1.
Title:
Bright,
tough,
and
resilient-­‐-­‐and
not
in
a
gifted
program.
By:
Peterson,
Jean
Sunde,
Journal
of
Secondary
Gifted
Education,
10774610,
Spring97,
Vol.
8,
Issue
3
Database:
Professional
Development
Collection
BRIGHT,
TOUGH,
AND
RESILIENT-­‐AND
NOT
IN
A
GIFTED
PROGRAM
Abstract
Research,
identification,
and
programs
in
gifted
education
have
typically
not
accommodated
the
"tough
bright,"
described
in
this
article
as
abused,
neglected,
and
undernurtured-­‐-­‐a
subgroup
in
the
"diversity"
gifted
education
has
been
admonished
to
identify
and
serve.
Qualitative
analysis
of
language
generated
in
structured
interviews
with
a
group
of
high-­‐ability,
at-­‐risk
middle-­‐school
children
(N
=
11),
who
had
not
been
identified
for
special
programming,
yielded
information
related
to
personal
difficulties,
perceived
support,
familiarity
with
danger
and
violence,
home
environment,
school
experiences,
perceptions
of
the
future,
and
resilience.
Suggestions
for
identification
and
programming
are
based
on
findings
in
the
study
They
feel
like
throw-­‐away
children-­‐-­‐not
just
at
home,
but
also
in
school.
They
have
agile
and
creative
minds
and
display
impressive
interpersonal
savvy.
They
are
insightful,
"smart,"
verbally
adept,
heavy
with
young
wisdom,
and
highly
intelligent
in
terms
of
Gardner's
(1983)
ideas
concerning
multiple
intelligences.
Yet
they
are
not
affirmed
for
these
qualities
at
home
or
at
school.
Their
parents
are
neglectful,
abusive,
unresponsive,
erratic,
and
abuse
substances
(Berlin,
Davis,
&
Orenstein,
1988;
Pollock
et
al.,
1990).
As
these
children
see
it,
teachers
make
assumptions
about
them
based
on
their
socioeconomic
and
family
situations
(Kramer,
1990).
In
fact,
teachers
may
not
be
nurturing
toward
them
(Sisk,
1988).
By
middle
school,
they
are
alienated
from
school
(Kramer,
1990)
and
may
eventually
drop
out
(Robertson,
1991).
The
present
study
sought
to
learn
about
this
group
of
disadvantaged,
high-­‐ability
children.
According
to
a
scant
number
of
studies
specifically
addressing
them
as
a
subpopulation
among
"gifted
at
risk,"
and
numerous
studies
of
children
of
alcoholics,
these
students
may
exhibit
the
following
characteristics.
They
feel
rage,
are
depressed
and
suicidal
(Meyer
&
Phillips,
1990),
distance
themselves
adaptively
(Berlin
et
al.,
1988),
and
have
behavior
and
academic
problems
(Moss,
Vanyukov,
&
Majumder,
1995).
They
act
out
aggressively
(Pollock
et
al.,
1990;
Tomori,
1994)
and
abuse
substances,
the
latter
more
because
of
stress
and
negative
affect
than
from
rebellion
(Colder
&
Chassin,
1993).
Though
they
have
confused
and
ambivalent
feelings
about
their
parents,
they
remain
loyal
and
enmeshed,
perhaps
blaming
themselves
for
family
distress
(Berlin
et
al.,
1988).
They
have
delinquent
friends
and
may
be
involved
in
delinquent
behavior
themselves
(Brooks,
1980).
Their
parents
use
humiliation,
intimidation
(Meyer
&
Phillips,
1990),
and
heavy
household
responsibilities
(Goglia,
Jurkovic,
&
Burt,
1992)
to
maintain
control
over
them.
A
same-­‐sex
best
friend
is
basic
to
their
self-­‐esteem
(Barrera,
Chassin,
&
Rogosch,
1993),
but
they
may
also
be
isolated
(Berlin
et
al.,
1988;
Meyer
&
Phillips,
1990).
They
struggle
to
make
sense
of
their
complex
contexts
(Berlin
et
al.,
1988).
In
school,
they
may
exhibit
symptoms
of
fetal
alcohol
effects,
which
interfere
with
academic
performance
and
social
ease
(Streissguth,
1994).
Hypervigilant,
they
are
vulnerable
to
rejection,
and
they
may
see
suicide
as
a
"safe
place"
(Meyer
&
Phillips,
1990).
Factors
of
resilience,
"the
ability
to
function
psychologically
at
a
level
far
greater
than
expected
given
a
person's
earlier
developmental
experiences"
(Higgins,
1994),
mediate
the
effects
of
their
situations
(Garbarino,
Dubrow,
Kostelny,
&
Pardo,
1992;
Werner,
1986).
Of
interest
here
are
qualities
of
temperament
(Smith,
1995;
Werner,
1984),
personal
characteristics
(Garmezy,
Masten,
&
Tellegen,
1984;
Werner
&
Smith,
1982),
buffering
family
conditions
(Farrell,
Barnes,
&
Banerjee,
1995;
Rak
&
Patterson,

2. 1996),
self-­‐understanding
(Beardslee
&
Podorefsky,
1988),
and
environmental
supports
in
the
form
of
mentors,
parental
surrogates,
and
role
models
for
coping
(Bolig
&
Weddle,
1988;
Dugan
&
Coles,
1989).
Intelligence
and
exceptional
talents
(Higgins,
1994)
and
the
desire
to
be
different
from
the
parents
(Herrenkohl,
1994)
are
also
significant
to
positive
outcomes.
Just
as
educators
may
not
recognize
their
high
ability,
these
students
themselves
might
not
believe
they
are
"intelligent,"
since
that
word,
like
"gifted,"
may
translate
into
only
"high
academic
achievement"
for
them.
Nevertheless,
regardless
of
their
academic
performance,
these
students
might
qualify
for
programs
for
the
gifted
and
talented
according
to
the
criterion
of
potential;
that
is,
"capable
of
high
performance,"
in
the
Marland
(1972)
definition.
They
also
might
qualify
on
the
basis
of
performance
on
traditional
assessments
for
such
programs,
such
as
standardized
achievement
tests,
but
perhaps
on
earlier,
not
current,
scores.
Their
performance
on
tests
might
be
erratic
from
year
to
year,
and
that
inconsistency,
too,
can
mean
that
they
are
not
nominated
as
"gifted."
Marcus
(1986)
speculated
that
the
learning
environment
in
homes
where
a
parent
abuses
substances
is
qualitatively
different
from
that
in
others.
Given
that
assessed
vocabulary
level
correlates
highly
with
measures
of
general
intelligence
(Sattler,
1992,
p.
137),
the
lack
of
conversational
contact
with
stable
adults
might
mean
lower
scores
than
those
of
children
who
have
had
the
intellectual
enrichment
of
middle-­‐class
homes.
Those
lower
scores
might
prevent
identification
for
a
gifted
program.
Classroom
teachers
use
good
social
behavior,
a
strong
classroom
work
ethic,
and
positive
verbal
assertiveness
as
criteria
when
referring
students,
and
the
lack
of
any
of
these
can
preclude
nomination
(Peterson
&
Margolin,
in
press).
In
addition,
the
parents
of
these
children
may
be
unlikely
to
advocate
for
them
regarding
special
opportunities
and
programs
for
enrichment,
according
to
Scott,
Perou,
Urbano,
Hogan,
and
Gold's
(1992)
relevant
study.
These
students
are
not
only
part
of
the
"diversity"
educators
of
students
with
high
abilities
have
been
admonished
to
identify
and
serve;
they
are
also
economically
or
otherwise
"disadvantaged,"
a
category
needing
attention
for
"learning
opportunities"
and
identification
(Office
of
Educational
Research
and
Improvement,
1993).
Yet
they
may
not
be
among
the
racial
and
cultural
groups
typically
targeted
by
programs
making
efforts
to
be
inclusive.
They
may
be
Caucasian,
but
not
be
"mainstream"
(see
Spindler
&
Spindler,
1990).
In
short,
they
are
usually
not
in
programs
for
the
gifted
and
talented.
As
a
subgroup
within
the
disadvantaged,
highability
population,
these
sometimes
violent,
jaded,
angry,
and
depressed
children,
with
some
exceptions
(e.g.,
Baldwin,
1994;
Brooks,
1980;
Coleman
&
Gallagher,
1992;
Sisk,
1988;
VanTassel-­‐Baska,
1989;
Wang,
1995;
Ward,
1992),
have
not
generated
a
great
deal
of
attention
in
the
literature
related
to
gifted
education.
They
have
usually
not
been
part
of
the
databases
from
which
conclusions
about
"gifted
children"
are
drawn
(e.g.,
Baker,
1994;
Goldstein,
Stocking,
&
Sawyer,
1992;
Olszewski-­‐Kubilius
&
Yasumoto,
1994;
Swiatek,
1995).
Gifted-­‐education
conference
and
symposia
presentations
related
to
them
have
been
rare.
Smart
and
tough,
these
children
are
at
risk
for
dropping
out
of
school,
criminal
behavior,
depression,
and
suicide,
and
not
coming
even
close
to
academic
or
other
performance
that
matches
their
measured
potential.
The
Purpose
of
the
Study
To
address
the
issues
of
whether
these
at-­‐risk,
high-­‐ability
children
should
be
identified,
how
they
might
be
identified,
and
what
kinds
of
responsive
services
are
appropriate
for
them,
the
researcher
conducted
a
qualitative
study,
involving
interviews
and
subsequent
language
analysis,
of
a
group
of
"tough
and
bright"
children
in
order
to
learn
more
about
them.
Of
interest
initially
were
their
self-­‐perception,
negative
and
positive
school
experiences,
resiliency
factors,
and
home
environment.
The
study
was
undertaken
with
the
assumption
that
by
becoming
knowledgeable
about
these
children,
educators
of
the
gifted
can
determine
effective
ways
to
serve
them.
Participants

3. The
participants
were
10
(7
females,
3
males)
middle
school
students,
among
33
(19
females,
14
males)
who
had
been
referred
as
"the
most
needy
and
the
most
difficult"
for
a
series
of
focused,
semi-­‐structured,
small-­‐group
discussions
(Peterson,
1990,
1995)for
"students
with
concerns"
in
the
two
middle
schools
in
a
midwestern
community
of
25,000.
The
researcher
led
the
activity
as
part
of
an
inter-­‐agency
approach
to
supporting
children
at
risk.
One
additional
female
student,
a
14-­‐year-­‐old
ninth
grader
who
had
participated
the
previous
year
in
the
groups,
was
also
interviewed,
for
a
total
of
11
study
participants.
These
11
students
had
scored
at
or
above
the
approximately
90th
percentile
on
the
Iowa
Test
of
Basic
Skills
(ITBS;
Hieronymous
&
Hoover,
1986)
on
at
least
one
subtest
(vocabulary,
reading
comprehension,
language,
science,
math,
social
science)
or
the
composite
sometime
during
their
school
years.
One
or
both
parents
of
nine
of
the
study
participants
were
suspected
of
abusing
substances.
Ninety-­‐four
percent
of
the
33
at-­‐risk
group
participants
were
Caucasian.
All
of
the
study
participants
were
Caucasian
and
were
roughly
one-­‐third
(30%)
of
those
who
had
been
referred
for
the
groups
in
the
two
schools
(37%
of
the
female
students,
21%
of
the
male
students).
None
of
these
students
was
currently
identified
as
"gifted."
In
a
few
cases,
one
or
two
teachers
seemed
aware
of
their
ability,
but
most
of
the
study
participants
were
not
doing
well
academically,
had
problems
with
absenteeism
and
behavior,
had
been
or
were
depressed,
and
had
contact
with
substances
and
delinquency.
Screening
and
selection
criteria
for
programs
for
students
with
high
ability
continue
to
rely
on
achievement
tests
and
other
such
academic
measures
(Maker,
1996).
Given
the
typical
practice
of
selecting
students
in
the
top
3%-­‐5%
on
a
nationally
standardized
measure
(Colangelo
&
Kerr,
1990;
Richert,
1991),
the
approximately
90%
level
used
in
selecting
participants
for
this
study
might
be
seen
as
inappropriately
generous.
However,
as
stated
earlier,
it
might
be
assumed
that
the
scores
of
these
children
would
have
been
higher
had
they
had
stable
and
well-­‐functioning
home
contexts.
That
the
scores
of
most
had
declined
in
recent
years
also
suggests
that
environment
had
had
an
effect
on
their
performance
on
achievement
tests.
Prior
to
the
interviews,
all
participants
had
attended
at
least
one
group
session
with
the
researcher.
All
but
one
had
attended
most
of
the
sessions
of
their
particular
group.
They
were,
therefore,
acquainted
with
the
researcher
and
had
established
some
rapport
prior
to
the
interview,
probably
important
in
light
of
the
lack
of
trust
that
can
exist
in
homes
with
conflict-­‐ridden,
neglectful,
substance
abusing,
or
abusive
parents
(Meyer
&
Phillips,
1990).
The
study
participants
will
be
identified
by
pseudonyms
in
the
discussion
which
follows.
The
Setting
The
small
city
where
the
schools
were
located
had
experienced
a
significant
demographic
shift
over
the
past
decade,
the
result
of
corporate
downsizing
and
the
relatively
new
presence
of
a
meat-­‐packing
plant.
There
was
a
growing
immigrant
Latino
population.
In
the
two
schools
together,
12%
of
the
total
middle
school
population
of
1,262
was
from
minority
groups,
with
Latino
students,
at
8%,
being
the
largest
minority
group.
The
resulting
upheaval
was
evident
in
the
schools:
students
whose
intown
addresses
changed
often;
whose
parents
worked
two
or
three
low-­‐paying
jobs
and
had
little
contact
with
their
families;
whose
parents
were
substance
abusers;
who
were
abused
and
neglected
at
home;
who
became
anxious
as
summer
approached,
because
they
would
lose
the
structure
that
school
provided;
and
who
were
largely
in
charge
of
household
management-­‐-­‐laundry,
cooking,
cleaning,
and
childcare.
In
the
schools
and
in
the
discussion
groups,
there
was
frequent
discussion
of
gang
activity
and
violence.

4. Method
After
a
review
of
school
records
revealed
their
relatively
high
ITBS
scores,
the
11
students
were
invited
to
participate
in
a
structured
interview.
Parental
permission
was
given
either
in
writing
or
by
phone
in
response
to
a
letter
explaining
that
the
child
was
being
invited
for
an
interview
because
of
perceived
high
ability.
The
interviews
were
conducted
in
a
conference
room
and
lasted
from
45
to
75
minutes.
The
students
were
asked
18
open-­‐ended
questions
(see
Appendix
A).
Only
one
Participant,
the
student
with
the
poorest
attendance
in
the
discussion
groups,
did
not
elaborate
with
answers.
However,
based
on
nonverbal
behavior,
she,
like
the
others,
seemed
pleased
to
be
viewed
as
"bright,"
and
all
were
alert,
attentive,
and
cooperative.
With
that
one
exception,
they
appeared
to
respond
ingenuously
and
earnestly.
Answers
were
both
audiotape-­‐recorded
and
recorded
on
laptop
computer.
The
necessary
equipment
did
not
appear
to
be
a
sustained
concern
for
the
participants.
Subsequent
to
the
interviews,
the
transcript
language
was
analyzed
for
themes
regarding
self-­‐perception,
resilience,
positive
and
negative
school
experiences,
and
home
environment,
using
a
color-­‐coding
system
that
marked
various
recurring
themes
with
an
identifying
color.
All
color-­‐coded
comments
were
then
classified
into
respective
color
groups
and
reclassifted
further,
with
new
colors,
since
the
initial
analysis
had
produced
additional
strands
of
interest:
their
vision
of
the
future;
significant
support
personnel;
difficulties,
vulnerabilities,
and
fears;
familiarity
with
danger
and
violence;
emotional
lability;
strategies
for
coping
with
difficult
circumstances;
and
concerns
relevant
to
gifted
education.
In
some
cases,
information
was
tallied
quantitatively
in
order
to
determine
the
relative
salience
of
particular
thematic
categories.
Findings
Analysis
of
the
students'
language
yielded
assorted
themes,
which
might
appropriately
be
considered
descriptors
of
this
group
of
at-­‐risk
students
with
high
ability.
The
most
dominant
themes
were
their
familiarity
with
a
dangerous,
difficult,
and
unpredictable
world,
their
sensitivity
to
negative
messages
in
school,
and
their
selfreliance
and
resilience
("I
guess
I
just
make
it
through").
Their
longing
for
reliable
parent
contact
and
for
someone
to
listen
to
and
affirm
them
("My
best
friend's
mom-­‐-­‐always
been
there,
always
nice")
was
also
a
significant
theme.
Several
were
forgiving
of
indifferent
or
unavailable
parents
("She
sounds
like
she's
a
bad
person,
but
she
just
makes
some
mistakes";
"He
doesn't
do
it
on
purpose.
He
just
forgets
what
we've
planned").
They
worried
about
their
parents
and
siblings
("I
worry
a
lot
about
my
sister";
"I
think
about
my
brother
all
the
time"),
their
friends
lived
dangerously,
and
they
relied
on
their
intelligence
("my
brain")
to
survive.
However,
high
ability
could
also
cause
pain
in
the
immediate
family
("That's
one
reason
I
get
flack
from
my
sister
and
brother";
"She
says,
`You
think
you're
so
deep'").
In
descending
order,
in
terms
of
the
incidence
of
their
appearance
in
student
answers,
the
themes
are
listed
in
Table
1.
Teachers
and
grandparents
were
named
most
often
as
"the
nicest
people"
in
response
to
an
open-­‐ended
question.
Teachers
were
also
named
most
often
as
someone
who
"understands
me"
in
response
to
an
open-­‐ended
question
concerning
what
the
students
wish
others
understood.
Table
2
lists
the
categories
elicited
in
both
cases.
Difficult
Lives
The
following
excerpts
about
what
is
"difficult"
are
representative
and
particularly
eloquent.
The
first
is
from
Sondra,
a
14-­‐year-­‐old
ninth-­‐grader,
a
grim
achiever
in
spite
of
frequent
moves
from
town
to
town,
several
marriages
for
both
parents,
and
no
immediate
or
extended
family
for
support.
Various
groups
of
former
step-­‐siblings
were
scattered
throughout
the
school
system.
She
recognized
her
ability
to

5. persevere
and
had
learned
how
to
make
friends
quickly,
but
she
wished
they
understood
"that
I'm
not
trying
to
act
superior
or
be
a
smartbutt
when
they'll
do
really
stupid
stuff,
and
I
say
something."
She
had
many
domestic
responsibilities
that
"don't
get
done
unless
I
do
them."
She
had
become
more
and
more
overtly
angry
and
"tough"
during
the
past
year.
Having
no
family
vehicle
precluded
both
her
finishing
Driver's
Education
and
her
participating
in
evening
music
events
at
school,
the
latter
resulting
in
poor
music
grades.
She,
therefore,
had
dropped
chorus
and
band
in
order
to
protect
grades
for
future
scholarships,
her
only
hope
for
college,
she
felt.
Math
had
become
more
difficult,
and,
though
she
had
scored
at
the
99th
percentile
in
math
problems
on
the
ITBS
in
grade
7,
she
was
having
doubts
that
she
would
reach
her
goals.
Her
sense
of
her
own
ability,
which
had
previously
sustained
her,
was
now
tenuous
(see
Dweck,
1986,
regarding
the
significance
of
perceptions
of
ability
in
the
face
of
academic
challenges).
In
high
school,
she
missed
the
support
her
middle
school
teachers
had
given
her.
She
felt
sad,
lonely,
desperate,
and
fragile.
She
dreaded
the
upcoming
summer.
In
the
following
excerpts,
she
explains
the
difficulties:
My
mom
and
dad
have
been
in
and
out
of
the
house
so
many
times-­‐-­‐from
the
time
I
was
2,
a
messed-­‐up
home
life.
I
live
with
my
dad
for
a
while,
then
he's
gone.
My
mom's
not
real
dependable,
flutters
in
and
out,
can't
hold
a
job.
Neither
of
them
wants
to
watch
us
that
bad.
He
wants
us
to
leave.
The
next
minute
he
just
wants
a
maid-­‐-­‐to
make
him
look
good,
keep
the
house
clean.
I've
always
lived
with
it,
but
going
over
to
friends'
houses
I
found
out
we
were
not
normal.
That
hit
me
last
year.
Just
took
it
in
stride
before
that.
I
can't
really
trust
my
dad.
He
tells
us
mom
doesn't
want
us
to
live
with
her
either.
He
can't
see
to
our
needs,
can't
tell
that
if
there's
no
food
left
in
refrig',
it's
time
to
go
shopping.
We
need
a
car
to
get
places.
He
doesn't
have
a
license.
My
sister's
the
oldest,
takes
care
of
everyone,
does
a
pretty
good
job.
Lately
she's
having
a
hard
time
of
it,
getting
into
drugs
real
bad.
A
way
to
cope.
I
don't
like
picking
up
the
messes
of
my
dad
and
brother.
It's
not
fair.
The
most
difficult
thing
right
now
is
trying
to
get
a
job
when
there's
no
car
or
phone.
I
don't
really
have
people
to
talk
to.
I
don't
want
to
be
"poor
me."
My
dad
does
that
kind
of"poor-­‐me"
stuff.
I've
started
noticing
how
immature
he
is.
Acts
like
my
14-­‐year-­‐old
brother.
He
deals
with
things
like
that-­‐
just
hide
and
hope
they
go
away.
For
a
while
I
was
having
mega-­‐problems.
Tried
suicide
twice
earlier
this
year
and
went
to
the
mental
health
clinic.
That
basically
kind
of
took
care
of
it.
I
couldn't
talk
to
my
family.
They'd
say,
"You
have
nothing
to
complain
about.
My
life's
so
much
worse."
For
a
while
my
dad
had
another
girlfriend.
She
called
me
names-­‐-­‐even
my
sister
did.
They
all
gang
up
on
me.
I
don't
hang
around
the
house
much.
I
try
to
do
other
activities,
or
I
just
go
to
my
friends'
houses.
It's
okay
when
they're
all
gone,
and
I
can
handle
it
sometimes
when
they're
there.
I'm
in
my
room
all
the
time.
The
hardest
thing
is
that
I'm
not
wanted.
If
I
were
off
by
myself
somehow,
I'd
feel
better
about
myself.
My
dad
sees
a
chance
for
better
things
in
me.
He's
really
intelligent,
had
a
chance
before
and
blew
it.
I'd
like
to
tell
my
siblings,
"I'm
sorry
I'm
not
like
you.
I'm
sorry
Dad
likes
me.
I
wish
he
didn't."
The
following
is
from
Kris,
a
seventh-­‐grader,
eager
to
talk,
invalidated
at
home
for
her
feelings,
and
wanting
counseling
for
frightening
sadness:
My
parents'
divorce
when
I
was
in
third
grade
taught
me
that
things
don't
always
last.
Even
when
you
think
things
are
going
to
go
right,
they
don't
most
of
the
time.
I
learned
not
to
trust
anyone,
'cause
sometimes
my
mom
would
tell
us
she
would
be
having
us
some
weekend,
and
then
she'd
take
off
with
her
boyfriend.
We
were
freaking
out
last
week
when
we
called
work
and
she
wasn't
there.
We
thought
she'd
left.
We
were
supposed
to
be
with
her
last
weekend.
We
get
scared
when
we
don't
know
where
my
dad
is,
too.
I
think
something's
happened
to
him.
One
night
he
was
out
late,
and
we
thought
he'd
been
hit,
like
a
car
accident,
or
shot.
When
my
parents
first
got
a
divorce,
I
had
to
live
with
my
dad.
He
never
talked
to
us,
and
he
didn't
know
how
to
cook.
When
my
mom
first
moved
out,
she
always
acted
as
if
she
was
coming
back,
and
me
and
my
sister
would
get
all
happy,
but
then
she
finally
never
came
back.
If
we
had
lived
with
mom,
I
wouldn't
be

6. so
confused.
If
I
hadn't
lived
with
my
dad,
though,
I
wouldn't
know
how
to
take
care
of
myself
so
well.
Me
and
my
sister
have
to
cook
our
own
supper
a
lot.
If
your
parents
get
messed
up
or
something,
you
want
to
go
into
your
room
and
just
cry.
You
don't
know
what
to
do
with
your
life.
Sometimes
you
even
think
of
killing
yourself.
That's
when
it's
really
bad
with
your
family,
but
I
think
it
would
happen
mostly
for
me
in
the
winter
'cause
I
can't
get
out
of
the
house.
I
never
got
to
go
to
counseling.
My
dad
wouldn't
sign
the
papers.
My
sister
said
she
wanted
to
live
with
mom,
and
so
he
cancelled
the
appointment.
My
dad
doesn't
believe
anything
is
wrong,
even
if
I
tell
him
that
I'm
depressed.
He
says,
"It's
all
in
your
head.
You've
been
watching
too
much
TV."
My
sister
always
thinks
things
that
go
wrong
are
our
fault.
I'm
going
to
swim
this
summer.
Keeps
me
out
of
the
house
till
8:00.
Brandy,
a
lonely
sixth-­‐grader,
sensitive
about
"being
different"
both
intellectually
and
socioeconomically,
reported
the
following:
I
write
letters
to
penpals
from
the
back
of
comic
books.
I
feel
kinda
like
is
there
something
wrong
with
me,
am
I
doing
something
wrong?
Dad
said
"Dumb
it
up
a
little."
My
mom
says,
"No."
When
I
was
little,
I
didn't
get
to
hang
around
kids
my
age,
so
I
have
a
sense
of
humor
that's
more
like
people
older
than
me.
I
really
miss
[former
city,
state].
I
used
to
have
a
friend
like
me
there.
My
mom
and
dad
work
at
different
times.
When
we
plan
something
for
the
next
weekend,
we
never
do
it.
Tiffany,
an
anxious
seventh-­‐grader,
who
perceived
that
she
was
"harder
and
tougher"
than
the
previous
year,
was
one
of
several
who
wished
for
more
contact
with
parents:
"I
try
my
hardest
for
them.
I
wish
they
were
there
more."
Amy,
an
angry,
physically
mature
sixth-­‐grader,
recalled
loss
of
contact:
"My
parents
got
divorced
[when
I
was
in]
fourth
grade.
When
I
was
moving
in
with
my
grandma,
I
didn't
know
anything
about
it,
and
I
just
left
and
said
goodbye
to
my
dad.
I
was
wondering
what
was
going
on."
Several
mentioned
anger,
hurt,
worry,
and
sadness
over
their
parents'
drinking.
Sixth-­‐grader
Jessica,
with
a
flat
affect,
said,
"When
I
tell
my
friends
about
my
feelings,
they
don't
understand.
They
don't
live
like
I
do."
She
expressed
a
need
to
be
comforted:
"My
sister
doesn't
want
to
give
me
a
hug
when
I
feel
bad.
She
just
says,
`you'll
get
over
it.'"
Eighth-­‐grader
Robin
reported,
"My
stepmom-­‐-­‐we
don't
know
where
she
is.
They
put
her
in
a
dry-­‐out
place.
She'll
go
out
drinking
and
not
tell
us
where
she's
going."
Articulate,
introspective
Chad,
an
eighth-­‐grader,
had
been
kidnapped
by
his
father,
starved,
and
locked
in
a
closet
for
control.
Now
he
lived
with
his
mother:
My
mom
is
overprotective
because
of
certain
things
that
happened
in
the
past.
Won't
let'
me
grow
up.
She
has
a
problem
with
trusting-­‐-­‐partially
my
fault
because
when
I
came
back
there
was
a
lot
of
thievery
and
lying
because
that's
what
I'd
had
to
do
to
survive.
It
seems
to
be
when
somebody
hurts
[a
child],
it's
not
the
child
who
changes,
but
it's
the
parents.
Living
with
my
father-­‐-­‐abuse,
starvation.
It's
easy
to
identify
what
was
the
problem
there.
But
living
with
my
mother,
there's
something
wrong,
but
I
can't
quite
figure
out
what
it
is.
Two
extremes.
She'll
love
you
to
death,
and
he'll
beat
you
to
death.
She'll
smother
me,
and
he
didn't
care
as
long
as
I
was
there
to
do
chores.
There
were
intense
concerns
about
siblings:
(Robin)
"My
brother
is
a
manic-­‐depressive,
tried
to
commit
suicide
three
times.
I
think
about
that
a
lot";
(Tiffany)
"My
little
sister-­‐-­‐I
don't
want
her
to
grow
up
like
me.
I
want
her
to
have
a
better
life";
(Tiffany)
"The
reason
I
tell
[on
my
big
sister]
is
because
I
care
about
her."
There
were
problems
with
impulsivity.
Amy
reported
the
following:
What
is
unpredictable?
Me
and
my
boyfriend-­‐-­‐behavior
on
a
date,
sexually.
And
when
my
friends
want
me
to
skip
class
or
something,
I
always
do.
I'm
surprised
when
it
happens.
I
think
of
the
consequences
with
my
mom
and
with
my
friends,
and
then
I
usually
just
go.
Just
go.
Sometimes
after
I
do
something
bad,

7. I
regret
what
I
did.
Like
I
once
passed
out
on
purpose
[from
a
"rocket
ride"],
and
I
had
a
really
bad
headache,
coughing
up
blood.
Familiarity
With
a
Dangerous
World
These
students
were
familiar
with
danger,
violence,
and
dramatic
events.
Sixth-­‐grader
Brad,
with
a
history
of
behavior
problems
at
school,
articulated
the
following:
I
was
over
at
a
friend's
house,
and
we
were
messing
around,
and
he
was
digging
through
his
dad's
stuff,
and
he
found
three
guns,
a
9
mm,
a
.357,
and
a
.380,
and
he
took
the
9
mm
and
pointed
it
at
my
friend
at
his
head
and
said,
"You
dare
me
to
pull
the
trigger?"
I
said,
"No,
you
better
not,"
and
he
pointed
it
at
the
ceiling
and
pulled
the
trigger,
and
it
went
off.
My
brother
has
a
severe
drinking
problem.
He
had
a
CDO
class
A-­‐-­‐such
a
good
license
[transporting
chemicals].
Got
caught
drinking.
In
the
penitentiary
for
two
years.
One
little
spark
and
the
semi
and
half
the
road
is
gone.
The
exhaust
comes
out
of
the
front
of
the
truck
so
if
a
spark
shoots
out,
it
won't
blow.
I've
met
challenging
stuff,
but
nothing
that
I
can't
deal
with.
Brandy
told
of
these
incidents:
Once
someone
was
beating
me
up
in
the
bathroom.
It
has
to
do
with
a
family
member.
I
was
really
little.
They
held
me
down
and
put
their
hand
over
my
mouth.
I
was
scared.
I
kicked
one
of
them.
I
ran
out.
I
was
glad
my
brother
was
there.
Almost
the
same
thing
happened
to
me
and
my
sister.
She
said,
"When
we
get
to
the
white
van,
we're
going
to
run."
And
so
we
did.
Subdued,
unassertive
Jessica,
who
said
that
she
had
now
stopped
smoking
and
that
"drugs-­‐they're
around
me
all
the
time,"
shared
these
situations
separately
during
the
interview:
My
sister
took
me
to
[a
larger
city]
with
her
and
her
friends.
They
were
pressuring
her
to
shoot
out
a
car
window.
I
told
her
no,
and
she
never
did,
and
she
thanked
me.
One
of
them
did,
and
they
ended
up
being
shot.
One
of
my
friends-­‐-­‐he
broke
out
of
the
boys'
home
and
stole
a
car.
My
dad
has
a
lot
of
tickets
for
driving
with
possession.
He
drinks
a
lot.
He's
losing
his
job.
Some
of
my
friends
have
tried
to
kill
themselves.
Robin
spoke
of
"my
brother's
suicide
attempts"
and
reported
that
she
was
uncomfortable
in
school
"when
my
dad
smacked
me
and
I
had
to
come
to
school
with
a
bruise
on
my
face-­‐-­‐this
year."
Kris
said,
"My
dad
used
to
hit
us.
I
said
it
was
against
the
law.
He
said
I'd
been
watching
too
much
TV,
but
then
he
stopped.
When
he
was
a
kid,
he
was
abused."
Tiffany
recognized
that
her
friends
presented
danger
for
her:
"I
have
pretty
bad
friends.
If
they
get
in
deep
trouble,
I'll
go
down
with
them."
Their
Perceived
Strengths
Brad
found
schoolwork
difficult,
perhaps
because
of
his
learning
style
or
his
unusual
mental
processing:
"Everyone
else
learns
quicker
than
me.
Mr.
S.
has
ways
of
doing
it,
and
I
have
ways
of
doing
it
that
aren't
his
ways.
They
seem
hard
to
him,
but
they
seem
easy
to
me.
It's
a
different
way
of
doing
things."
He
was
proud
of
his
abilities:
I'm
good
at
making
dangerous
things.
I
fixed
our
VCR.
Tore
it
apart
and
put
it
back
together.
I
can
change
oil
in
a
car-­‐mechanical
things.
I
like
target-­‐practice,
can
hit
anything
that
flies
in
front
of
me.
I
can
take
a
pellet
gun
in
my
room,
set
a
bolt
at
one
end,
and
I
can
hit
it.
No
holes
in
the
wall
where
I've
missed-­‐-­‐not
yet,
anyway.
I'm
proud
because
I
make
the
right
decisions
in
a
bad
situation,
and
I
can
get
where
I
need
to
be
to
avoid
the
situation
and
get
it
under
control.

8. Sondra
appreciated
"just
sticking
up
for
myself,
fighting
back.
I
won't
just
stand
there
and
take
it
all.
I
basically
really
noticed
that
this
year.
Other
people-­‐-­‐they
just
get
knocked
over.
I'm
proud
of
the
fact
that
I
want
to
change-­‐-­‐that
I
will
hopefully
do
something."
She
tried
not
to
live
in
the
past:
"When
you
look
back,
that's
when
you
get
the
bad
feelings,
so
you
just
look
ahead.
That's
one
of
the
reasons
I
am
the
way
I
am:
I've
had
those
people
in
my
life
and
I've
been
able
to
say,
like
about
drugs
and
alcohol,
that's
not
for
me."
Robin
spoke
of
"always
being
able
to
think
about
something
good,
even
when
something's
going
bad."
Tiffany
said
she
tried
to
"look
on
the
bright
days
when
I
have
difficult
times."
Kris
appreciated
her
"confidence
in
myself,
because
I
know
that
I
can
stand
up
to
my
dad.
When
I
go
and
talk
to
my
dad,
I
can
have
a
conversation
with
him,
or
if
an
argument,
I
don't
walk
off."
She
also
spoke
of
another
asset:
Eagerness-­‐-­‐about
going
with
my
mom
for
a
weekend
and
getting
away
from
my
dad.
Actually
I'm
kind
of
glad
they're
divorced,
because
I
have
another
place
to
go
if
something
goes
wrong.
If
I
get
in
a
fight
with
my
dad,
I
know
that
in
just
a
couple
of
days
I'll
be
with
my
mom
and
can
get
a
break.
She
exuded
a
"tough"
confidence:
My
ability
to
not
do
what
everybody
wants
me
to
do.
I
know
the
difference
between
right
and
wrong.
It's
just
that
sometimes
the
right
is
boring.
But
other
people
don't
make
my
decisions
for
me.
If
I'm
going
to
do
something,
I'll
do
it-­‐-­‐like
goals,
or
if
I
can't
make
my
goal,
I
try.
She
was
proud
of
her
accomplishments:
In
third
grade,
I
was
one
of
the
only
ones
who
got
100%
in
the
English
part
of
some
big
test.
There
were
only
two
of
us.
Mr.
K.
also
said
I
was
one
of
the
best
swimmers.
Kind
of
good
to
know
you're
better
than
most.
Sounds
like
a
selfish
thought,
but
it's
nice
to
know
you're
good
at
something.
I
know
how
to
cook.
If
I
didn't,
we
wouldn't
have
supper
half
the
time.
Brandy
was
proud
of
her
ability
to
joke
about
herself
and
being
able
to
"be
okay-­‐-­‐even
when
somebody
does
something."
Artistic
ability
helped
two
students
cope.
Brandy
discussed
her
talents:
Drawing
and
writing.
I
have
nine
characters.
Most
are
girls,
and
they
each
have
a
part
of
me
in
them.
I
also
write
songs.
And
I
have
a
big
vocabulary.
During
when
we
dress
up
for
a
'60s
week,
teachers
get
a
kick
out
of
my
clothes.
I
wore
a
sign
"Ban
the
Bomb."
And
politics.
I
changed
some
of
the
Republican
girls
to
Democrats.
I've
found
out
that
it's
okay
to
be
me
even
if
nobody
likes
me.
I'm
me
and
I
can't
change
that.
Chad
also
mentioned
his
skills
in
art:
"I
like
to
do
art.
It's
basically
a
stress
reliever.
I
can
do
whatever
I
want
with
it-­‐-­‐an
create
beautiful
things.
Most
people
can't
do
that."
Several
students
mentioned
their
mental
ability
as
a
valued
strength,
but
no
one
used
the
word
"intelligent."
Jessica,
Tiffany,
Marci
(the
sixthgrader
who
did
not
elaborate
in
her
answers),
and
Matt
(a
sixth-­‐grader
on
growth
hormones
that
"make
me
rambunctious")
all
mentioned
getting
good
grades
in
certain
classes
and
receiving
a
classroom
award
for
good
work.
Other
comments
about
using
intelligence
are
these:
(Jessica)
I
use
my
mind
about
things.
(Robin)
Wanting
to
learn
more
about
things.
I've
always
wanted
to
do
that.
(Chad,
after
explaining
how
he
had
survived
during
his
kidnapping)
I
appreciate
my
ability
to
learn,
my
mental
capabilities.
Most
people
wouldn't
believe
my
high
IQ.
If
I
were
to
give
myself
completely
away,
it

9. would
expose
myself.
I
like
to
keep
myself
pretty
much
a
surprise
to
people,
so
I
have
the
advantage.
I
did
that
with
my
dad.
(Tiffany)
My
brain-­‐-­‐I
build
my
confidence
in
my
brain.
It
has
all
my
school
stuff.
Whatever
I
learn
pretty
much
sticks
there.
It
holds
my
memories.
I
can
always
look
back
on
them.
Some
mentioned
the
fact
that
they
did
not
"do
drugs"
as
a
strength:
(Jessica)
"I'm
not
a
troublemaker";
(Robin)
"Not
being
like
some
people
in
our
school
violent,
thinking
about
sex
and
drugs
and
stuff."
Jessica
and
Robin
noted
their
ability
to
make
and
keep
friends,
and
Chad
said,
"my
humor."
Jessica
and
Robin
cited
their
siblings
as
a
strength:
"They
care
about
me."
Robin
cited
family
counseling
as
a
strength:
"Mom's
starting
to
talk
to
me.
They
wanted
things
to
be
okay
with
me
and
my
mom."
Chad
discussed
his
strengths,
one
of
which
was
his
mother's
nurturing
after
his
absence:
I
could
lie
lickity
split
if
I
needed
food.
Those
three
years
taught
me
more
skills
than
anything
else
can
teach
me.
I'm
proud,
when
I
look
back.
I
can
see
my
extreme
ability
to
survive
and
cope
with
things.
When
I
came
back
to
live
with
my
mom,
she
taught
me
about
loving
and
sharing.
I
was
uncontrollable.
She
put
up
with
it.
Most
parents
would
have
given
up.
Manipulate-­‐-­‐I
could
do
that
to
survive.
That
was
kind
of
a
curse,
when
I
came
back.
I
couldn't
help
playing
it.
My
mom
would
get
mad.
It
doesn't
work
if
you
don't
need
it.
The
strengths
discussed
by
the
students
are
summarized
in
Table
3.
Visions
of
the
Future
The
students'
visions
of
the
future
ranged
from
extreme
optimism
("a
lot
of
happiness")
to
cautious
hope
("Maybe
life
will
be
just
a
little
bit
better";
"Hopefully
I'll
get
a
job
and
be
able
to
support
myself.
You
never
know.
You
just
hope")
to
pessimism
("I
want
to
be
all
sorts
of
things,
but
I'll
probably
not
get
to
do
even
one
of
them").
Futuristic
scenarios
varied
from
modest
("be
better
friends
with
my
parents";
"just
me
in
my
little
house";
"learn
from
my
mistakes,
and
not
make
so
many
of
them";
"the
house
will
look
nice
on
the
outside-­‐-­‐so
many
around
here
are
trashy")
to
grand
("make
lots
of
money";
"I
want
a
big
house
and
kids
and
be
a
lawyer";
"A
scientist-­‐-­‐go
to
college.
Astronomy,
that's
my
favorite").
Chad
expressed
this
vision
of
his
future:
I'd
like
to
make
myself
remembered-­‐home-­‐town
famous.
I
want
to
prove
something
to
myself.
I
plan
on
being
able
to
come
into
a
place,
find
a
goal,
spend
three
years
trying
to
accomplish
it,
and
always
bounce
back
from
what
happens
to
me.
I
want
just
for
an
hour
to
sit
back
and
look
at
my
life
and
be
satisfied
with
it
and
just
sort
of
chuckle
about
what
I've
been
through.
Marci
said
she
would
not
like
to
have
children,
and
Tiffany,
Sondra,
and
Marci
doubted
that
they
would
want
to
marry.
Matt,
Chad,
Brad,
and
Brandy
did
not
mention
either
marriage
or
children
when
asked
to
describe
their
lives
15
years
into
the
future.
Robin
could
not
think
of
any
answer
at
all
to
the
question
about
the
future.
Some
visions
of
the
future
were
scattered
and
unfocused,
not
atypical
of
early
middleschool
children,
but
here,
perhaps,
reflecting
lack
of
guidance
about
education
beyond
high
school.
The
comments
of
two
students
reflect
this:
(Brad)
I
want
to
go
to
college.
I
want
to
try
to
get
into
Harvard
or
at
least
in
the
police
academy.
That's
cool.
Maybe
the
Army,
maybe
about
five
years.
Or
a
doctor
or
a
person
who
builds
computers.
Spelling
I
still
have
trouble
with-­‐-­‐I
don't
get
the
silent
letters
in
there.
I
hate
studying.
I
don't
want
to
get
held
back.
If
I
try
my
hardest,
I
end
up
with
headaches.
I
want
to
get
out
of
sixth
grade.
(Amy)
Sometimes
I
want
to
be
a
doctor,
and
then
sometimes
if
I
see
something
in
a
movie,
I
have
a
sudden
urge
to
work
on
computers
because
it
looks
cool.
I
like
to
sing
a
lot.
I
like
to
dance.
I'm
not
too

10. serious
about
a
career.
Probably
when
I'm
older-­‐-­‐in
high
school.
I'll
be
with
a
family.
I
want
a
kid,
yeah.
In
a
trailer
or
a
house,
not
junky,
in
California
or
Jamaica.
I
heard
Jamaica
is
cool.
There
was
anxiety
and
personal
uncertainty
about
the
future
for
some:
(Amy)
I
don't
know
if
I'll
get
into
drugs.
If
someone
pressures
me
to
do
something
bad,
I
never
know
what
I'll
say.
(Chad)
Unpredictable-­‐-­‐where
I'm
going,
how
I'm
going,
if
I'll
make
it,
wondering
what
I'm
going
to
end
up
like-­‐-­‐like
my
father.
Will
the
abusiveness
pass
on?
I
don't
want
to
be
like
my
relatives
on
that
side.
They're
psychopathic.
Sexual
orientation
was
an
issue
for
Brandy,
as
she
envisioned
her
future:
"I'm
not
really
gay
or
straight
right
now.
I
know
myself
a
lot.
I've
never
thought
anybody
was
cute.
My
dad
is
homophobic.
He
thinks
anybody
without
a
boyfriend
is
gay,
that
all
musicians
must
be
devil-­‐worshippers
or
gay."
Sondra
knew
that
she
would
jeopardize
her
future
if
she
would
"drop
out
like
my
sister,
or
be
sent
away
like
my
brother
or
get
too
caught
up
in
other
things
that
aren't
really
important."
She
thought
that
working
for
the
Army
might
be
a
good
goal.
Kris
said,
"I
won't
have
kids
so
early."
What
Educators
Should
Understand
These
students
wanted
guidance
from
teachers-­‐-­‐perhaps
"parental"
guidance.
Jessica
wanted
teachers
to
"tell
you
not
to
do
something
if
they've
already
done
it-­‐-­‐how
it
ruins
your
friendships
with
other
people
and
stuff."
Matt
said,
"Tell
me
what's
right
and
wrong;
tell
me
what
to
do
and
what
not
to
do."
In
addition,
Tiffany
said
teachers
can
"support
me,
encourage
me,
praise
me
when
I
do
something
right,
notice
things
I
do
wrong
and
help
me
correct
them.
Just
to
be
there
for
me
when
I
need
it."
Kris
said,
"I
was
going
to
fight
this
girl
at
school
and
[teachers]
would
talk
to
me
about
that,
and
you
get
uncomfortable
about
it."
What
would
they
like
teachers
to
understand?
Kris
explained
as
follows:
I
wish
teachers
would
understand
my
life
at
home.
You'll
come
to
school
and
won't
have
an
assignment
done,
and
you
try
to
explain
that
maybe
something
went
on
at
home.
What
if
your
mom
and
dad
got
in
this
big
fight
and
you
didn't
know
what
to
do.
If
I
told
them
that,
they
wouldn't
care,
so
I
don't
tell
them-­‐-­‐
even
if
it's
a
good
excuse.
Brad,
skilled
with
"dangerous
things,"
said,
"I
don't
like
to
be
yelled
at.
This
one
teacher
blows
up
if
you
don't
learn
quick
enough.
Sometimes
I'd
like
to
just
punch
him.
I
have
a
short
fuse."
Kris
said
this:
I
wish
they'd
not
punish
me
for
every
little
single
mistake.
That's
what
some
teachers
do,
and
so
you
feel
like
not
doing
anything,
because
you'll
get
into
trouble.
Like
if
you
pick
up
a
pencil
someone
else
drops,
or
just
turning
around
gets
you
detention
...
just
stupid
little
things
like
that.
You
shouldn't
get
in
trouble
for
little
things
like
that.
Brandy,
distressed
by
many
elements
of
her
life,
said,
"I'd
like
teachers
to
understand
that
it
sometimes
looks
like
I'm
not
listening
or
not
trying
hard
enough,
but
I
am."
Chad
said,
"Knowing
my
ADHD
and
knowing
my
personality
would
help
a
lot
of
people
understand
me."
Jessica
advised
quietly
that
teachers
should
understand
that
the
most
uncomfortable
things
in
school
"have
to
do
with
boys."
The
following
was
Amy's
response:
I
wish
they'd
understand
why
I
do
some
of
the
bad
stuff
skip,
do
drugs.
Sometimes
I
know
I
shouldn't,
and
sometimes
I
just
want
to-­‐-­‐just
to
be
rebellious.
That
I'm
not
really
all
that
bad.
They
think
I'm
all
bad.
I
do
drugs,
but
that's
none
of
their
business.
That
they
can
help
me
if
I
have
a
question
in
classes-­‐-­‐'cause
they
never
do.
Every
time
I
need
help,
they
say,
"You
haven't
been
listening."

11. Robin
said,
"They
pretty
much
understand
most
of
the
stuff
that's
going
on
in
my
life.
That's
okay-­‐-­‐with
most
of
them."
Later,
she
said,
"I
wish
they
wouldn't
look
down
on
people
like
me,
who
sometimes
get
confused,
so
instead
of
asking
for
help,
don't
do
the
assignment
or
do
the
test
well."
Chad
said
this:
What's
hard?
Uncomfortable?
When
I'm
approached
by
teacher
or
counselor
and
they
act
either
too
buddy-­‐buddy
or
don't
bug
me
at
all.
Dealing
with
peers
who
have
no
idea
what
I've
been
through
and
think
life
is
a
joke.
I
feel
aggression
toward
them
that
shouldn't
be
there.
I
can't
join
them
but
can't
repel
them,
and
I'm
stuck
somewhere
in
the
middle.
Amy
asked
herself,
"The
nicest
thing
in
school?"
Then
she
paused.
"Nothing,
really."
The
following
comments
from
Sondra
reflect
the
kind
of
discomfort
that
children
from
nonmainstream
cultures,
including
low
socioeconomic
contexts,
may
feel
in
middle-­‐class-­‐oriented
gifted
programs.
She
herself
had
five
ITBS
scores
at
or
above
the
96th
percentile,
but
that
did
not
compensate
for
what
happened
socially:
Student
council.
I
was
in
it
this
year.
Ten
people
were
elected
out
of
the
20
running-­‐out
of
500
kids.
But
I
dropped
out
because
the
people
were
the
rich
kids
and
they
looked
down
on
me.
So
they
ignored
me.
And
we
had
little
groups
for
planning
things.
I'd
sign
up
for
one
and
I'd
just
sit
there.
Even
if
I
gave
my
ideas,
they'd
just
blow
them
off,
so
I
said
okay,
fine.
Robin
underscored
the
importance
of
affirming
ability.
In
spite
of
her
96th
percentile
in
reading
comprehension
on
an
earlier
ITBS,
she
reported
that
she
did
not
see
herself
as
having
high
ability:
"I
was
never
told
I
had
a
good
mind.
They
never
let
me
go
ahead
into
those
kinds
of
classes."
In
addition,
cautious
and
protective
parents
might
not
encourage
participation
in
special
programs.
Chad
explained:
Like
TAG.
They
needed
$17,
and
she
wouldn't
pay
it.
My
mom
says,
"You're
so
smart."
She
thinks
that
I'm
smart
enough
to
do
work
at
home,
but
not
smart
enough
to
take
harder
classes.
I
could've
skipped
kindergarten,
but
she
wouldn't
let
me.
I
already
knew
addition
and
subtraction.
She
won't
let
me
use
my
abilities.
Robin
spoke
appreciatively
about
caring
teachers:
"My
teacher-­‐-­‐he
cares
about
me.
I
appreciate
having
a
teacher
that
forgives
me
even
when
I
don't
do
something
just
like
he
asked,
having
somebody
to
talk
to
about
things
other
than
schoolwork."
Sondra
echoed
those
thoughts:
"[Teachers
and
counselors]
helped
me
out.
I
can
think
of
many
faces.
They've
helped
me
out.
I
forget
the
names,
but
there
have
been
a
lot."
Tiffany
said,
"Having
all
my
teachers
remembering
me-­‐that's
nice."
The
stress
in
their
lives
can
contribute
to
absenteeism,
according
to
Sondra:
"I'm
not
really
in
school
much.
I've
missed
a
lot
this
year.
The
strain.
I'd
be
sick
a
lot."
She
also
explained,
considering
the
relevance
of
the
classroom
to
her
life,
"My
classes-­‐-­‐some
things
don't
seem
important.
What
we're
doing."
Discussion
Their
responses
point
to
a
range
of
school-­‐comfort
levels
for
these
students,
from
Amy's
"nothing,
really
[is
nice]"
to
two
students
being
aware
of
socioeconomic
differences,
to
three
students
indicating
that
school
was
a
place
of
stability
and
nurturance.
Some
chafed
under
the
structure
of
the
system,
some
felt
misunderstood,
and
two
cited
problems
with
peers,
but
the
majority
listed
school
personnel
as
significant,
supportive
adults
in
their
lives,
and
a
few
men
tioned
moments
of
achievement.
In
regard
to
resilience,
optimism
may
be
warranted
for
most
of
these
participants,
given
the
evidence
of
strong
support
from
at
least
one
significant
person
in
their
lives.
Five
of
the
11
participants
indicated
that
teachers,
counselors,
or
both
had
offered
crucial,
valued
support.
The
death
of
a
grandparent
had
been
particularly
difficult
for
Robin
and
Tiffany,
since
that
individual
had
played
a
significant
supportive
role
in
their
lives.
(Amy
was
living
with
a
grandparent,
but
unhappily,
preferring
to
live
with
her
father.)
Older

12. siblings
provided
"parenting"
for
Brad,
Jessica,
and,
to
some
extent,
Brandy.
Sondra
might
not
be
typical
in
her
reluctance
to
lean
on
others
for
assistance:
"It's
hard
for
me
to
ask
for
help.
It's
like
it's
my
problem."
She
was
the
only
one
who
indicated
that
she
"had
no
one
to
talk
to,"
but
she,
at
least,
had
the
wishes
of
her
father
that
she
could
"have
a
better
life."
A
message
to
educators,
including
those
working
with
high-­‐ability
students,
is
that
a
teacher
may
play
a
crucial
mentor
or
parent-­‐surrogate
role
for
an
at-­‐
risk
child,
no
matter
how
distancing
and
intimidating
their
behavior
is
prior
to
establishing
comfortable
rapport.
Only
three
students
spoke
of
stable,
comfortable
communication
with
a
parent.
However,
no
matter
how
conflictual
the
relationship,
their
parents
were
central
to
their
lives
and
were
frequently
mentioned
during
the
interviews.
Most
participants
made
clear
statements
about
wanting
positive
parental
attention.
If
a
positive
view
of
the
future
contributes
to
resilience,
then
seven
of
the
participants
have
another
reason
to
be
hopeful.
All
except
Brandy,
Sondra,
Robin,
and
Jessica
spoke
fairly
confidently
about
going
to
college,
having
a
career,
and
having
a
better
life.
However,
two
of
the
participants,
Robin
and
Jessica,
with
low-­‐energy
responses,
had
difficulty
picturing
any
future.
Sondra
had
difficulty
sustaining
focus
on
anything
beyond
arranging
for
the
school
district's
"Independent
Living"
program,
which
included
living
in
a
supervised
residence
after
age
16.
Brad
spoke
of
post-­‐highschool
education,
but
quickly
reverted
to
thoughts
of
going
camping
with
his
older
siblings.
However,
they
all
had
exhibited
assertiveness
and
autonomy
regarding
meeting
their
needs
in
the
past.
Kris,
Sondra,
Chad,
and
Tiffany
had
all
behaved
proactively
in
coping
with
their
situations.
That
all
participants
were
articulate,
perceptive,
insightful,
and
self-­‐reflective
also
bodes
well
for
the
future,
according
to
the
literature
regarding
resilience.
Perhaps
by
using
their
high
ability,
most
appeared
to
have
"made
sense"
of
their
circumstances,
whether
or
not
they
accepted
their
situations
or
forgave
the
adults
in
their
lives.
Mental
ability
was
cited
by
several
as
"appreciated,"
but
high
ability
did
not
mean
that
classes
and
academic
achievement
were
discussed
much
in
response
to
the
interview
questions.
In
fact,
comments
that
pertained
to
the
classroom
were
rare.
Kris,
for
example,
with
one
of
the
highest
percentile
rankings
on
the
ITBS,
never
mentioned
anything
about
grades
or
classroom
academic
work.
Neither
did
five
others.
Sondra
communicated
great
concern
for
academic
achievement,
but
she
was
losing
confidence
in
her
academic
ability.
She
and
Robin
had
trouble
with
math.
Students
with
difficult
home
situations,
and
with
little
or
no
parental
support
for
academic
work,
may
find
the
hurdles
of
new
math
concepts
and
other
academic
challenges
late
in
middle
school
particularly
formidable.
What
Gifted
Education
Can
Do
We
know
relatively
little
about
high-­‐ability
children
who,
like
those
in
this
study,
do
not
fit
the
images
that
researchers
in
gifted
education
may
have
in
mind
when
they
select
samples
and
generalize
findings.
These
students,
from
various
backgrounds
and
representing
many
risk
factors,
may
never
be
referred
for
special
programs
or
activities
for
those
with
high
ability.
Then,
too,
they
may
choose
not
to
participate
if
identified
or
drop
out
of
a
program
because
of
poor
fit
in
a
one-­‐size-­‐for-­‐everyone
curriculum
designed
to
be
"more
and
faster"
for
highly
motivated,
advantaged
students.
Educators
are
unlikely
to
pursue
them
and
make
accommodations
if
the
students
are
not
eager
to
be
involved.
Some
of
the
at-­‐risk
participants
here
had
done
reasonably
good
academic
work
earlier
in
school,
despite
significant
family
disruptions.
That
scholastic
data,
together
with
high
composite
or
subtest
scores
on
standardized
tests,
might
be
found
through
close
scrutiny
of
school
records
(Peterson
&
Colangelo,
1996)
to
justify
inclusion.
In
general,
nontraditional
identification
procedures
are
recommended
for
finding
these
students
and
others
from
underrepresented
groups
(Baldwin,
1984;
Charlesworth,
1979;
Kirschenbaum,
1993;
Ward,
1992).
In
each
case
in
this
study,
a
parent
readily
gave
permission
for
an
interview,
"an
activity
for
high-­‐ability
students,"
suggesting
potential
parental
cooperation
in
involving
at-­‐risk
children.

13. However,
if
educators
find
and
recommend
these
complex,
challenging
students,
then
gifted
education
needs
to
respond
with
appropriate
programs.
They
need
personal
and
academic
nurturing.
Gifted
programs
need
to
be
flexible
in
meeting
individual
needs-­‐-­‐adjusted
in
format,
content,
emphasis,
and
purpose
in
order
to
affirm
and
nurture
personal
and
academic
strengths
and
to
support
and
strengthen
areas
of
relative
weakness.
Some
degree
of
remediation
may
be
appropriate.
VanTassel-­‐Baska
(1991)
advocated
a
"tryout"
program,
a
low
adult-­‐tochild
ratio,
service
to
families,
communication
with
parents,
mentorships
and
tutorials,
emphasis
on
math
and
reading,
early
intervention
addressing
the
whole
child,
and
programs
addressing
non-­‐cognitive
skills
that
can
enhance
motivation.
The
fact
that
academic
concerns
received
so
little
attention
in
the
interview
responses
in
this
study
does
not
mean
that
inclusive
and
accommodating
programs
should
not
consider
academic
programming.
Several
wished
that
teachers
would
not
assume
that
they
did
not
care
about
classroom
performance,
and
some
overtly
stated
that
they
wanted
meaningful
academic
experiences.
According
to
this
study,
it
is
more
appropriate
to
assume
that
these
students
are
eager
to
learn,
and
that
programs
can
fill
in
"enrichment"
gaps
and
bolster
academic
selfconfidence
through
stimulating
experiences
that
bring
them
into
contact
with
others
with
similar
abilities.
The
interview
responses
underscored
the
importance
of
supportive
mentors,
and
educators
who
are
designated
nurturers
of
high
potential
play
several
crucial
roles
in
these
children's
lives.
The
students
demonstrated
that
they
were
open
to
guidance
and
hungry
for
it.
To
respond
to
affective
concerns,
involving
them
in
activities
like
small-­‐group
discussion
with
others
with
similar
life
contexts,
with
mainstream,
middleclass
peers,
or
a
combination
of
the
two
can
be
beneficial,
based
on
the
researcher's
experience.
Students
from
diverse
backgrounds
find
that
they
have
more
in
common
than
previously
realized,
given
their
common
developmental
tasks
and
concerns.
Small
groups
provide
opportunity
for
building
trust,
contact
with
intellectual
peers,
guidance
from
an
attentive
adult,
and
gaining
information
about
post-­‐high
school
education.
In
the
groups
that
preceded
the
individual
interviews,
the
study
participants
demonstrated
intellectual
agility
in
their
insights,
impressive
survival
strategies,
clever
repartee,
creative
responses
to
situations,
and
descriptive
anecdotes
about
household
management
at
very
young
ages.
Leaders
and
peers
can
provide
positive
feedback
for
these
strengths
and
abilities.
The
"tough
bright"
are
not
part
of
the
collective
consciousness
in
gifted
education.
Educators
often
do
not
know
these
troubled
children
beyond
their
appearance
and
behavior,
for
they
do
not
share
personal
information
readily.
Their
life
experiences
may
not
have
given
them
the
vocabulary,
intellectual
enrichment,
social
experiences,
or
modeling
of
behavior
that
they
need
to
fit
comfortably
into
the
classroom.
They
may,
in
fact,
be
sullen
and
withdrawn,
hostile,
and
sensitive
to
slights-­‐-­‐trained
thoroughly
by
adults
who
disappoint.
They
may
initially
be
difficult
to
work
with.
Research
methodology
intending
to
learn
about
their
needs,
concerns,
constraints,
and
strengths-­‐-­‐and
programs
as
well-­‐-­‐must
be
sensitive
to
these
realities.
Those
who
make
referrals
need
to
be
encouraged
to
look
at
the
"toughest"
at-­‐risk
children
and
adolescents
with
an
assumption
that
one-­‐third
of
them
might
be
"gifted,"
according
to
this
study.
They
represent
critical
personal
and
academic
needs,
and
they
need
and
deserve
the
attention
of
educators
and
researchers
of
the
gifted
as
much
as
do
those
students
whose
parents
advocate
for
them,
provide
opportunities
for
enrichment,
and
nurture
predictably
and
adequately.
Finding
them
and
meeting
their
needs
are
not
easy
tasks,
but
those
are
appropriate
and
urgent
challenges
in
gifted
education.
Table
1
Themes
in
At-­‐Risk
Study
Participants'
Responses
to
Open-­‐Ended
Questions

14.
Thematic
Category
(N=11)
Alluding
to
Theme
Number
of
Students
Wishing
to
"Be
Known,"
Appreciating
10
Someone's
Concern
Familiar
With
a
Dangerous
World,
Taught
10
by
Difficult
Experiences
Accepting
That
Life
is
Unpredictable,
Dramatic
9
Emotionally
Volatile,
Impulsive
8
Getting
Negative
Feedback
in
School
8
Growing
up
Early
8
Self-­‐Reliance,
Strength,
Resilience
8
Unreliable
Parents;
Broken
Promises
7
Unforgiving
of
Parents
7
Needing,
Appreciating
Someone
to
Talk
With
7
Missing
Parent
Contact,
Parent
Affirmation;
7
Wanting
Guidance
Uncomfortable
in
School
6
"Confused"
6
Punished
Severely,
Excessively
Controlled
at
Home
6
Enmeshed
With
Families;
Greatly
Concerned
6
About
Family,
Sibling
Reliant
on
Abilities,
Aware
of
Own
Intelligence
6
Aware
of
Risks
in
Current
Friendship
Groups
6
Hopeful
About
the
Future
6
Experienced
With
Divorce
5
Lofty,
Perhaps
Unrealistic
Future
Goals,
5
or
No
Long-­‐Term
Goals
Experienced
With
Substances
5

15. Non-­‐validation
by
Sibling;
Discomfort
in
Family
5
Because
of
Ability
Strong
Sense
of"Being
Different"
5
School
Seen
as
Stability
4
Forgiving
of
Parents
4
Creative
in
the
Arts;
Arts
for
Expression,
Coping,
Pride
4
Apprehensive
About
the
Future
3
Distrustful
Regarding
Relationships
3
Bothered
by
Socioeconomic
Differences
in
School
3
Desiring
Experiences
in
a
Gifted
Program
2
Table
2
Significant
People
in
the
Lives
of
At-­‐Risk
Study
Participants
"The
nicest
people"
Number
of
Students
Citing
Teacher(s)
7
Grandparent(s)
7
Parent(s)
6
Friend
4
Counselor
3
Parent
of
a
friend
3
Mental
Health
Counselor
2
Sibling(s)
2
People
in
town,
Neighbor
2