This document critiques the cultural quarter development model used in the UK. It identifies 31 cultural quarters that have been planned since the 1980s, often as large-scale urban regeneration initiatives based on templates. However, the author argues that they typically enforce marginalization of subcultural activity and restrict more organic forms of creativity and innovation that are important for the creative industries. Overall, cultural quarters are seen as emblematic of contemporary neoliberal place-based policy that can paradoxically repel the very activities they aim to attract.

1. HUNG, DRAWN AND A critique of
the cultural
CULTURAL QUARTERED quarter
development
in the UK
Oli Mould
U n i ve r s i t y o f
Salford

2.  The Cultural Quarter policy in the UK C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
dates back to the 1980s – with perhaps
Shef field and Manchester’s Northern S h e f f i el d
Quarter the first examples
(Montgomery, 2007)
Salford
 They have evolved from clusters of
cultural and creative (economic) activity B r i s to l
to meta-planned urban regeneration
initiatives
C r i t iq u e
 Identified at least 31 in the UK so far…

3.  They are based around (one, some or all) C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
of the following criteria
 Flagship singular development S h e f f i el d
 Boutique and/or chain retail
 Leisure facilities
 Collection of incubator spaces Salford
B r i s to l
C r i t iq u e

4.  They are planned by institutions using C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
templates defined by the level of
redevelopment desired and the economic S h e f f i el d
opportunities available
Salford
 Intricate plans exist that ‘map’ out
successful cultural quarters – they must
include (Montgomery, 2007: 308) B r i s to l
 Production (Creative arts)
 Distribution (technological and infrastructural)
C r i t iq u e
 Consumption (food, retail and entertainment)
 Other categorizations have included the
‘engineered and the vernacular’
(Shorthose, 2004)

5.  Shef field’s Cultural Quarter once was an C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
industrial workshop area
(cutlery, potteries and small -scale metal S h e f f i el d
forgers)
Salford
 A city -based CIQ ‘Area Action Plan’ was
put in place in 1988 to use cultural
activity to regenerate area B r i s to l
 The Workstation and other incubator C r i t iq u e
spaces were set-up out of old dis-used
industrial buildings

6.  March 1999 saw the opening of the C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
National Centre for Popular Music (£15m)
S h e f f i el d
 Attempt to establish the Quarter as an
‘reassertion of the local in a global space Salford
of cultural flows’ (Brown et al., 2000)
B r i s to l
 After hoping to attract 400,000 visitors a
year, it closed 15 months later after only
attracting 104,000 C r i t iq u e

7.  Salford is home to MediaCityUK and the C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
surrounding Salford Quays area
 MediaCityUK houses the relocated BBC S h e f f i el d
departments, IT V and a host of other
independent T V production and post -
production facilities (move started in 2011) Salford
 This CQ is owned by Peel Group and hence is
a privatized, heavily -policed area B r i s to l
 Cultural or creative activity is strictly housed
within corporatized agendas C r i t iq u e

8.  This large scale urban regenerative policy C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
(akin to other Media Cities) are
internationally -focused S h e f f i el d
 Reliance on local creative community is Salford
secondary
B r i s to l
 Creating an enclave of elitism in a highly
deprived part of the Northwest
C r i t iq u e

9.  Bristol’s Stokes Croft is an area with no C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
‘planning’ interventions as such, but high
levels of creative activity S h e f f i el d
 Grass-roots cultural activity – active Salford
engagement with homelessness &
unemployed
B r i s to l
 Its anti-hegemonic stance is considered an
attraction for freelance creative workers C r i t iq u e

10.  Creation of a ‘buzz’ is critical C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
 High student numbers and a reliance on S h e f f i el d
night-time culture/economy
Salford
 However, squatting, social unrest and
crime are problems that emanate from
B r i s to l
such a policy
C r i t iq u e
 Start of the gentrification process…?

11.  CQs are used as ingredients of a creative C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
city brand, but are limited in their usage of
creativity
S h e f f i el d
 Often, creativity & culture are used to
justify or excuse existing urban Salford
development schemes (Peck , 2005;
Atkinson and Easthorpe, 2009)
B r i s to l
 CQ templates devised by public -private ‘late’
capitalist agendas (private consultants etc.)
C r i t iq u e
 They often enforce marginalization of sub-
cultural activity (unless in a pastiche or
sanitized manor)
 Restricts of ‘pop-up’ or ‘DIY urbanism
(Deslandes, 2012), which the creative
industries thrive upon

12.  Creativity requires a relaxation of C u l t ur a l Q u a r te r s
planning laws, not a reinforcement of
them S h e f f i el d
 Creativity and innovation (which are Salford
important planned outcomes
(Montgomery, 2007)) often stems from
failure B r i s to l
 CQs in the UK are viewed as a way ‘out’ of C r i t iq u e
economic stagnation…
 …but they have typified contemporary
neo-liberal place-based policy
interventions – and in so doing repel the
every activities they claim to be crucial
success factors