1955–1968, acts of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience produced crisis situations between activists and government authorities. Federal, state, and local governments, businesses, and communities often had to respond immediately to crisis situations which highlighted the inequities faced by African Americans. Forms of protest and/or civil disobedience included boycotts such as the successful Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955–1956) in Alabama; "sit-ins" such as the influential Greensboro sit-in (1960) in North Carolina; marches, such as the Selma to Montgomery marches (1965) in Alabama; and a wide range of other nonviolent activities.
  • 3.  Brown v. Board of Education, 1954  Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955–1956  Desegregating Little Rock, 1957  Sit-ins, 1960  Freedom Rides, 1961  Voter registration organizing  Integration of Mississippi Universities, 1956–1965  Albany Movement, 1961–1962  BirminghamCampaign, 1963–1964  March onWashington, 1963  St. Augustine, Florida, 1963–1964  Mississippi Freedom Summer, 1964  Civil Rights Act of 1964  Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, 1964  Dr. KingAwarded Nobel Peace Prize  Boycott of New Orleans by American Football League players, January 1965  Selma and theVoting RightsAct, 1965  Memphis, King assassination and the Poor People's March, 1968
  • 4. Martin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968) was an American clergyman, activist, and prominent leader in the African American civil rights movement. His main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States, and he has become a human rights icon: King is recognized as a martyr by two Christian churches.A Baptist minister, King became a civil rights activist early in his career. He led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president. King's efforts led to the 1963 March onWashington, where King delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech.There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S. history. In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent means. By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and theVietnam War, both from a religious perspective. King was assassinated on April 4, 1968, in Memphis,Tennessee. He was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004; Martin Luther King, Jr. Day was established as a U.S. national holiday in 1986.
  • 5. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's success with non-violent activism, King visited his birthplace in India in 1959, with assistance from the Quaker group the American Friends Service Committee. The trip to India affected King in a profound way, deepening his understanding of non- violent resistance and his commitment to America's struggle for civil rights. In a radio address made during his final evening in India, King reflected, "Since being in India, I am more convinced than ever before that the method of nonviolent resistance is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity. In a real sense, Mahatma Gandhi embodied in his life certain universal principles that are inherent in the moral structure of the universe, and these principles are as inescapable as the law of gravitation.”
  • 7. In March 1955, a fifteen-year-old school girl,Claudette Colvin, refused to give up her bus seat to a white man in compliance with the Jim Crow laws. King was on the committee from the BirminghamAfrican-American community that looked into the case; Edgar Nixon and Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat.The Montgomery Bus Boycott, urged and planned by Nixon and led by King, soon followed.The boycott lasted for 385 days, and the situation became so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States District Court ruling in Browder v. Gayle that ended racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses.
  • 8. "I Have a Dream" is the famous name given to the sixteen minute public speech by Martin Luther King, Jr., in which he called for racial equality and an end to discrimination. King's delivery of the speech on August 28, 1963, from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial during the March onWashington for Jobs and Freedom, was a defining moment of the American Civil Rights Movement. Delivered to over 200,000 civil rights supporters, the speech is often considered to be one of the greatest and most notable speeches in human history and was ranked the top American speech of the 20th century by a 1999 poll of scholars of public address. According to U.S. Representative John Lewis, who also spoke that day as the President of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, "Dr. King had the power, the ability, and the capacity to transform those steps on the Lincoln Memorial into a monumental area that will forever be recognized. By speaking the way he did, he educated, he inspired, he informed not just the people there, but people throughout America and unborn generations.” At the end of the speech, King departed from his prepared text for a partly improvised peroration on the theme of "I have a dream", possibly prompted by Mahalia Jackson's cry, "Tell them about the dream, Martin!” He had delivered a speech incorporating some of the same sections in Detroit in June 1963, when he marched onWoodward Avenue withWalter Reuther and the Reverend C. L. Franklin, and had rehearsed other parts.
  • 9. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the
  • 10. highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2 This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
  • 11. And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
  • 12. The Civil Disobedience Movement led by M K Gandhi, in the year 1930 was an important milestone in the history of Indian Nationalism. There are three distinct phases that mark the development of Indian Nationalism. In the first phase, the ideology of the moderates dominated the political scenario. This was followed by the prominence of the extremist ideologies. In the third phase of Indian Nationalism the most significant incident was the rise of MK Gandhi, popularly known as Mahatma Gandhi, to power as the leader of Indian National Movements. Under his spirited guidance, the National Movements of the country took shape. The Indians learnt how apparently philosophical tenets like non violence and passive resistance, could be used to wage political battles.The programs and policies adopted in the movements spearheaded by Mahatma Gandhi reflected his political ideologies of ahimsa and satyagraha. While the Non-Co-Operation Movement was built on the lines of non violent non co operation, the essence of The Civil Disobedience Movement was defying of the British laws. Through his leadership to the National Movements, he not only buttressed his political stance but also played a crucial role in unification of the country, awakening of the masses, and bringing politics within the arena of the common man.
  • 13. The Civil Disobedience Movement led by M K Gandhi, in the year 1930 was an important milestone in the history of Indian Nationalism. There are three distinct phases that mark the development of Indian Nationalism. In the first phase, the ideology of the moderates dominated the political scenario. This was followed by the prominence of the extremist ideologies. In the third phase of Indian Nationalism the most significant incident was the rise of MK Gandhi, popularly known as Mahatma Gandhi, to power as the leader of Indian National Movements. Under his spirited guidance, the National Movements of the country took shape. The Indians learnt how apparently philosophical tenets like non violence and passive resistance, could be used to wage political battles.The programs and policies adopted in the movements spearheaded by Mahatma Gandhi reflected his political ideologies of ahimsa and satyagraha. While the Non-Co-Operation Movement was built on the lines of non violent non co operation, the essence of The Civil Disobedience Movement was defying of the British laws. Through his leadership to the National Movements, he not only buttressed his political stance but also played a crucial role in unification of the country, awakening of the masses, and bringing politics within the arena of the common man.
  • 14. Noted legislative achievements during this phase of the Civil Rights Movement were passage of Civil Rights Act of 1964, that banned discrimination based on "race, color, religion, or national origin" in employment practices and public accommodations; the Voting Rights Act of 1965, that restored and protected voting rights; the Immigration and Nationality Services Act of 1965, that dramatically opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional European groups; and the Fair Housing Act of 1968, that banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. African Americans re-entered politics in the South, and across the country young people were inspired to action.