1. Journalism and democracy: the
debate
MC404 Political Communications
Dr. Carolina Matos

2. Overview
• Democratic media functions - historical perspectives on
news impact and agenda-setting
• Walter Lippmann on Public Opinion
• Journalism and democracy: the core political functions
of the media (Norris, 2000)
• James Curran on liberal media theory
• Robert Hackett on the conservative, public sphere
liberalism and radical democratic critiques of the media
• Objectivity and professionalism (Matos, 2008; Hallin,
2000)
• You Tube videos: Outfoxed Rupert Murdoch (1-9) and
CNN shows the mainstream media’s bias

3. The media, journalism and politics

4. Public Opinion
• Walter Lippmann(1922) argued that people spent little time
informing themselves and that most people had confused ideas in
relation to politics and interests beyond small circle of friends.
• Lippmann (1922) has been, according to critics like Schudson
(1978), one of the most forceful spokesmen for the ideal of
objectivity. “As our minds become more deeply aware of their own
subjectivism, we find zest in objective method that is not otherwise
there.”
• Lippmann (1922, 126) also pointed out how one tends to belief in
the absolutism of ones own views. “For while men are willing to
admit that there are two sides to a “question’’, they do not believe
that there are two sides to what they regard as a “fact’’’’.
• Chomksy’s propaganda model also assigns an “agenda-setting” role
for the mainstream US media (“the manufacture of consent”)

5. Walter Lippmann and the news that is fit to
print
• “For the real environment is
altogether too big, too complex…for
direct acquaintance. We are not
equipped to deal with too much….we
have to reconstruct it on a simpler
model…All reporters in the world
working all hours of the day could
not witness all the happenings in the
world. But the facts are not
simple...but subject to choice and
opinion, it is natural that everyone
should wish to make his own choice
of facts for the newspaper to print…”
(1922).

6. Agenda-setting function of the media
• Weaver, McCombs and Shaw (1972) conducted the 1st
empirical study of the agenda-setting process
• Chapel Hill Study was done with 100 undecided voters
during the 1968 presidential elections
• Assumption is that audiences learn what issues are
important from the news media and adopts similar views
• McCombs and Shaw found a high degree of agreement
between the rank order of the 4 or 5 issues on the media
agenda and those on the public agenda
• McCombs and Shaw argued that, in choosing and
displaying news, editors and newsroom staff play an
important part in shaping political reality

7. The media as agenda-setters in the 1997 UK
campaign
• “Agenda-setting research is viewed as
important....because it has established that the media
do have an indirect effect, public agenda-setting.”
(Rogers and Dearing, 1988 in Graber, 2007, 95)
• Key question here is: does news matter? What is the
impact of news...on moulding public opinion on
certain issues?
• Blumler and Gurevitch (2001) argued how “TV
journalism also injected a more independent voice into
the 1997 campaign….moving toward the more
mediated style of US election news (Hallin, 1992).
• “This development was striking at the BBC, where
hesitations about claiming any agenda-setting role had
long prevailed among its news executives and
reporters” (Gurevitch and Blumler, 1993, in Bennett
and Entman, 2001).

8. Information processing theories - on priming and
political evaluations
• According to Iyengar and Kinder (1987; 63), priming
“refers to changes in the standards that people use to
make political evaluations.”
• Iyengar and Kinder (1987; 86-87) note that priming
depends not only on the amount of coverage given to
an issue, but also on the nature of such a coverage.
• Priming, especially in its broader definition by Fiske
and Taylor (1984), addresses the importance of both
the mass media agenda and mass media semantic
content in affecting public attitudes (Rogers and
Dearing, 1988, in Graber, 2007).

9. On framing news stories (Entman, 1991, 2001)
• Entman (1991) identifies five popular ways of framing news stories:
1) Conflict – this focuses on disagreement and division, often within
political parties. Ex: the media in the UK constructed stories around
Tony Blair and Gordon Brown in terms of conflict..;
2) Human Interest/Personalisation - provide a story with a human
face, such as individual victims of natural disasters and wars. Here
the personalization of politics can occur; personality is promoted;
3) Consequences – Pursing a policy may be unwise in terms of unity
within a party or coalition or in terms of the status of a nation
globally;
4) Morality – Media coverage can often moralize. Stories can take
on a moral tone (i.e. the treatment of prisoners in Guantanamo Bay)
or the Israeli-Palestinian conflict;
5) Responsibility - I.e. Asian tsunami (in Lilleker, 2006; 84-85).

10. Audience framing
• It is not only the journalist who can have a role in framing news
stories (Tuchman, 1978), audiences can also be seen as framing (or
perhaps reframing) the news that comes to their attention.
• “The origins of audience frames are thus likely to be some
combination of the news media “packages” (Gamson and
Modigliani, 1989), the person’s structural location and values,
political beliefs and knowledge, and the political norms and
discourse of social groups” (McLeod, Kosicki and McLeod, 1994,
141).

11. Global Political Communications - Good governance, human
development and communications (Norris, 2004)
• Norris suggests that “media systems strengthen good governance
and promote positive development...under two conditions: 1) where
there is an independent press...; 2) where there is widespread access
to the media...
• Studies confirm that media systems that meet these conditions are
more closely associated with indicators of good governance and
human development - “Nations which have these systems
experience less corruption, greater administrative efficiency, higher
political stability....as well as better development outcomes, such as
higher per capita income, greater literacy, less economic inequality,
lower infant mortality rates and greater public spending on
health...”
• Mass media can have positive impact if it “functions as a watchdog
holding the powerful to account and as a civic forum facilitating
diversity....”

12. Three core political functions of the media
(Norris, 2000, 27-34)
• Norris also identified three core political functions of the news media
system during election campaigns, based on the concepts of pluralistic
competition, public participation and civil and political rights as developed
by Joseph Schumpeter and Robert Dahl
• 1) pluralistic competition among parties and individuals for all positions of
government power;
• 2) participation by citizens in the selection of parties and representatives
through free, fair and periodic elections
• 3) civil and political liberties to speak, publish, assemble and organize…..to
ensure effective competition and participation.
• In order to facilitate pluralistic competition, we assume that the news media
should act as a civic forum for debate; to promote conditions for public
participation, we assume that the news media…should act as a mobilizing
agent…(34)

13. Core political functions of the media continued
• Blumler and Gurevitch (in Jack McLeod, Gerald M. Kosicki and
Douglas McLeod, 126) argued for 8 normative standards for media
systems in democratic societies, including agenda-setting, providing
platforms for advocacy and holding officials to account (in Norris,
2000, 33)
• 1) surveillance of contemporary events…that will impinge upon the
welfare of citizens;
• 2) identification of key sociopolitical issues including their origins
and possibilities for resolution;
• 3) provision of platforms for advocacy by spoke-persons for causes.;
• 4) transmission of diverse contents across various dimensions and
factions of political discourse….
• 5) scrutiny of government officials, their institutions and other
agencies of power….;
• 6) incentives and information to allow citizens to become active
informed participants..;

14. The media as civic forum and the public sphere
• The news media as civic forum has in its ideal the
Habermasian conception of the public sphere; the ideal
of the press as a civic forum for pluralist debate….has
remained influential (Norris, 2000)
• “Liberal theorists from Milton through Locke and
Madison to John Stuart Mill have argued that a free and
independent press within each nation can play a vital
role in the process of democratization by contributing
toward the right of freedom of expression, thought and
conscience, strengthening the responsiveness of
governments to all citizens, and providing a pluralist
platform of political expression for a multiplicity of
groups” (Sen, 1999).

15. The media and democracy: a critique to the watchdog
function (Curran, 2007, 2000)
• Principal democratic role of the media is to act as a check on the
state and expose abuses of power, with the watchdog role seen as
the most important democratic role of the media by market liberals
• Problems with this approach – admits that it is important, but has
its roots in the 18th century and struggles over state power
• Needs to be re-defined in the 21st century in the light of increasing
deregulation trends and expansion of media commercialisation
• Curran argues that a revised vision needs to take into account the
role of the media as checking on both public and private power

16. Curran on market liberal perspectives of the
media
• “The traditional public watchdog definition of the media
thus legitimates the case for broadcasting reform, and
strengthens the defense of a free market press” (Curran,
2007, 28)
• Thus the core critique of the liberal market model is that
is explains the media solely in terms of market
imperatives. If private media are subject to constraints,
so too are public media. (29)

17. The media and the state, the market, civil society and
journalism (Matos,2008)
• A “free” market press - the market functioned as a
liberating and oppressive force at the same time – Limits
where placed on the increase of public debate due to
media concentration and excessive commercialization
• The state – oppressive or vehicle for social and economic
inclusion?
• Civil society – negotiation with the market forces, the
state and the media
• Journalism – shaped by various forces (state, market and
public opinion)
• Problems to tackle:
• - Strengthening of a complex media system with multiple
journalism identities

18. The conservative perspective on the media
(Hackett, 2005)
• The conservative critique, or elitist democratic or “neo-
liberal”, rose to the political hegemony from the 80’s
onwards, and states that “governments that govern least
are the best”
• Democracy in this view is a process for selecting leaders
who are the “experts” (the elite decision-making public),
with citizen participation confined mainly to voting every
few years.
• Role of the press – by exposing corruption and power
abuse, the press should act as a watchdog on government
• Press need not raise questions about the social order…
but focus in representing inter-elite debates and
providing the public with “objective” information – elitist
mandate articulated as early as the 20’s by Lippmann
(87).

19. “The left liberal bias of the media”
• “Conservatives (market liberals) fear that left-liberal and state-
regulated journalism could threaten public support for business,
and for the economic and military policies that….underpin freedom
and prosperity” (87).
• “The left liberal thesis is partial and misleading. Its persistence is
accounted for…..by a generation-long corporate and right-wing
“ideological mobilization” to undo the…60’s protest movements, to
restore the unchallenged legitimacy of corporate
capitalism…”(Hackett and Zhao, 1998; 138).
• Youtube video: CNN shows the mainstream media’s bias
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YdRzbl11fXU)

20. The public sphere liberalism perspective (Hackett,
2005, 89-91)
• The public sphere liberalism model accepts the elitist democrat’s
support for individual rights and the watchdog press, but places a
higher value on popular/participation through political channels
• Role of journalism – “Liberal participatory democrats prioritize the
role of media in facilitating or even constituting a public sphere…”
(89)
• “Market forces do not have only to down-market sleaze and the
decline of traditional political news in newspapers, argues McNair
(2000: 202, 208); they can also create incentives to invest in quality
journalism….and far from stimulating cynicism, Norris (2000: 318)
finds that “exposure” to news media, and trust participation in the
political system, are mutually reinforcing (“Virtuous Circle”) (91).

21. Baker on functions of the news media
• Baker (2002; 129-53) advocates 2….types of news media:
1) A segmented system that provides each significant
cultural and political group with a forum to articulate
and develop its interests
• 2) Journalism imperatives that can facilitate the search
for society-wide….by being universally accessible,
inclusive (civil, objective, balanced and comprehensive)
and thoughtfully discursive, not simply factual (in
Hackett, 2005, 89).

22. The radical democratic perspective
• “If market liberals emphasize individuals liberties and
restrictions on government power, and public sphere
liberals highlight public deliberation about policy,
radical democrats add 3 dimensions – a view of
democracy as not being just a set of procedures…….but
a societal environment which nourishes
development….everyone’s equal right to ‘ the full
development and use’ of their capabilities (Macpherson,
1977; 14 in Hackett, 2005, 92).

23. The radical perspective meets the public
sphere
• Within the tradition of critical political economy, the media are seen
as having a role in reversing structural inequalities of societies
• The media should give more voice to various groups in civil society
in order to facilitate social change, having a role in the fight against
social injustice
• “The public sphere and radical democratic critiques suggest that
both countries… need to nurture a more democratic media
system….Such pluralism requires regulatory and legislative
initiatives, such as subsidies and media ownership ceilings because,
left to themselves, commercial pressures will generally deepen
rather than reduce the undemocratic aspects….” (95)

24. Curran’s democratic model for a complex media
system (in Matos, 2008)
• An ideal democratic media system is one in which various sectors,
the state, the market, civic and alternative sectors, are represented
(Matos, 2008)
• Curran (1991, 2000: 142-149) has envisioned an alternative model
for a complex media system - third way between liberalism and
Marxism
• It has at its core the public service TV, with private enterprise, the
social, civic and the professional sectors surrounding it (1991,2000;
140-148).
• Civic sector is composed of political parties, social movements and
interest groups; the professional sector is controlled by professional
communicators; the private is more responsive to popular pleasures
and can act out the watchdog function whilst the social market
represents minority media interests.
• Youtube video: Outfoxed Rupert Murdoch (1-9) (
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GdgnJY2uMS0)

25. The debate on objectivity and balance in journalism:
historical perspectives (in Matos, 2008)
• According to US historians, journalists and academics
(Waisbord, 2002; Tumber, 1999; Schudson, 1978), a
more sophisticated reading of the ideal of objectivity
gained strengthen amongst American journalists
because of their..questioning of their own subjectivity.
• Objectivity was also seen as vital for publishers and
their needs to move away from highly politicized
publications.... It also began to be considered a
necessity by journalists who wanted their work to be
taken seriously... Tumber, 1999; Merritt, 1995;
Schudson, 1978; Tuchman, 1972)
• Model of “information” and factual journalism...was
mainly represented by the success of the New York
Times since the 1890’s.

26. The objectivity dilemma (in Matos, 2008)
• Critics have argued how objectivity serves as a defense system for
journalists and news organizations to repudiate charges of bias
(Tuchman, 1972, 1999).
• Tuchman (1972) has stated that professional norms produce stories
that support the existing order. She has examined the newsman’s
notion of objectivity by focusing on some standard journalism
practices, such as the presentation of all sides of a story during a
period of time (the balance criteria)
• As Hackett and Zhao (1998, 88) state, the objectivity regime
persists precisely because “it does offer openings, however unequal,
to different social and cultural groups”.
• Critiques blame decline of public life on journalism
• - Decrease in interest runs deeper (I.e. decline of modernism,
growth of cynicism, relativism, individualism, etc).

27. On the importance of the ideal of
objectivity
• “We cannot coherently abandon the ideal of
objectivity and, whatever they may think,
objectivity critics do not abandon it either. To
claim that a piece of journalism piece is not
objective is to say that it fails to provide the
truth.. How do we know that American news
accounts on the Gulf War are partial, except by
comparison with some other…possible
accounts? We know how to distinguish between
better and worse, more or less accurate
accounts..” (Lichtenberg, 2000; 241-242).

28. The partisanship versus professionalism debate*
• Professionalism was consolidated in the US in the mid-40’s, having
had its roots in the ‘information’ journalism model led in part by
The New York Times (Hallin, 2000; Schudson, 1978).
• Hallin (2000) retains the philosophy of professionalism as a means
of safeguarding journalism practice from economic and political
pressures. He laments that in the US professionalism has declined
in newsrooms due to marketing pressures.
• Events which followed the Cold War consensus war, such as
Vietnam, Watergate and the pressures of civil rights movements,
diminished ‘objective journalism’ in the US, opening a trend
towards interpretative journalism….
• Regarding Vietnam War, Hallin (2000) stated that the changing
political environment led to modifications in news reporting.
* (in Matos, 2008)

29. Objectivity and professionalism continued (in
Matos, 2008)
- For Soloski (1989, 1999; 310), news professionalism controls
journalists through the setting of standards and the reward and
punishment systems. Control is not total because professionalism
“provides journalists with an independent power base” while also
affording journalists “too much freedom”, with news organizations
adopting procedures again to limit professionalism.
- Objectivity permitted certain views to be treated as acceptable,
when before they were not. Hallin (2000) concluded that backing or
critique of policies depends on the degree of consensus that these
enjoy amongst the political establishment (Tumber, 1999, 288).
• When consensus is strong, the media plays a relatively passive role
and tends to reinforce official power….when political elites are
divided, they become more active….objectivity and balance reign in
the middle region, which he calls the sphere of legitimate
controversy (Hallin, 2000 in Matos, 2008)

30. Some conclusions
• 1) Both political authoritarianism and excessive economic
pressures can impose constraints on media;
• 2) The watchdog role has its limits, but is still vital to understand
the democratic role of the media for both advanced democracies and
emerging ones;
• 3) Different perspectives on the media assign to it diverse roles and
understand the deficit in US and UK journalism from various
positions (i.e. market liberals, etc);
• 4) Beyond discussions of “pessimistic” versus “optimistic” readings
of the media;
• 5) In spite of being attacked from various fronts, key liberal media
theory demands (i.e. watchdog role, professionalism, objectivity)
seem to remain still relevant (Matos, 2008; Curran; 2000).

31. Questions for further debate in Political
Journalism lecture
• What is the role of political journalism in the context of
the “crisis of objectivity” and the rise of new media
technologies?
• Should there be a wider role for partisan media?
• Depending on specific historical and political contexts,
can journalism cultures of professionalism be used to
advance democratisation or particular causes?
• Is there a crisis in public communications?
• Are commercial media worldwide “dumbing down”?
What are the threats posed to the notion of the “media as
a public sphere”?
• Can civic and/or public forms of communication still have
a role today?

32. Seminar activities for this week – group
readings and presentations
 Hallin, Daniel (2000) “Commercialism and Professionalism in the
American News Media” in Curran, James and Gurevitch, Michael
(ed) Mass Media and Society, New York: Oxford
 Josephi, Beate (2008) “Journalism in the global age – between
normative and empirical” in Tumber, Howard (ed) Journalism –
Critical Concepts in Media and Cultural Studies, London
 Lichtenberg, Judith (2000) “In Defence of Objectivity Revisited” in
Curran, James and Gurevitch, Michael (ed) Mass Media and Society,
New York: Oxford University Press, p. 238-255
 McNair, Brian (2007) “Politics, democracy and the media” in An
Introduction to Political Communication, London: Routledge,
 Schudson, M. (1995) “The News Media and the Democratic Process”
in The Power of News Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass,
(see ch.10)

33. Set readings for next week
• Thussu, D. K. (2007) News as Entertainment: The Rise of Global
Infotainment. London: Sage, chapter 5
• Further reading: Baum, M. (2003) Soft News Goes to War:
Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy in the New Media
Age. Princeton University Press; Burston, J. (2003) “War and the
Entertainment Industries: New Research Priorities in an Era of
Cyber-Patriotism” in Thussu, D. K. and Freedman, D. (eds.) War
and the Media: Reporting Conflict 24/7, Sage; Tumber, Howard
and J. Palmer (2004) Media at war : the Iraq crisis. London: Sage
• Seminars: Discussions of lecture and individual presentations