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Football’s Coming
                           Home?:
       A Sociology of Alternative Football
                              Broadcasts

 Peter Millward and Matthew David

  Peter.Millward2@durham.ac.uk




Millward, P. (2011) The Global Football League:
Transnational Networks, Social Movements and Sport in the
New Media Age. Palgrave.
Introduction
   Journal article:
    ◦ Uses Castells notions of „transnationalism‟ and „re-
      territorialisation‟ in the „network society‟
    ◦ Explores „institutional processes and producers of
      alternative broadcasts‟ and „fan practices‟ related to
      these.
 Today‟s paper: Latter of these themes
 „Parallel imported broadcasts‟ include:
    ◦ Re-imported broadcasts
    ◦ Live streams
BBC’s „Internet football piracy alert‟
 (2009)
 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7927818.stm
 In stark contrast to the widely held appeal
  of watching football
 „Poor‟ quality disputed
 Why would this way of viewing be without
  „community‟?
Primary research
   Two sites – „Royal Oak‟ and „The Red Lion‟ in Wigan (place not intended
    to be of consequence)
   Long-standing connection to Wigan Athletic fans in „The Red Lion‟ pub
   Weed (2006) drew on England fans during the 2002 FIFA World Cup and
    argued that „the “collective enjoyment” or “shared communal
    experience”‟ (2006: 90) is a major appeal of watching football in
    hostelries.
   In an era in which the public house trade has diminished such broadcasts
    have „made a massive difference [to the level of custom], especially when
    the games were on‟ (Karen Murphy, quoted in The News 2011) to the
    point where Dave from „Royal Oak‟ admitted that „a big Saturday
    afternoon of football is now my busiest time of the week‟.
   The nature of their support had altered: while they are still „home‟ match
    „season-ticket‟ holders most of the group do not generally attend „away‟
    matches, especially those which are not defined as „big‟ or involve
    considerable travel.
I think you just get older, and life catches up with you a bit, I
   suppose. You want to go to the match, but sometimes you just
   can‟t with the kids and so on. You‟ll know, it [attending football
   matches] costs a lot of money these days too – not that I
   didn‟t spend a bit more than I could afford then. Since John
   bought this place, he‟s put all the matches on. […] It probably
   isn‟t quite as good as going to the match but all the lads who
   used to travel come here and that‟s important. […] I‟ve always
   just liked watching the match with my mates.
                                       Ste, „Red Lion‟, 20 August 2011

Really save time?
Really save money?

Together the community of „lads‟ cheered, chanted and drank
  beer together, as they would if they had been at the match
I wouldn‟t have done it [not attended away matches] in
   the lower league or even the first couple of years in
   the Premier League. But you get a bit bored with it
   [the EPL], in the end don‟t you?
                           Paul, „Red Lion‟, 20 August 2011

Told that they had grown increasingly frustrated with
  „sanitised‟ match atmospheres
No-one claimed these actions were „political‟. In fact
  when I asked I was told „not to be so fucking daft‟
None said that these broadcasts would effect their
  personal subscriptions although John, the landlord said
  that it might shape his decision about whether to
  subscribe to Sky through his pub.
Dave, landlord from the „Royal Oak‟ said his pub locally pioneered
  by being one of the places that could „more or less guarantee
  [that] the match would be on […] when we could first get
  foreign channels‟ (interview 28 July 2011). As a result, „people
  started coming from all over to watch the matches here […]
  not just Standish, but Shevington, Appley Bridge, Beech
  Hill, Aspull [all districts of Wigan]. All over the place‟
  (Dave, interview 28 July 2011).
The „lads‟ in „The Red Lion‟ had to pass through several other
  districts .
They did so for reasons of sociality or, as Castells (1989a: 93)
  argued with reference to the milieu of innovation, to be „where
  the action is‟ – in this context, „the action‟ was in the locale of
  public house in the company of friends, rather than at the
  football match.
Conclusions: Locality and Community
   „All over‟ means very local. Parallel broadcasts are
    local/national, overseas and then potentially local again.
   The „local‟ pub could be a site where communities
    crystallise, outside of football clubs and authorities control
   While supporters do not always recognise the politics of their
    actions, others have made deliberate attempts to avoid visiting
    matches to act against the communities perceived loss of
    football.
   Contradictory relationship that some traditional supporters
    might feel they have with the commercialisation – and in turn
    globalisation – of a local game in that by not attending matches
    they are resisting one form of global capitalism in football -
    while consuming many of the products of its derivatives in
    alternative broadcasts.
   Locality, community and resistance (in overt and hidden forms)
    appear intertwined.

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Mmu football conference football’s coming home

  • 1. Football’s Coming Home?: A Sociology of Alternative Football Broadcasts Peter Millward and Matthew David Peter.Millward2@durham.ac.uk Millward, P. (2011) The Global Football League: Transnational Networks, Social Movements and Sport in the New Media Age. Palgrave.
  • 2. Introduction  Journal article: ◦ Uses Castells notions of „transnationalism‟ and „re- territorialisation‟ in the „network society‟ ◦ Explores „institutional processes and producers of alternative broadcasts‟ and „fan practices‟ related to these.  Today‟s paper: Latter of these themes  „Parallel imported broadcasts‟ include: ◦ Re-imported broadcasts ◦ Live streams
  • 3. BBC’s „Internet football piracy alert‟ (2009)  http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7927818.stm  In stark contrast to the widely held appeal of watching football  „Poor‟ quality disputed  Why would this way of viewing be without „community‟?
  • 4. Primary research  Two sites – „Royal Oak‟ and „The Red Lion‟ in Wigan (place not intended to be of consequence)  Long-standing connection to Wigan Athletic fans in „The Red Lion‟ pub  Weed (2006) drew on England fans during the 2002 FIFA World Cup and argued that „the “collective enjoyment” or “shared communal experience”‟ (2006: 90) is a major appeal of watching football in hostelries.  In an era in which the public house trade has diminished such broadcasts have „made a massive difference [to the level of custom], especially when the games were on‟ (Karen Murphy, quoted in The News 2011) to the point where Dave from „Royal Oak‟ admitted that „a big Saturday afternoon of football is now my busiest time of the week‟.  The nature of their support had altered: while they are still „home‟ match „season-ticket‟ holders most of the group do not generally attend „away‟ matches, especially those which are not defined as „big‟ or involve considerable travel.
  • 5. I think you just get older, and life catches up with you a bit, I suppose. You want to go to the match, but sometimes you just can‟t with the kids and so on. You‟ll know, it [attending football matches] costs a lot of money these days too – not that I didn‟t spend a bit more than I could afford then. Since John bought this place, he‟s put all the matches on. […] It probably isn‟t quite as good as going to the match but all the lads who used to travel come here and that‟s important. […] I‟ve always just liked watching the match with my mates. Ste, „Red Lion‟, 20 August 2011 Really save time? Really save money? Together the community of „lads‟ cheered, chanted and drank beer together, as they would if they had been at the match
  • 6. I wouldn‟t have done it [not attended away matches] in the lower league or even the first couple of years in the Premier League. But you get a bit bored with it [the EPL], in the end don‟t you? Paul, „Red Lion‟, 20 August 2011 Told that they had grown increasingly frustrated with „sanitised‟ match atmospheres No-one claimed these actions were „political‟. In fact when I asked I was told „not to be so fucking daft‟ None said that these broadcasts would effect their personal subscriptions although John, the landlord said that it might shape his decision about whether to subscribe to Sky through his pub.
  • 7. Dave, landlord from the „Royal Oak‟ said his pub locally pioneered by being one of the places that could „more or less guarantee [that] the match would be on […] when we could first get foreign channels‟ (interview 28 July 2011). As a result, „people started coming from all over to watch the matches here […] not just Standish, but Shevington, Appley Bridge, Beech Hill, Aspull [all districts of Wigan]. All over the place‟ (Dave, interview 28 July 2011). The „lads‟ in „The Red Lion‟ had to pass through several other districts . They did so for reasons of sociality or, as Castells (1989a: 93) argued with reference to the milieu of innovation, to be „where the action is‟ – in this context, „the action‟ was in the locale of public house in the company of friends, rather than at the football match.
  • 8. Conclusions: Locality and Community  „All over‟ means very local. Parallel broadcasts are local/national, overseas and then potentially local again.  The „local‟ pub could be a site where communities crystallise, outside of football clubs and authorities control  While supporters do not always recognise the politics of their actions, others have made deliberate attempts to avoid visiting matches to act against the communities perceived loss of football.  Contradictory relationship that some traditional supporters might feel they have with the commercialisation – and in turn globalisation – of a local game in that by not attending matches they are resisting one form of global capitalism in football - while consuming many of the products of its derivatives in alternative broadcasts.  Locality, community and resistance (in overt and hidden forms) appear intertwined.