Dr. Del Rosario of St. Mary's University, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines, discusses how the project documented the ethno-ecological adaptation of the I’waks and see how these adaptive strategies have changed or been sustained over time.

1. The I’waks: C oping in a
C hanging World
Fe Yolanda Gatan Del Rosario, Ph. D.
Darwin Don M. Dacles, Ph. D.
Mr. Leonard Clemens L. Cadoy, MPA
Saint Mary’s University, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya
Website: smu.edu.gov.ph

2. STATEMENT OF PURPOSE
Generally, the aim of the study is to document the ethno-
ecological adaptation of the I’waks and see how these adaptive strategies
have changed or been sustained overtime. Specifically, the study sought
to shed light on the following:
1.Describe the I’waks of Nueva Vizcaya;
2.Locate the I’waks in their culture centers;
3.Describe the I’waks’ immediate environment in relation to their
adaptive strategies;
4.Document the practices/steps involved in the I’waks’ system of
cultivation;
5.Note the underlying changes that have taken place in the practice
across time and;
6.Explain the importance of such a technology in their over-all survival as

3. Methodology and Sources of Data
In documenting the I’wak practice of shifting cultivation, the
research team followed a multidisciplinary approach namely:
1.The tools of historical and anthropological research – These
two methods were extensively used. The historical method which
entails the systematic collection and evaluation of data to describe,
explain, and understand events in the I’wak’s past while the
anthropological approach necessitated a study of their local
knowledge of shifting cultivation since part of the people’s response
to certain needs was an appreciation of their economic activities and
organization.

4. In the course of tracing the necessary background information
about the subject of the study, the team discovered at least three
major works:
(1)A study which traced the I’waks past was written by Jesus Peralta
(1982);
(2) An unpublished thesis written by Rayda Joy Castillo-Calanse (1999)
about some ethnographic information and life cycle of the I’waks and;
(3)A study done by Ramos, Bonifacio V. (2003) on “The Abong: A
Witness to the I’waks simplicity, Tranquility, and Accord with Nature”.
All of which are considered to be primary sources, inasmuch as the
information were obtained first hand from key informants.
Tracing reliable secondary sources however, was more
tedious since this entailed pouring over documents written by Spanish
chroniclers and friars. Fortunately there were entries in Blair and
Robertson’s The Philippine Islands, William Scott’s translation of the
work of Fr. Francisco Antolin, Notices of the Pagan Igorots in the
Interior of the Island of Manila, and Felix Keesing’s, The Ethnohistory of
Northern Luzon, but these were far and between.

5. 2. Oral History - The team also used the methods of oral history
particularly to validate information taken from secondary sources.
This was necessary particularly since there are several versions to the
origins of the I’waks as a people. Oral history also provided
information heretofore unknown. Central to this was using accounts
from practitioners, or those who are directly involved in the economic
activities.
3. Informal retrospective interview - Cultural bearers especially
the elders were crucial in resurfacing knowledge about practices in the
past so that their continuities and discontinuities in their strategies
may be determined. Informal interviews were thus done not only with
cultural bearers and gardeners but everyone who showed interest in
the unveiling of their culture.

6. In the choice of people to interview, primary
consideration was given to the elders for their knowledge
goes far back to when they were adolescents up to the time of
their rootedness in their culture centers. Their willingness to
be interviewed was important since they were made to
understand that they were co-researchers and their informed
prior consent had to be sought. FGD in Buyasyas
4. Focus group discussions - FGD’s helped gather data
more systematically. This allowed the team to clarify
confusing information derived from written sources or to
counter check ambiguous ideas from individual interviews.
These were then audio-taped, transcribed, and later
interpreted.
FGD in Tuyungan
FGD in Li’bawan
FGD in Alang Salacsac
FGD in Amelong-Labeng

7. 5. Photo-Video Documentation - Since a mere description of the indigenous
knowledge and systems of the I’wak will not suffice, the team also used photo-video
documentation throughout which required a certain degree of participant
observation. Following a three-day ocular inspection that took place in December,
immersion into the community took place sporadically in January and February, and
intensively in March.
6. Data Transcription & Inductive Reasoning – The information taken from
various sources was transcribed. After the transcription, the researchers relied
heavily on inductive reasoning and creative interpretation to reconstruct and arrive
at objective conclusions.
7. Authentication & Revalidation - The team then returned to the various culture
centers to present the output to the people for comments and revalidation. While
the paper reflected the values and interests of the clients, the results and processes
were highly qualitative.

8. Implementation
The research team first solicited the approval of the Local
Government Unit of Kayapa, Nueva Vizcaya and the people
concerned (I’wak elders) in the proposal to conduct a qualitative-
descriptive research regarding the I’waks’ adaptive strategies.
Taking this as a jump-off point, the research team conducted the
following activities:
1.Identification and processing of possible sources of information
about the I’waks through the local NCIP;
2.Ocular inspections of I’wak culture centers and photo-video
documentation for geographic profiling and initial consultation with
cultural bearers and masters in the culture centers for the peoples’
informed consent and participation according to IPRA law;

9. Buyasyas ocular inspection by the researchers:
Via Calitlitan from the South

10. 3. Collating, cataloguing and transcribing of existing data about
the I’wak people;
4. Participation in the first I’wak congress on February 25 – 26,
2011. This activity paved way for the research information
dissemination at large of the aims of the research;
5. Adaptive strategies documentation was conducted. As early as
December, 2010, the data gathering instrument was already
crafted by the research team, underwent validation from the
University Research Center, revised cognizant with several
suggestions of the examining panel and again edited to include
other items as seen relevant by the cultural masters & bearers.
6. Consolidation of initial data and writings by the group was
done.
7. The third immersion activity - on March 22 – April 2, 2011
(living with the people to document their day to day activities
in order to draw out with them the necessary data for the
research was done.
8. Fourth Immersion activity happened on April 25-26, 2011
9. Consolidation of all data and writing stages happened in April

11. Participation in the First I’wak Congress (February 25-26, 2011)

12. Immersion Activities (Living with
the I’waks in the various culture
centers)
During the night, the I’wak elders of Buyasyas shared their history
(oral), indigenous knowledge, systems and practices to the researchers
during the focus group discussion

13. The I’waks: C oping in a
changing world
Dr. Yolanda Fe Gatan – Del Rosario
Dr. Darwin Don Mallo Dacles
Mr. Leonard Clemens Lamsis Cadoy

14. Kayapa: Home-bastion of the
I’wak People
Today’s generation of the I’wak people
would find themselves at large living in the
upland political territories of the Municipality
of Kayapa. Kayapa, the home-bastion of the
I’wak people is a 3rd class municipality,
situated in the western portion of the Lone
District of Nueva Vizcaya, found in Region II,
Northern Luzon, Philippines.

15. Nueva Vizcaya Map relative to its location in
Northern Luzon & Kayapa Boundaries

16. Kayapa relative to its distance from the provincial
capital and the country’s capital
326.99 kms. away
from Manila and 66
kms. away from the
provincial capital

17. Kayapa has an approximate area of about 78,459.69 hectares, which is
basically agricultural. It has an altitude of 4,300 feet above sea level and 9,630 feet
above sea level on top of Mount Ugo and Mount Pulag, the highest mountain peak
in Northern Luzon that touches Kayapa.

18. Boundaries of
Kayapa
North - Province of Ifugao
West - Province of Benguet
connected via the
Kayapa Ambuklao Road
South - Municipality of Sta
Fe
Southeast - Municipality of
Aritao
East - Municipality of
Bambang
Northeast - Municipality of
Ambaguio

19. The Municipality is
politically subdivided into
30 Barangays;
As a tourist
destination, Kayapa is one
of the summer capitals of
the Province of Nueva
Vizcaya due to its Baguio-
like cool breeze,
panoramic view, climate
and “flower gardens”.
It is also one of the
vegetable bowls of the
province.

20. I’wak Culture Centers
Peralta (1982) describes, “the I’waks are extensively
dispersed in the general distribution of more than 2000 plus
within the area of the Agno river to the west; highway 3 to the
east, approximately 5 kilometers into northeastern Pangasinan;
and the mountain trail from Aritao to Baguio in the northern
perimeter.
The area includes southern Nueva Vizcaya, northern Nueva
Ecija in Lising & Capintalan, and northeastern Pangasinan in Sta
Maria”.
Most Iwaks then crowded the southern area of Nueva
Vizcaya. Today’s concentration of the Iwaks is found in several
sitios of Barangays Besong, Alang-Salacsac (Bileg, Lower &
Upper Bolo, Landing & Alang) Kayapa Proper West (Tuyungan &
Li’bawan), Amilong-Labeng (Poblacion, Cawayan, Sayuding,
Saguipat), Ansipsip (Dumolpos), Buyasyas, Kayapa (Talnag,
Mataba, Parago) and Buyasyas, Sta Fe (Kapangan, Bocaog).

21. I’wak Culture Center
Dumolpos Besong
Ansipsip
Pob.
Cawayan
Tuyungan
Sayuding
Kayapa Proper West Amilong-Labeng
Li’bawan Saguipat
Alang
Lower Bolo
Upper Bolo
Bileg Talnag
Landing Mataba
Parago
Buyasyas, Kayapa
Bocaog
Brgy. Alang-Salacsac
Buyasyas, Sta Fe Kapangan
- Sitiosa - Barangays - Researchers’

22. Alang-Salacsac Sitio Li’bawan Buyasyas, Kayapa
Kayapa Proper West
IWAK HISTORY AND ORIGIN
For many centuries, scholars and writers were baffled by stories
surrounding the presence of a unique moorland ethnic group living
deep in the Cordillera and Caraballo Mountain Ranges of Northern
Luzon, in the Philippine Archipelago.
Sitio Tuyungan, Amelong-Labeng Buyasyas, Sta Fe
Kayapa Proper West

23. The trail-quest for this identity
riddle started from obscure Spanish
documents which were very few,
fragmentary, and to the extremest
level, none at all.

24. This ethnographic
inquiry had eluded the
best investigators of
those times, not until
dedicated researchers
made extensive and
systematic effort to
unveil the mystery which
ultimately opened other
anthropological
opportunities for and on
behalf of this tribe.

25. Peralta (1982) posited that one of the reasons why
earlier investigations failed to unravel the identity of this
people was “ because of the wide array of names that
were being tagged to these old mountain folks”.

26. Generations of Spanish historical recorders
would discuss a wide variety of tribes like the
Yguats, Dumanggi, Alegueses, Alagueses,
Gumangi, Jumangi, Jumanguis, Aua, Awa, Oak,
Alagot, Yumanggi and Dangatan – when, in
reality, all of these appelations are actually
applicable to but one generic tribal name
called I’wak.”

27. The I’waks of old Ituy
The I’wak existence was
first revealed in an old
Spanish document in
November of 1591, taken
from the expeditionary
report of Pedro de Sid to the
town of “Tuy” or “Ituy” an
old Spanish administrative
unit (today’s Southern
Nueva Vizcaya)
The territory of Ituy
consisted of what we know
today as the municipal
territories of Sta Fe, Kayapa,
Aritao, Dupax Del Norte,
Dupax Del Sur and
Bambang.

28. As in other chronicles, the Spanish were taken
aback by the richness of the people who adorned
their bodies with gold as part of an elaborate bodily
ornamentation, which when the former asked where
the source of gold came from, some tribesmen
responded, “Yguat, Panuypuy and Bila villages living
behind the mountain range.”
The inhabitants of those villages showed the
village of Bayaban near Y’guat, close to the Igolotes
where the goldmines were located.

29. In 1594, a brief description was made on
the valley of Dumanggui (another I’wak name)
describing a settlement in that place.
In 1635, a Spanish Friar Tomas also made
mention of the Alegueses (another I’wak
name) living along the ridges in the vicinity of
lower Kayapa valley (pampang).
In 1637, another report was made of the
same nature.

30. In 1739, a Dominican priest recorded that
in the summits and ridges overlooking Ituy,
the Dumangguis were living in some 30
villages.
Those of the Awa also numbered about 20
villages.
Antolin (1970) enunciates that at the time,
the most common term for these inhabitants
was the Owa or Oak.

31. Antolin also made
mention of a Father Herrera in
1755, who, on his way to
Aritao, Nueva Vizcaya from the
Province of Pangasinan passed
through the mountain ranges
near the Igorots of Awa, using
what is still known today as
Villaverde trail.
Father Cristobal Rodriguez
of Dupax strengthened the
claim of the Iwak presence in
Awa/Aua when he took the
opposite direction in going to
Pangasinan via the Awa river.

32. In the same year, another account from a
Dominican priest, Lobato narrated that in order
to reach the town of Aritao from Pangasinan,
they had to cut across mountain ranges occupied
by fierce Igorotes at Awa (formerly Awa river,
now Sta Cruz river).
They arrived at sitio Burubur when suddenly
the Awa (I’waks) appeared and a fierce battle
was fought.
After the battle, the chronicler mentioned that
they had counted 48 Awa villages (dwellings) in
rugged crags with hardly any place to graze
cattle or flat grounds suitable for farming.

33. The old Spanish - trail
mentioned in many Spanish
chronicles that connected the
old administrative region of Ituy
with Pangasinan is still visible
from Mt Cabo.
From this vantage point,
the researchers had to stop
before making a final push into
the old I’wak settlements of
Amaya-an, Busnog & Old Spanish trail
Cagumbawan to the southwest
and retrace one’s footsteps
again into Mt Cabo and then
travel northeast again into Mt.
Tugew...
Mt. Cabo: The Trail going
northeast to Mt. Tugew
Mt. Cabo: The Trail going
southwest into the old I’wak sites
of amay’yaan, Cagumbawan &
Busnog
Spanish Trail

34. The Spanish logbook
showed interesting entries
about the tribe’s frugal and
simple ways. Chroniclers
observed that the I’waks were
taro roots (gabi tubers)
cultivators/eaters, which they
planted on the slopes of the
mountains, that suggest a slash
and burn type of agriculture or
shifting cultivation. Taro is still
cultivated today in the I’wak
culture centers and forms part
of the peoples’ diet. It is planted
in “bineng” (swampy areas) or
where there is abundant supply

35. Malumbres, writing early in the 20th century says that the
“Igorotes of Kayapa were diligent workers growing taro,
sweet potato, beans and cabbages upon the slopes. Some of
them were also dedicated to the extraction of gold from the
Ambayabang river. Their main commerce was with other
towns of Nueva Vizcaya and with Pangasinan.
A mission center was estalished in 1894 (Mission de
Santacruz) at Pingkian then later in 1898 at Bisong. (Keesing,
1962). To date, these two places still exist.