The document discusses several proposals to strengthen democracy in Ireland and the EU:
1) Reforming the EU to empower the European Parliament and involve stakeholders more in EU policy processes.
2) Strengthening national democracy through reforms such as changing the Irish electoral system, empowering the Seanad and Oireachtas committees, and using consensus voting.
3) Developing local democracy by devolving more powers to local governments, enabling direct election of mayors, and increasing citizen participation in local decision-making.
The overall aim is to make decision-making more inclusive, accountable, and responsive to citizens at all levels of government.
1. EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY
Build an Active Stakeholder
Dialogue in Key Policy Areas Claiming our Future
should campaign for:
Europe 2020 is the EU strategy for smart, Regular, meaningful and
sustainable and inclusive growth. It has targets
for employment, education, research and structured ways to
development, climate change, and poverty.
Member States prepare annual National
involve stakeholders at
Reform Programmes, that follow guidelines of national and European
the European Commission. Member States set
national targets in these areas. They identify levels in all stages of EU
bottlenecks and set out ways to overcome
these and achieve the targets. policy processes.
The National Reform Programme is assessed
by the European Commission.
The social open method of coordination (OMC) was based on three pillars of social inclusion,
pensions and health and long-term care. Member States set common objectives, agreed indicators
to measure progress and prepared national strategies. The European Commission and Council
assessed these strategies in a joint report. This social OMC contributed to learning on good
practice but had a limited impact on policy and practice to combat poverty.
The European Council (EPSCO) of June 2011 promised a stronger social OMC including greater
stakeholder involvement at EU and national levels. Member States now, however, only prepare an
annual national social report which is assessed by the Commission and should involve stakeholder
participation.
Europe 2020 includes a target of reducing the numbers living in poverty by 20m by 2020 .
The European Commission requires stakeholders to be involved in the preparation of national plans
and programmes in these policy areas. National, regional and local authorities as well as social
partners and civil society are to be involved. This involvement has been found to be inadequate
across the EU. A more deliberative process is required for a shared assessment of evidence and
issues and a shared identification of strategies and policies.
The problems identified in stakeholder involvement at a European Union level included
limitations in the short time allowed, the narrow focus and the range of stakeholders involved.
2. EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY
Develop a more active role for
the Dail in EU policy making Claiming our Future
should campaign for:
European Council meetings are in effect held Dail reform to secure
in secret, they are off record. National
parliaments and the public are not informed accountability from
about the actual position taken by their
Government.
Ministers for their action
at EU level and to
National Parliaments can only influence the EU
system through the ratification process of EU enable a contribution to
Treaties.
shaping EU decision
There is a lack of transparency at EU level that
threatens democracy at the national level.
making
There is an Oireachtas Committee on European Affairs since 2007 which can consider matters
arising from Ireland’s membership of the EU.
There continues to be a lack of accountability to the Dail from Government Ministers and Civil
Servants in relation to the positions they take on issues at an EU level.
Some Member States have developed significant national accountability from Governmental
representatives. National parliaments have gained some control over Government Ministers as far
as their actions at EU level are concerned.
The Lisbon Treaty gave national parliaments some limited powers of policy intervention including a
right to object in relation to a breach of the principle of subsidiarity, to a Treaty change proposed
under the simplified revision procedure, or to a measure of judicial cooperation in civil law.
The provisions of the Lisbon Treaty do not allow for an adequate inclusion of national parliaments in
EU policy making.
The issue of transparency could be addressed by making Council meetings a matter of public
record.
3. EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY
Rebalance power at EU level Claiming our Future
towards European Parliament should campaign for:
Institutional reform at
The European Parliament is the only directly
elected institution at EU level. the EU level that
It has supervisory, budgetary and legislative
powers. empowers the European
It exercises these powers through procedures
of consultation, cooperation, co-decision and
Parliament and in
assent with the other institutions of the EU. particular increases the
However, the procedures of co-decision and matters for co-decision
assent only apply to a limited percentage of the
Treaty articles (25%). This reflects a
and assent.
democratic deficit at the heart of the EU
There are issues identified in the operation of and elections to the European Parliament including:
There are many cases where the European Parliament is obliged to make its decisions with an
absolute or qualified majority. This can diminish the contest of ideas within the Parliament in the
need to search for a broad consensus.
Elections to the European Parliament tend to be second order national competitions. Candidates
compete on national issues and on the record of the national government of the day rather than on
European issues and the direction of European policy and strategy.
Since the Single European Act the European Parliament has been informed about future institutional
changes through the Inter Governmental Conferences and enabled to express its opinion through its
representation on the groups preparing Treaty changes.
The European Parliament was sidelined in the development of the ‘Treaty on Stability, Coordination
and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union’ as this was not subject to the normal
democratic scrutiny. It even expressed doubts as to the need for this Treaty.
European level strategy development and policy making has become dominated by the Council.
This is where the Member State Governments meet through their leaders and Ministers. The
Council has in turn been dominated by the larger Member States.
4. NATIONAL DEMOCRACY - GREATER DIVERSITY IN POLITICS
Claiming our Future should
Party Political Funding Criteria campaign for:
State funding of political
parties to be tied to their
contribution to the health of
Gender quotas, reducing democracy. This contribution
state funding for political would cover gender balance
parties that fail to stand at and diversity in candidate
least 30% of either gender, is selection and in appointment of
progressing. More can be officers and committees,
done to encourage political democracy within the party,
and securing a broad
parties to facilitate a healthy
membership.
and active democracy
We have one of the lowest percentage of the population as members of
political parties. This stands at less than two percent of the population
and in the bottom five of western European liberal democracies.
The composition of our political representatives is very homogeneous in
terms of gender, class, ethnicity and other forms of diversity.
An Electoral Commission could review how state funding could
incentivise political parties to make our democracy active and diverse.
Parties could be encouraged to increase membership, diversify
membership, and facilitate an active membership
As well as funding by the level of vote secured, the terms of funding
for political parties could be altered to include numbers of members.
This could help newer less established parties and would encourage
higher membership levels.
5. NATIONAL DEMOCRACY – ELECTORAL REFORM
Change the electoral system
Claiming our Future should
The Proportional Representation Single
campaign for:
Transferable Vote (PRSTV) Electoral System
that we currently use is popular. However it A change in the Irish electoral
has disadvantages.
Multi seat constituencies promote intra party
system to a system that can
competition where competing politicians rely generate a more diverse range
on local community service to differentiate of political representatives and a
themselves from competing party colleagues.
This is thought to cause clientalism and
more effective and democratic
brokerage, to detract from a more policy representative institution
oriented political culture and to deter some
people from standing for political office.
Electoral reform cannot cure all democracy’s ills but some believe changing the Irish PRSTV
electoral system might help improve at least some aspects of Irish politics and political culture.
There are various reform options:
1 A list proportional representation system where voters vote for a party who are then allocated
parliamentary seats in proportion to their share of votes. They fill these seats from ‘party lists’.
2 First Past the Post – voters vote for one candidate and the candidate with the most votes wins.
3 Mixed Member Proportional System where some seats are allocated in the list system and the
remainder in local constituencies using the first past the post system
The various options have different strengths and weaknesses. The list system enables
parties to nominate who they want to the parliament. In theory this means they can
reserve some seats for groups who would otherwise not get proportional or any
representation (women, young people, ethnic minorities, people with disabilities).
In some systems parties are obliged by legislation to achieve this outcome.
Some recent Irish debates have promoted the Mixed Member Proportional
System which allows, for example, 50% of seats be allocated through national
lists and 50% through politicians elected to represent local constituencies
6. NATIONAL DEMOCRACY – SEANAD REFORM
Reform and empower the
Seanad
Claiming our Future
Reform the Seanad so that its should campaign for:
membership enables a A reformed and
participation of the diversity of Irish
empowered Seanad
society.
Empower the Seanad and giving representation to
enhance its role in shaping policy the diversity of Irish
and holding government and the society.
administration to account
The membership of the Seanad should be directly elected by the
population. Reserved places should be used to secure a specific
representation of emigrants and groups or interests insufficiently
represented in the political composition of Dail Eireann.
Term limits would ensure ongoing diversity and significant input of fresh
perspectives and new voices. This is essential to avoiding group think and
to building a more critical political culture.
The role of the Seanad should be reformed to be more effective in enabling
accountable governance. A specific role should be to monitor poverty and
equality proofing of all policy, report on compliance with environmental
sustainability and ensure consultation in the legislative process
We need more democracy not less of it. The Irish Seanad did not cause
the crisis and abolishing it will not improve Irish governance
7. NATIONAL DEMOCRACY – MAKING PARLIAMENT EFFECTIVE
Reform and strengthen the Dail Claiming our Future should
campaign for:
Ireland has one of the least A stronger parliament through:
effective and weakest
parliaments in Europe. •Changes to the Irish party whip
Politicians are controlled by the system
political parties. Party whips •Parliament set own
(rules) oblige politicians to vote agenda/time table
along party lines. This needs to •More powerful Oireacthas
be changed for a more effective committees
parliament.
The Dail is weakened by the inability of the parliament committee to do
effective investigative and policy work.
Rules need to be changed to allow Oireachtas Committees to effectively
initiate legislation. Oireachtas committees should be empowered to
compel witnesses to appear before them and to hold state agencies to
account.
The Oireachtas Committees also need more research and policy
resources.
The Dail needs to be less controlled by the government.
The government presently decide the timetable and agenda of the Dail.
The Dail should now be empowered to define its own agenda and
timetable.
These changes would make a more effective Dail and they would
valuably change the culture of Irish politics
8. NATIONAL DEMOCRACY - COLLECTIVE DECISION-MAKING
Use consensus voting for
contentious decisions Claiming our Future
should campaign for:
People sometimes try for a consensus:
they talk and talk, there’s give-and-take,
until all agree to a final document. This
Consensus voting to be
can happen in international conferences used on all contentious
for example. issues in the Dail and in
Or they do the opposite: they talk and other democratic
talk, there’s no give or take, until a institutions
majority vote. This can happen in
parliaments, councils, and
organisations.
In consensus voting, all relevant suggestions are debated, while a team of neutral
mediators, the ‘consensors’, maintain a (short) list of four to six options. If there is no
verbal consensus – if say four options remain under discussion – they use a
consensus vote. This is a preferential points system: a 1 is given for a 1st
preference, a 2 for a 2nd preference, etc. If someone casts all four preferences, the
1st gets 4 points, the 2nd gets 3, etc. If another person casts only two preferences,
the 1st gets 2 points and the 2nd gets 1 point. The result is the option with the most
points, the highest average preference.… and an average involves everybody (not
just a majority).
If my option is to win I need a range of high, middle and low preferences. I must
persuade people who might disagree with me to give my option a preference. That’s
dialogue. People are incentivised to cast a full ballot and therefore to state their
compromise option(s). That’s mutual respect. If everyone casts their 2nd and
subsequent preferences, we can identify their collective compromise
Consensus voting, the Modified Borda Count (MBC), is the catalyst of
consensus. Consensus voting is inclusive.
9. LOCAL DEMOCRACY – STRENGTHEN LOCAL GOVERNMENT
Devolve powers and develop
local funding Claiming our Future
should campaign for:
Irish local government has 501
functions but they are often only
Greater powers to be
administering schemes on behalf devolved and local
of national government funding streams be
departments. created for a more
In other countries policy areas like
health education and policing developed and stronger
come under the remit of local local government.
government and local services.
Ireland is one of the only countries that does not have local taxation
sources to fund local government. More local revenue through local
taxation, like site value taxes, would mean local government would have
more capacity and control to make its own decisions and amend services
to better meet local needs.
Poorer local government areas who cannot raise sufficient revenue can be
equalised by funding transfers.
We need to devolve a broader range of powers and functions to local
government. This would means key services can be better adapted to local
needs and integrated into local delivery systems.
Local taxation would make local citizens and residents more
demanding on local government about how local taxes are spent. A
more engaged and energetic local democracy would result.
10. Local Government – Participatory Democracy
Citizen Engagement Claiming our Future should
campaign for: direct civil
While Ireland has had over 20 society involvement in the
years of experimentation with local decision making processes
partnership and local governance of local government and the
there is still a significant use of participatory methods
participation gap for many people, to maximise the input of
in particular those who experience people affected by decisions
inequality & poverty. Participative including those experiencing
processes too often lack quality &
inequality and poverty.
impact and have no formal status.
There are many examples world wide of participatory structures and
processes we could learn from. The Brazilian Participatory Budgeting
Process is well known and offers a means of participation in an area that
is completely under-developed in Ireland.
We could give civil society representatives a formal role in committees
responsible for each public service sector (e.g. health, justice, education,
transport, housing, planning, sport, culture, economic development).
Local government could be required to develop participation strategies in
conjunction with civil society aimed at enabling all who wish to participate
to do so. Such strategies should address the often hidden barriers to
participation such as gender inequality and care, literacy, physical
accessibility and participation costs.
Participatory processes must be developed at local level and are best
measured by impact if they are to engage people. They must be seen
to be a real source of influence for residents and citizens.
11. LOCAL GOVERNMENT – ELECTED MAYORS
Direct elections for Mayors at
local level
Claiming our Future should
Ireland has yet to develop campaign for:
legislation to enable people directly
elect their own mayors.
Directly elected lord mayors
This would only be meaningful in with sufficient powers to
the context of wider local coordinate public services at
government reform so the elected a local level.
mayor would have meaningful
power
Irish local government has very little power of its own. Central government
makes policy decisions and local government implements the decisions.
Areas like policing, education, health and transport could be the direct
devolved function of local government. Currently national institutions have
a regional or local presence to plan and deliver these services. This leads
to fragmentation and incoherence.
Directly elected mayors with adequate powers could drive this integration
of local services. They could work to champion the investment needs of
the local area. They could be guardians of the values of equality,
environmental sustainability and participation in the local government
system.
A directly elected mayor could drive the local resilience that needs to be
built in the face of economic and environmental shocks.
12. DEMOCRACY AND ORGANISATIONS
Foster and Fund Advocacy by
Civil Society Organisations Claiming our Future
should campaign for:
Civil society organisations play important roles A Constitutional
in the democratic life of society.
They provide a space where individual amendment to recognise
concerns can be shared and developed as
collective interests.
the contribution of civil
society organisations to
They offer a means of articulating, promoting,
and negotiating for these collective interests. democracy and to
This enhances democracy where the needs of
groups experiencing inequality and protect their right to
disadvantage are brought forward. advocacy work
Many civil society organisations promoting the interests of group that experience inequality and
disadvantage depend on statutory funding. These funding programmes have been
disproportionately reduced with a consequent weakening and diminishment of the contribution of
these organisations to the democratic life of society.
There are few independent funding sources available to civil society in a context where
philanthropy is under-developed and independent trust funds virtually non-existent.
There is an administrative hostility to advocacy by civil society organisations.
Service level agreements with the state include provisions that preclude advocacy.
The funding of organisations that engage in advocacy can be threatened.
A culture of fear around funding serves to discourage organisations from engaging in advocacy.
There is a political unresponsiveness to advocacy by civil society organisations.
This diminishes our democracy.
Civil society organisations were engaged in a limited non-adversarial problem solving
partnership with the state. These structures have now been dismantled. More effective channels
to bring advocacy to bear on the policy process are required.
13. DEMOCRACY AND ORGANISATIONS
Trade Union Right of
Recognition Claiming our Future
should campaign for:
A clear and unequivocal
Irish labour legislation allows people to join
trade unions. right in legislation for all
However, it does not give them the right to be
workers to collective
represented by their trade unions nor to have bargaining within
their trade unions negotiate collectively on their
behalf. workplaces through their
trade unions
Rulings of the Irish Supreme Court have concluded that the Constitutional right to association also
implies the right to disassociation. This gives the employer the right to refuse to engage with the
trade union representatives of a workforce.
However, case law of the European Court of Human Rights has accepted that the right to join a
trade union includes the right to bargain collectively and the right to strike. This case law also
precludes victimisation of trade unionists.
The Charter of Fundamental Rights (Article 28) sets out that workers and employers or their
respective organisations have the right to negotiate and conclude collective agreements. The
Charter forms part of the European Treaties.
The right to organise and to bargain collectively with employers is enshrined under membership
(Parts I and II) of the International Labour Organisation. Ireland has ratified the Core Conventions No
87 concerning Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise (1948 ) and No 98
concerning the Application of the Principles of the Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining
Convention 1949.
Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rigths specifies trade union membership as
an important political right essential to democracy.
14. DEMOCRACY AND ORGANISATIONS
Develop User Participation and Claiming our Future
Advocacy Services should campaign for:
Statutory requirements
People in institutional settings do not have an
adequate say in relation to decisions that to ensure that people in
impact on them.
This can range from older people and people institutional settings
with disabilities in care settings, people in
prison and children in educational
have access to
establishments. structures and supports
Structures for participation by people in the
decision making of such institutions need to be that enable their
further developed. Where necessary
independent advocacy services need to be
participation in decision
further extended. making
User participation in institutional settings such as long term care institutions, prisons and schools is
under-developed and inadequately empowered.
Structures for user participation should enable people to become actively and genuinely involved in
defining the issues of concern to them, in making decisions about factors that affect them, in
devising and implementing policy, and in the planning, development and delivery of the services.
Advocacy is not recognised as a right. It is not enshrined as such in Irish legislation. There has been
a failure to provide adequate funding for advocacy.
Advocacy seeks to safeguard the rights of vulnerable people and to empower those people. It takes
a number of forms including self advocacy (by oneself), citizen advocacy (by another person
voluntary), peer advocacy (by another member of the group), collective advocacy (self advocates
unite), family advocacy (by a family member) and professional advocacy (by an expert).
The Office of the Ombudsman should have a clearly defined role in establishing standards for
user participation and advocacy supports for people in institutional settings such as long term care
providers, prisons, and educational establishments.